
Glass. 
Book 



m*m& 



"1 



[ 



- : \- _ — 

"The Enemies of Sound Currency are Rally- 
ing their Scattered Forces."— William 
McSCinley. 




THE MEASURE OF VALUE MUST POS- 
SESS THE GREATEST VALUE. 



Gold the Best Money Material — Dangers 
from the Unlimited Coinage of Sil- 
ver — How Wage-Earners 
Would Suffer. 



By THOMAS HITCHCOCK, 

("Matthew Marshall.") 

Money is anything which serves by com- 
mon consent, and with or without the help 
of law, as a measure of the values of com- 
modities and a means for making exchanges 
of them easy. 

We measure the length of cloth by the 
yard, and the weight of sugar, flour, butter, 
etc., by the pound, saying that a piece of 
cloth is so many yards long, and that a par- 
ticular quantity of sugar, butter or flour 
weighs so many pounds. In like manner, 
since these commodities have different val- 
ues, we express the value of each of them 
by saying that cloth is worth so many dol- 
lars and cents per yard, and sugar, flour 
and butter so many cents, or hundredth 
parts of a dollar, per pound. Dollars and 
cents are the common measure of value, as 
the yard and its fractions are of length, 
and pounds and ounces are of weight. 

Money a Measure of Value. 

Since dollars and cents thus measure the 
values of commodities, they make the ex- 



change of them easy. Without their help, 
the man who wanted, with his wheat, his 
corn or his cotton, to buy sugar, flour, but- 
ter or any other commodity, would have to 
do a great deal of ciphering to find out 
just how much wheat or corn or cotton it 
would take to pay for what he wanted. 

Suppose a bushel of wheat to be worth as 
much as ten pounds of sugar and its owner 
wanted only seven pounds: he would have 
to measure out seven-tenths of a bushel of 
wheat to pay for the sugar. Perhaps, too, 
the man who had the sugar would not want 
wheat at all, but would take corn only. 
Then, the man with the wheat would have 
to seek for somebody who had corn and 
would take wheat in exchange for it, at, 
say, two bushels and ahalf of corn for one 
of wheat. When he found him, he would 
have to do more ciphering to see how much 
corn he must give for his seven pounds of 
sugar; and the same process would have to 
be repeated with every purchase he made. 
All this trouble is avoided by selling the 
wheat for money and buying with money 
the sugar. 

It is easy to split up a dollar, and every- 
body is willing to take dollars for what he 
has to sell, because with them he can buy 
whatever he wants in turn, and as much or 
as little as he chooses. 

A Measure of Value. 

To be a measure of value, money must it- 
self possess value, just as a measure of 
length must itself have length to measure 
length, and a measure of weight must have 
weight to measure weight. If a yardstick 
had no length, we could not use it to meas- 
ure cloth withj and if a pound had no 
weight, we could not weigh anything with 
it. In the same way, if a dollar had no 
value, a million dollars would be worth 
no more than one, and no one would accept 
a million of them in payment for his com- 



cause if a man could not get rid of them 
when he wanted to, he would not take them. 
This was the trouble with cattle, iron, 
brass, tobacco, skins and wampum; and it 
is now the trouble with silver. 

Tea circulates in Asia and salt in Africa 
because everybody can use these commodi- 
ties, and therefore everybody accepts them, 
Their defect is that they are liable to dam- 
age by keeping. Tea loses its flavor in time, 
and salt is injured by dampness. They are, 
besides, bulky and take up a great deal of 
room. 

Gold, now, besides possessing value, is 
acceptable all over the civilized world. It 
loses nothing by keeping, it is of small bulk 
in proportion to its value, it can be cut up 
into small pieces and then melted together 
again without loss of weight, and it can be 
buried in the ground for centuries and come 
out as good as ever. Silver has some of 
these qualities, but it is bulkier than gold 
in proportion to its value, it tarnishes more 
quickly, and latterly it has been produced 
so abundantly that its value, as we know, 
has fallen more than one-half from what it 
was formerly. Hence it has been discarded 
as a measure of value by all European na- 
tions and by the United States. As has 
been said, we discarded it really in 1834 
and by act of Congress in 1873. Since 1873 
gold has been in this country, as it is in 
Europe, the only recognized standard by 
which the values of other things are reck- 
oned. 



Unlimited Coinage off Silver. 

The Democratic party does not deny that, 
since 1873, the gold dollar has been the 
only measure of value in use in this coun- 
try, and that since 1870 all contracts for 
the payment of dollars have been virtually 
made for the payment of gold dollars. Even 
during the suspension of coin payments, 
from 1862 to 1879, the country repeatedly 



promised to redeem the greenbacks in gold, 
and everybody who took and gave green- 
backs did so with the knowledge that they 
would, as soon as possible, as they were in 
1879, be made as good as gold. 

It is true also that, as has been already 
said, the Government began in 1878 to coin 
silver dollars at the ratio of 16 to 1, and to 
make them a legal tender the same as gold 
dollars, but it coined them slowly and un- 
der a pledge to keep their value equal to 
that of the gold dollar. Thus far the pledge 
has been redeemed, because the amount ot 
silver dollars is comparatively small, and 
they are received, like gold dollars, in pay- 
ment of dues to the Government, which in 
one single year more than equal them in 
amount. While there are altogether only 
500,000,000 of them in existence, the Gov- 
ernment collected from the people last year 
$600,000,000. 

Silver would Flow to out* Mints. 
The Democratic party proposes now to 
throw the coinage of silver at the old ratio 
of 16 to 1 open to everybody, and let every- 
body who chooses bring to our mint what 
is now 47 cents worth of silver and get back 
for it a silver dollar. There is in the world 
already enough silver to make 4,000,000,000 
of our dollars. The Bank of France alone 
has enough for 250,000,000; Germany enough 
for 100,000,000, and the silver mines of vari- 
ous countries are already producing 115,- 
000,000 ounces a year which would add over 
200 000,000 dollars to the mass, to say noth- 
ing' of the increase of their output which 
would follow tis offer to coin the metal 
without limit into dollars as available tor 
the payment of debts as gold dollars are. 
That the effect of the coinage of this im- 
mense amount of silver dollars would be 
to reduce their value to that of the metal 
in them, that is to say, to 47 per cent, of 
the value of the present dollar, is evident. 



Whenever silver bullion was made coinable 
into dollars at the pleasure of any holder, 
it would be as valuable uncoined as coined. 
Silver bars would pass from hand to hand at 
their coining value, as gold bars do now. 
For the same reason, coined dollars would 
be worth only as much as the silver in them 
was worth, since they could be made out of 
bars to any amount at pleasure. 

The silver dollars being thus of less vatee 
than the gold dollars, it would take more 
of them to buy the same amount of any 
commodity than it would of gold dollars. 
For, as has been before shown, money is a 
measure of value only because it possesses 
value, and the value it possesses is the 
measure by which other values are meas- 
ured. 

Wage-Earners would Suffer. 

For people who neither owed money nor 
had money owing to them, the change from 
the gold dollar to the silver dollar as the 
measure of value would be neither a bene Lit 
nor an injury. They would get more dol- 
lars for what they sold, but give more for 
what they bought. It would be like calling 
18 inches a yard and 8 ounces a pound. A 
piece of cloth would be no longer if it was 
called 20 yards than if it was called 10 
yards, and a pail of butter would hold no 
more butter when the pound was 8 ounces 
than when it was 16 ounces. The real suf- 
ferers would be creditors and earners of 
wages and salaries. 

The man who had lent out $1,000 in gold, 
or taken notes to that amount for property 
sold by him, would get back $1,000 in money 
which would enable him to buy no more 
than he could have bought with $470 when 
he lent the $1,000 or sold the property on 
credit for $1,000. In the same way the 
mechanic, the laborer, the clerk and every 
man, woman and child receiving pay for 
services would find his or her compensation, 
though apparently the same, really cut down 



Money may be Made of Various Materials. 

Gold and silver are the materials out of 
which, are made the money commonly used 
in civilized countries; but they were not 
aiways such, nor are they such everywhere 
now. In certain countries of Europe, in 
ancient times, cattle constituted the chief 
part of people's wealth, and values were 
measured by them. It was so many head 
of cattle for so much clothing, arms or 
whatever else, other than cattle, people de- 
sired to buy or to sell. 

In Sparta, iron was the measure ; in Rome, 
brass at first, and then silver and gold. In 
this country, while we were British colon- 
ies, we used tobacco, Indian wampum — 
which consisted of beads made from the 
rarer kinds of shells and were valued as 
ornaments as we now value diamonds and 
pearls — and furs. 

In Mexico, when the Spaniards first dis- 
covered it, the beans out of which cocoa and 
chocolate are made, were used for money, 
and in the same country pieces of soap still 
serve for small change. 

In some parts of Asia, tea, pressed into 
small bricks, and in Africa, cakes of salt are 
more or less the money in circulation. 

The money of China is silver, not coined, 
but taken by weight; .and that of India, 
Mexico, and several South American Re- 
publics is silver coin. In all civilized coun- 
tries, however, gold has become exclusively 
the measure of value, although silver in re- 
stricted amounts is still in circulation. 

Gold the Best Money Material. 

It has been shown that whatever is used 
as a measure of value must itself possess 
value, because, if it did not possess value, 
nobody would give in exchange for it any- 
thing valuable. More than this, the things 
used for money must not only have a value, 
but they must be generally acceptable. They 
must pass readily from hand to hand; be- 



modities any more willingly than he would 
one. 

The Ratio 16 to 1. 

The dollar which, with its fractions called 
cents, is the measure of value in this coun- 
try, consisted at first both of 371}4 grains 
of pure silver and of 24.75 grains of pure 
gold. This made the silver in the silver 
dollar weigh fifteen times as much as the 
gold in the gold dollar; and hence it is 
said that the ratio of .the two metals was 
15 to 1. Afterwards, in 1834, we reduced 
the weight of gold in the gold dollar to 
23.2 grains of pure gold, or 25.8 grains of 
gold nine-tenths fine, leaving the silver dol- 
lar at 371^4 grains of pure silver or 412% 
grains of silver nine-tenths fine. This 
changed the mint ratio of the two metals to 
about 16 to 1, at which it has ever since re- 
mained. 

The reason for the change was that at 
15 to 1 gold was undervalued in comparison 
with its value in Europe, so that it was all 
exported and left us only silver dollars for 
use as money, but the ratio of 16 to 1 was 
too much in favor of gold, and undervalued 
silver. Hence, silver became worth in 
Europe more than we allowed for it, and 
was in turn exported, leaving us only gold 
coin. 

From 1834 down to 1873, the silver dollar 
was worth $1.06 in gold, and consequently 
ceased to circulate as money; so that in 
1873 we repealed the law authorizing its 
coinage, supposing it would never again be 
wanted. 

In 1878, however, silver had so fallen in 
value that the 16 to 1 ratio overvalued it, 
and then we recommenced coining it on 
Government account and have continued it, 
until now we have coined 500,000,000 
silver dollars, of which 66,000,000 are in 
actual use and the rest are in the Treasury, 
being represented by certificates payable in 
silver dollars on demand. 



by the rise in the prices of everything that 
they had to buy — food, fuel, clothing, espec- 
ially — to less than one-half of what they 
had been. In order to live as well as they 
did before they would have to insist on 
higher wages, and though they would get 
them in the end, they would have to fight 
for them and go through all the misery and 
turmoil of strikes. 

Would Reduce Savings Bank Deposits. 

The immensity of the values which the 
unlimited coinage of the silver dollar would 
destroy can hardly be computed. The Gov- 
ernment bonds alone which would be paya- 
ble in silver amount to $700,000,000; the 
bonds of railroad companies to $3,000,000,- 
000 ; the bonds secured by mortgages on real 
estate to $4,000,000,000; the notes held by 
banks to $5,000,000,000— besides book debts, 
and things of that kind to an unknown ex- 
tent. Above all, the $2,500,000,000 of de- 
posits in savings banks due to 5,000,000 de- 
positors would be reduced more than one- 
half, sweeping away the savings of years. 
What privations, suffering and general mis- 
ery would follow, any one can judge for 
himself. 

The unlimited coinage of the silver dol- 
lars would, therefore, benefit no one but 
those who happened to owe money when it 
began, and even these, as soon as their debts 
were paid, would be in the same condition 
as the rest of the community. Creditors 
and wage-earners would, on the other hand, 
be robbed of millions and never get them 
back. While the change, too, from gold to 
silver was going on business would be in 
confusion, there would be no end of quar- 
rels between debtors and creditors, and we 
might even have a financial panic, worse 
than any which the country has heretofore 
experienced. 

Thomas Hitchcock, 

"Matthew Marshall." 



The Credit of the Country has been 
advanced to the Highest Place 
among All Nations." — William 
McKinley. 



Increased Credit 

...OF... 

American 
Municipalities 



How Sound Money has Lightened the 

Burdens of Taxpayers in 

American Cities. 



By ERNEST H. EVERSZ, of Chicago. 



One of the most marked features of the 
security market after the Presidential cam- 
paign of 1896 was the large and increasing 
credit which the investing public extended to 
American municipalities. 

While the free silver campaign was in prog- 
ress, municipal corporations, such as cities, 
counties, school districts and the like, found 
it practically impossible to borrow money, 
although their credit had previously been of 
the highest order. Most municipalities made 
no attempt at selling bonds during the three 
months before the election, preferring to 
await a more favorable time; some, how- 
ever, advertised their loans, but refused to 
accede to the high rates of interest demanded, 
while others received no bids at all. The City 
of Boston, for instance, advertised to sell 
$1,000,000 rapid transit 4 per cent, bonds Oc- 
tober 29, 1896, but rejected all bids as the 
premium offered was comparatively small. 
Binghamton N. Y., Minneapolis Minn., 
Champaign 111., and many other municipali- 
ties, did not receive a single offer for their 
bonds, although the advertisements were 
published extensively. 



RESULT OF LACK OF CONFIDENCE. 

This condition of affairs was the direct re- 
sult of the wide-spread lack of confidence 
which silver agitation had engendered. 

Mr. Bryan and his followers had assailed 
the legal and existing standard of value and 
proposed to enact legislation which would 



In December, 1897, the city of Chicago sold 
$100,000 3is, obtaining practically the same 
premium which six months previously it had 
received for a like amount, bearing 4 per 
cent., both issues running twenty years. 

In 1896, the city of Milwaukee sold $160,000 
school bonds at such a premium as to have it 
equivalent to borrowing the money at four 
per cent. In May, 1897, a similar loan was 
placed at a net rate of about 3£ per cent. 

Dayton, Ohio, sold its school bonds on a 
4.83 per cent, basis in 1896, and on a 3.80 basis 
in 1897. 

Examples could be multiplied, but these 
are sufficient to indicate the fact that, under 
the present improved conditions, municipali- 
ties are able to borrow money at a rate 
averaging more than one-half of one per cent, 
less than in 1896. 



MUNICIPAL DEBT REFUNDED. 

The amount of municipal bonds publicly 
advertised for sale during the past four years 
is approximately $450,000,000, and as this 
amount is probably three fourths of all the 
municipal bonds actually sold, the grand sum 
total of municipal loans for that period should 
be about $600,000,000. 

When one considers further the vast 
amount of municipal debt which has been re- 
funded at 3, 3£ and 4 per cent, during that 
time, it is easily seen that sound money has 
saved the taxpayers of the U. S. millions of 
dollars in bond interest alone. 



The smaller municipalities have been most 
benefited by the increased credit which 
has been extended. Cities and towns in the 
Central West can now borrow money at rates 
practically as low as do similar municipalities 
in the East, while Western and Southern 
municipal bonds are issued and placed at 
much lower rates of interest than formerly. 

ALL INVESTORS HAVE BENEFITED. 

Institutions, savings banks, insurance com- 
panies, and investors generally have also re- 
ceived a profit from the impro ed credit of 
American municipalities. The premiums on 
their bonds have advanced so that they could 
sell their holdings in the market at a consid- 
erable advance. The following is a list of 
some typical government and municipal bonds 
and the percentage of interest they netted 
on August 21, 1896, and at the present time: 

BONDS. 1896 1900 

U.S. Government, 4' s (1907) 3.25 1.95 

Boston, Mass., 4's 3.50 3.00 

Kansas City, Mo., 4^'s 3.70 3.18 

Cleveland, Ohio, 5's 3.80 3.10 

Milwaukee, Wis., 5's 3.75 3.00 

Grand Rapids, Mich., 5's 3.75 3.12 

Chicago, 111., 4's 3.87 3.10 

Omaha, Neb., 5' s 4.25 3.50 

Dayton, Ohio, 5's 4.25 3.20 

Colorado Springs, Colo., 5's 4.38 3.63 

Ludington, Mich., 5's 4.50 3.63 

Seattle, Wash., 5's 4.80 4.00 

Muscatine, Iowa, 6' s 4.75 3.63 

In the above it will be observed that the 
city of Dayton, Ohio, has better credit in 1900, 



as indicated by the rate at which its bonds 
are quoted, than the Government of the Uni- 
ted States had in 1896. 



BRYANISM VS. SOUND MONEY. 

To sum up — Bryanism in 1896, with its 
assault on the national standard of value — 

1st. Drove gold out of general use and caused 
a monetary stringency. 

2d. Caused general business stagnation, few 
caring to loan while in doubt as to the 
kind of money which would be paid 
back. 

3d. Produced business stagnation, which in 
turn affected the value of property 
and impaired the revenues of munici- 
palities. 

The sound money victory was followed by 
just the opposite results — 

1st. Gold was again brought into circulation 
and money became abundant. 

2d. A revival of business followed and cap- 
ital began to seek investment. 

3d. Higher property values were inevitable 
and the revenues of municipalities 
increased. 

Other factors have entered since 1896 which 
have tended to increase the good effects which 
followed the sound money victory. The large 



undermined, if not utterly destroyed. A city 
whose resources have been diminished by 
hard times, and whose income has been par- 
tially cut off, is relatively in no better shape 
to borrow money than an individual in a 
similar fix. 

WHEN THEY CAN BORROW. 

The election of Wm. McKinley, however, 
and the triumph of sound money brought the 
return of confidence which had been pre- 
dicted. 

The credit of American municipalities was 
speedily re-established. 

The wealth of the country once more began 
to flow through the arteries of trade, and the 
nation entered upon a period of unprece- 
dented industrial activity. 

Improved business conditions brought a 
natural enhancement in the value of property, 
and larger revenues from taxation with which 
to meet municipal obligations. The fear of a 
debased currency having been removed, the 
market for municipal securities revived and 
broadened as never before. 

It then became easy for municipalities to 
borrow money. During the past four years 
municipal loans have been placed freely at 
rates very much lower than prevailed in 1896, 
or before. 

For instance, the city of New York, in 
July, 1896, received a small premium for sev- 
eral issues of long time bonds, bearing 3$ per 
cent., while six months later the city re- 
ceived par for bonds bearing only 3 per cent. 



permit the liquidation of debts by the pay- 
ment of 50 cent dollars. It was natural there- 
fore that the only money which could not be 
unfavorably affected by such legislation — 
viz.,' gold coin — should have been largely 
taken from circulation and locked up. 

The lack of confidence manifested itself in 
6till another way, for so long as there was 
any prospect that loans, made at a time when 
the gold standard of value was practically in 
effect, might later be paid off in the de- 
preciated currency of a silver standard, the 
shrewd man preferred not to loan at all, 
whether to individuals, to cities or to the 
government. 

Municipal credit was therefore affected not 
only because there was less money free to 
loan to cities, counties and school districts — 
most of the gold having been taken from cir- 
culation — but also because men were unwill- 
ing to loan, not knowing whether they would 
receive the full value loaned when the loan 
was paid. 

WHEN CITIES CAHNOT BORROW. 

The effect of the general distrust was par- 
ticularly manifest in the condition of the 
municipalities themselves. 

The perpetuity of cities depends upon 
business conditions. 

Jv"hen business is at a standstill and com- 
merce is paralyzed, values shrink; the rev- 
enues derived from the taxation of property 
and the basis of a sound municipal loan is 



yields of gold from Cape Nome and the Klon- 
dike and the increased bank note circulation 
made possible by the new financial bill have 
necessarily enlarged the volume of money in 
circulation and resulted in a corresponding 
extension of credit. 

There was no turn in the affairs of the 
nation, however, until the people reaffirmed 
their belief and intention of paying honest 
debts in honest money. 

So long as there was even a possibility that 
the commercial honor of America was to be 
surrendered by debasing the currency, dis- 
tress, discredit and business stagnation was 
inevitable. 



j T^PFS^ glCOUNCrLg 44 






"The Credit of the Country has been ad- 
vanced to the highest place among all 
Nations."-William McKinley. 





If Elected President He Might 
Put the Treasury On a 
Silver Basis With- 
out Authority 
of Law. 



AN ENDLESS CHAIN 
OF SILVER. 



Would Be Compelled to Resort to 

More Bond Issues, But Could 

Not Sell Them at the Rate 

of Interest Allowed 

by Law. 



A MENACE TO LABOR AND 
INDUSTRY. 



Could a President and Secretary of the 
Treasury, by their own administration 
methods, without legislation from Congress, 
destroy the gold standard and put the coun- 
try on the silver basis? 

What results may be anticipated as a 
consequence of such efforts? 

The two questions may be best treated in 
a single answer. Suppose Mr. Bryan's 
election and the new administration, cher- 
ishing the purposes in question, should be 
inaugurated to-morrow. 

It would find in the Treasury belonging 
to the Government the sum of 376 millions. 
Of this large total, 222 millions are in gold 
coin and bullion; 16 millions in silver dol- 
lars or silver certificates; 95 millions to its 
credit in bank subject to check; 26 millions 
in its own legal tender notes (greenbacks) ; 
8% millions in national bank notes (in pro- 
cess of redemption) ; 8^ millions in subsi- 
diary silver. 

With the purpose under consideration 
seriously in mind, it is probable that the 
first step in the program would be to de- 
clare that all interest on the public debt 
(not specifically payable in gold), and all 
public payments of every kind due from 
the Government to its creditors, were justly 
payable in silver and that the Government 
would exercise its own option as to whether 
it would pay in silver or in gold. 

Would be a Shock to Business. 

That such a declaration would be a se- 
vere shock is plain enough. There would 
be a general inability to understand the full 



Government would pay silver; the Govern- 
ment would receive silver in payment. In- 
cluding internal revenue taxes, the Govern- 
ment's annual receipts are (exclusive of 
postal revenues) about 568 millions. The 
total amount of silver is, say, 500 millions. 
So easily within one year it could all, if 
necessary, be paid into the Government 
Treasury. Of course (in the case supposed) 
it would go out again for interest and ex- 
penses as fast as it came in, to again run 
into its best channel for use, viz.: dues to 
the Government. 

Contracts Would be Made in Gold. 
How, now, about the commercial and 
financial world? Would it, because the 
Government had adopted the course in ques- 
tion, follow its example and adopt silver as 
the money of account and settlement? 
Probably not. Fully aware of the economic 
value of maintaining the world's standard 
money — gold — the financial and commer- 
cial community would struggle to maintain 
that standard in all the large affairs of bus- 
iness life. All contracts would be made by 
specific terms payable in gold. Silver, as 
has been said, would be shunted into the 
Treasury. If necessary, banks would keep 
two accounts with their customers — one in 
"gold," the other in "Government funds." 
Would this effort succeed? It is a question 
hard to answer, but the example of the Pa- 
cific Coast States may be cited, where, com- 
paratively financially feeble, the gold stand- 
ard was successfully maintained in all their 
commercial affairs from 1862 to 1879. 



Treasury Gold Reserve Would be Ex- 
hausted. 

A movement to maintain the gold stand- 
ard in commercial affairs would be strong- 
handed in the beginning. The cash reserves 
in all the commercial centers now consist 
of gold and legal tender notes. Silver 
forms no part of the reserves worthy of 
mention. The present holdings of actual 
gold could be largely increased by the pres- 
entation of legal tender notes to the Treas- 
ury for redemption. Is it answered that if 
so they would be redeemed in silver? That 
answer cannot stand. 

It is clear that with only 16 millions of 
silver on hand the presentation of 150 mil- 
lions in notes for redemption would quickly 
exhaust that fund, when the treasury would 
be obliged to part with its gold, or entirely 
repudiate its obligations. That it would part 
with its gold in the redemption of green- 
backs is of all things the most probable. 
The word probable is used, for in this field 
we can only reach probabilities; but proba- 
bilities built upon the action of human na- 
ture, moved by the sentiments of self-inter- 
est or self-preservation, are much stronger 
than speculative fancies. 

It is affirmed, then, that it is probable 
the reserve gold fund of the Treasury would 
be exhausted in the redemption of green- 
backs. At a very early period the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury would be brought to 
face a condition where the gold reserve set 
apart for the redemption of the legal tender 



notes would be below the sum of $100,- 
000,000. 

Bond Issues Would be Necessary. 

The mandate of law requires the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, when the coin and bul- 
lion in said fund (the 150 million reserve) 
shall fall below 100 millions to restore the 
same to the maximum sum of 150 millions 
in gold coin, and if necessary he is required 
(not authorized) to sell coupon or regis- 
tered bonds of the United States, bearing 
interest at a rate not exceeding three per 
cent., such bonds * * * * to be pay- 
able, principal and interest, in gold coin of 
the present standard value. 

What, under such circumstances, would 
the Secretary do? Would he refuse to per- 
form the duty imposed upon him by the law. 
and thus render himself liable to impeach- 
ment? Probably not. 

IT IS THE MORE PROBABLE THAT IF 
HE HAD FOLLOWED THE POLICY OF 
ENFORCED SILVER PAYMENTS HERE 
SKETCHED HE WOULD HAVE SO IM- 
PAIRED THE GOVERNMENT'S CREDIT 
THAT IT WOULD BE IMPOSSIBLE FOR 
HIM TO DISPOSE OF THE BONDS AT 
THE RATE OF INTEREST ALLOWED 
BY THE LAW. 



Deficiency of Revenue Would be Created. 

It is further to be considered that in the 
course of affairs business derangement 
would have been widespread and serious. 
Public revenues would have fallen. Instead 
of a surplus a deficiency would have been 
created. In that event, and unable to bor- 
row without new legislation, the Treasury 
would become unable to redeem its outstand- 



ing duties to pay could secure them for 
such payments. 

Gold would be held back, except to sup- 
plement, as might be necessary, the other 
forms of money, and instead of the present 
large proportion of gold now received at the 
custom-house, that percentage would be re- 
duced to the lowest possible minimum. Thus 
the Treasury's present stock of silver would 
receive a daily re-enforcement. 

Treasury on a Silver Basis. 

If we inquire whether this source of sup- 
ply would be sufficient to enable the Treas- 
ury to make all payments in silver, we raise 
a question difficult of answer. It is true 
that there is in the hands of the people 
some 480 millions in silver dollars and sil- 
ver certificates, but these are scattered over 
our wide-spreading domain ; they are no- 
where concentrated. It is, therefore, doubt- 
ful whether for some time to come as much 
as $800,000 per day in silver (the average 
daily customs receipts) could be secured. 
Part of the payment would be in gold, and 
therefore part of the Government's dis- 
bursements would necessarily be in gold. It 
would then be a considerable time before 
the Treasury could be said to be upon a 
"silver basis." 

It is likely that the time would eventually 
come when its receipts would substantially 
all be in silver and greenbacks, and its pay- 
ments would be made in the same funds. 
What then? There would have been estab- 
lished a new kind of endless chain. The 



scope and influence of such proposed ac- 
tion. When people cannot understand 
or measure dangers to their interests they 
will either run or hide. A danger that can 
be measured may be bravely met; one 
that cannot be measured excites panicky 
fears. Such a declaration would, there- 
fore, be quite certain to call a halt in 
many forms of industry. Commercial men 
and trades of every name would be disposed 
to diminish their transactions. General 
credit would be impaired, and reduced in effi- 
ciency. Contemplated enterprises would be 
suspended, and labor, as a natural conse- 
quence, would find a decreased demand for 
its services. Such is a rational and unex- 
aggerated presentation of the first effects of 
such an announcement. 



Gold Would be Held Back. 

But would the effort to destroy the gold 
standard be successful if unaided by Con- 
gressional action? It has been shown 
above that the Treasury is possessed of only 
16 millions in silver. Suppose it paid its 
daily outgoes exclusively in silver. Unless 
re-enforced, its stock of silver would be ex- 
hausted in ten days, and then it would be 
obliged to pay in gold. That the present 
stock of silver would be supplemented by 
new receipts there can be no doubt. Cus- 
tom-house dues are payable in gold, silver, 
or legal tender notes. It is beyond doubt 
that, under the conditions herein contem- 
plated, silver and legal tender notes would 
go to the customs to the extent parties hav- 



ing legal tender obligations, either in gold 
or silver. 

Such is the end to which the effort to put 
the Treasury upon the silver basis would 
finally come. 

Bryan Could Put the Country on Silver 
Basis. 

The following conclusions are warranted 
by a critical analysis of probabilities: 

An unfriendly administration could, with- 
out further legislation, put the Government 
upon the silver basis. 

To accomplish this end would require 
skill, persistency, and a disregard for law. 
however adroitly concealed. 

The effort to accomplish it would seriously 
disturb general finances, trade, and indus- 
try. 

IT WOULD IMPAIR THE PUBLIC 
CREDIT AND MAKE IT IMPOSSIBLE 
TO SELL BONDS for the restoration of the 
gold reserve within the limits of interest 
required by law. 

Would Cripple the Country. 

Its effect upon trade and industry would 
be such as to impair the revenue, so that 
a deficiency would be created instead of a 
surplus realized. 

IT WOULD CRIPPLE THE TREASURY 
AND SO DISABLE IT THAT IT COULD 
NOT REDEEM ITS DEMAND OBLIGA- 
TIONS, EITHER IN SILVER OR GOLD. 

It would not of necessity reduce the coun- 
try in its general operations of trade and 
industry to the silver basis. 

As in California during the Civil War, 
gold could be maintained as the standard 
in commercial affairs, in which case silver 
and legal tender Government notes might, 
and probably would, pass at a discount. 



The endless chain has been broken and the drain 
upon our gold reserve no longer frets us. 

—William McKinley, 



BRYAN'S POWER 

FOR DOING MISCHIEF 

Nothing to Prevent Him from Paying 

Public Debt Interest in Silver and 

also Government Notes 



The New Currency Law Not Made Obligatory by Any 

Penalty— A Grave Condition Which Contronts All 

Friends ot Honest Money — Premium on 

Gold Possible in Spite of Congress 

BY THOMAS HITCHCOCK (" MATTHEW MARSHALL") 



The platform adopted by the Demo- 
cratic party, last July, at the Kansas City 
Convention, contains this declaration: 

"We reaffirm and indorse the principles 
of the National Democratic platform 
adopted at Chicago in 1896, and we reiter- 
ate the demand of that platform for an 
American financial system made by the 
American people for themselves, which 
shall restore and retain a bimetallic price 
level; and, as part of such system, the im- 
mediate restoration of the free and unlim- 
ited coinage of silver and gold, at the 
present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without 
waiting for the aid or consent of any 
other nation." 

The effect of passing an act of Congress 
to carry out this declaration would be, 



practically, to substitute for the present 
gold dollar as the standard of monetary 
value, a silver dollar worth only 47 cents 
in gold. This the wiser members of the 
Convention saw, and they saw, moreover, 
that the consequences of such an enact- 
ment would be disastrous to the Demo- 
cratic party, as it would be to the country. 
They, accordingly, opposed with all their 
might the adoption of the declaration and 
would have prevented it, had not Mr. 
Bryan, whose friends were in the major- 
ity, insisted upon it, and by the announce- 
ment that otherwise he would refuse the 
Presidential nomination, succeeded in 
carrying it through. 

COMMITTED TO FREE SILVER. 

Mr. Bryan is, therefore, by his action 
at Kansas City, as well as by the nu- 
merous speeches he made in the Presi- 
dential campaign of 1896, committed to 
the promotion of the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, 
and to the use of all his power as Presi- 
dent, should he be elected, to procure the 
enactment by Congress of a law to that 
effect. That he would do this is as sure 
as anything can be. The same masterful 
spirit that made him risk the loss of his 
nomination rather than seem to have 
abandoned a measure which he advocated 
so earnestly in 1896, is a guarantee that 
he would be no less reckless in promoting 
it after he had obtained the power and 
the patronage of the Presidency. 



for his failing to perform either of these 
duties, nor is there any way of compelling 
him to do it except by threat of impeach- 
ment. 

BRYAN'S CAPACITY FOR MISCHIEF. 

These things being so it is easy to see 
how a silverite President, like Mr. Bryan, 
could do mischief. The Treasury holds 
the principal gold supply of the country, 
and our finances rest quietly upon the 
confident belief that the Government will 
maintain gold payment under any and 
every condition. So long as the Republican 
party remains in power the belief will not 
be shaken. Let, however, Mr. Bryan be- 
come President and the whole aspect of 
affairs would change. He would appoint 
as Secretary of the Treasury a man of his 
own way of thinking, who would, as the 
first thing, offer to pay the interest on the 
public debt in silver dollars, and when 
Government notes were presented at the 
Treasury for redemption, he would offer 
for them only the same coin. This would 
amount to a suspension of gold payments 
by the Government and would put the 
country back to where it was before re- 
sumption in 1879. 

In itself, indeed, the suspension of gold 
payments thus indirectly effected would 
do no great amount of mischief. It would 
not bring the country, as some people 
say it would, to a silver basis. Nothing 
can do that but opening the mints to the 



free coinage of silver without limit, and 
thus making the silver dollar worth no 
more than the silver in it. So long as 
the coinage of silver dollars is restricted 
to a comparatively small amount, as it 
is at present, they will retain an artificial 
value far above that of the silver of which 
they are made. The mischief done would 
be to create general alarm and distrust, 
and, if any large quantity of gold were 
needed for export, to put it to a premium 
over other kinds of money. The banks 
would pay their depositors, and debtors 
would pay their creditors, only in Gov- 
ernment notes, bank notes, silver dollars 
and silver certificates, and so long as the 
Treasury refused to pay out gold, who- 
ever needed it would have to buy it of the 
dealers in it at a premium greater or 
less according to the demand for it. Even 
if the premium rose to no more than 5 
per cent, it would derange all business, 
increase the fluctuations of foreign ex- 
change and, by reviving the memories of 
the Civil War, lead to a great hoarding 
of gold. There might, indeed, ensue a 
monetary panic which would spread over 
the whole land. What people will do in 
the face of a danger, the extent of which 
they cannot see, is proved by the way 
runs on savings banks are started and 
spread. Every depositor in a bank and 
every creditor who had money owing 
him would hasten to call it in and to 
convert his money into gold, before the 
premium became greater than it was. 



A SILVER CIRCULATION COULD BE 
FORCED. 

It is true that the banks and the indi- 
vidual capitalists of the country might 
combine, and call the Secretary's bluff by 
taking the few million silver dollars he 
had on hand, so that he would, thereafter, 
either have to pay in gold, or suspend 
payment altogether. This would, how- 
ever, be only a temporary check to the 
evil. As soon as silver dollars went to a 
discount as compared with gold, though 
it were only for a day or two, their hold- 
ers and the holders of silver certificates 
would avail themselves of their legal 
right to tender them to the Government 
in payment of dues and taxes and the 
Government would get its revenues in 
nothing else. The silver dollars would 
thus become the country's standard cur- 
rency and gold would command a pre- 
mium, as it did during suspension days. 

All this would come merely from the 
election of William J. Bryan, even with 
both Houses of Congress steadfast de- 
fenders of the gold standard. What he 
might do, by the use of patronage, to 
overcome their opposition and secure a 
positive enactment in favor of silver, no- 
body can tell. He would be sure to exert 
his power in this way to the utmost, and 
the knowledge that he was doing it would 
increase the general alarm and intensify 
the panic. Moreover, in case of the occur- 
rence of a vacancy in the Supreme Court 
of the United States, he would fill it with 



OBLIGATIONS PAYABLE IN COIN. 

The principal and interest of all the 
Government bonds outstanding, except 
the 2 per cents issued under the Currency 
act of last March, are payable in "coin," 
because in 1870 when the act authorizing 
the issue of most of them was passed the 
only coin known was gold coin, and it 
was thought unnecessary to say "gold 
coin" expressly. Efforts have repeatedly 
been made since to correct this wording 
and to declare that "coin" means "gold 
coin," but they have been as often de- 
feated by the partisans of free silver. The 
$346,000,000 in Government notes, called 
greenbacks, are also redeemable, accord- 
ing to the Resumption act, in coin, and 
the Treasury notes of 1890 are redeem- 
able in gold or silver coin at the discre- 
tion of the Secretary of the Treasury. 
For the payment of the ordinary debts 
of the Government any kind of money 
is sufficient. 

The Currency act of last March under- 
takes, in a way, to remedy these defects 
in our legislation. It declares that all 
the Government notes shall be redeemed 
in gold coin, and makes it "the duty" of 
the Secretary of the Treasury to main- 
tain all forms of money created by the 
Government at par in gold. To enable 
him to accomplish this, it is also made 
his "duty" to issue and sell for gold coin 
whenever he needs it, Government bonds 
payable in gold, principal and interest. 
At the same time no penalty is provided 



Notwithstanding this plain declaration 
of the intention both of the Democratic 
party as an organization and of its Pres- 
idential candidate personally, to restore 
the free and unlimited coinage of silver 
at the ratio of 16 to 1, as soon as they 
get the power to do it, a considerable 
number of misguided men, who are fully 
aware of the mischief that the measure 
would produce, announce that they mean 
to vote the Democratic ticket. They ex- 
cuse themselves for doing so, partly on 
the ground that the ticket will be defeated 
any way, and that they vote for it only 
to express their hatred of what they call 
the Imperialism of the Republican party; 
and they also assert that even if the ticket 
is successful the Senate will prevent the 
passage of any act likely to impair the 
maintenance of the present gold standard. 
They act as a man would act who should 
set fire to his house, and excuse him- 
self by saying that he did not believe, in 
the first place, that his house would burn, 
and secondly, that, if it did burn, the fire- 
men would prevent the flames from do- 
ing any damage. Evidently every voter 
of this kind who votes for Mr. Bryan will 
help, at least, to elect him. If he is 
elected, even without a Senate and a 
House of Representatives so constituted 
as to support him in passing a silver 
coinage bill, he will have immense power 
for financial mischief, and will exercise it 
to the utmost. 



a man of his own stamp, who would 
try to pervert the decisions of the court 
to the detriment of property rights and 
to the discouragement of industrial en- 
terprise. He could appoint as Attorney 
General and District Attorney men who 
would harass the banks and the corpora- 
tions, with hostile proceedings for every 
little technical violation of law, and 
the importers of foreign goods for every 
failure to comply with the most trivial 
customs regulation. He has promised to 
put the man above the dollar, and the 
man would be himself and his satellites, 
while the dollar would be the dollar of 
every man who earned it by his labor and 
his enterprise. 

Is it safe to take the risk of voting for 
Bryan? Is it not safer to vote for Mc- 
Kinley? 



Skall wo go back to a tariff which brings deficiency 
In our revenues and destruction to our industrial 
enterprises? — William McKinley, 




A Barometer of Prosperity 

and of Activity to 

Labor. 



The greatest prosperity barometers in the 
world are coal and pig iron. Coal, perhaps, is 
the greater of the two. It is the material energy 
of the country; the great factor in all its manu- 
facturing enterprises. 

When the country is prosperous, when all the 
factory chimneys are belching smoke, and when 
all the furnace fires are flaming, then the coal 



miners are busy, the production increases, wages 
advance, and the railroads get enormous tonnage 
in hauling the coal. Shipping is in demand for 
coal cargoes and the entire country throbs with 
the energy generated by coal. 

That the United States, judged by this barom- 
eter, is prospering as it never prospered before, 
is indisputable. That it is a prosperity that 
reaches the masses is also beyond dispute. 

In 1898, under "Prosperity at Home" and 
"Prestige Abroad," the production of coal in the 
United States was not only the largest in our 
history, but larger than that of any other country 
in the world. In 1898, for the first time, the 
United States figures show a larger production 
than that of Great Britain. 

As the production of the United States in 
1899 exceeded that of 1898 by 38,564,983 tons, 
the immense and steadily increasing prosperity 
of the country can be fairly gauged. 

In the following tabulated statement of the 
amount and value of the coal produced in the 
United States, we compare 1896, the last year 
of the Democratic Wilson bill administration, 
with the last year of the present McKinley 
administration, for which figures are available, 
viz., 1899. The figures are official, from the 
United States Geological Survey, Division of 
Mineral Resources. They are commended to the 
attention of the calamity howlers : 



OAL PRODUCT OF THE UNITED STATES IN 
1896 AND 1899, BY STATES. 


STATE. 


1896. 


1899. 


Total 
Production. 

Short Tons. 


Total 

Value. 


Total 
Production. 

Short Tone. 


Total 
Value. 


labama 

rkansas 

alifornia and 

Alaska 

elorado 

eorgla and 
North Carolina. 


5,748,697 
675,374 

93,776 
3,112,400 

246,359 


$ 5,174,135 
755,577 

220,523 
3,606,642 

179,770 


7,234,558 
911,342 

160,335 
S,425,618 

260,008 

20 

23,434,445 

6,529.826 

1,677,100 

5,265,480 

3,948,197 

5,120,375 

5,516,363 

523,084 

3,833,546 

1,956,300 

1,200,668 

116,929 

16,679,880 

90.302 

75,591,554 

3,361,460 

938,765 

787,258 

2.332 627 

2,020,260 

18,755,222 

4,547,733 


$ 7,971,366 
1,015,798 

428,293 
6,115,336 

268,309 

100 

18,408,470 

5,884,514 

2,392,378 

6,617,981 

4.939,821 

4^142,552 

4,295,225 

727,194 

4,413,182 

2,796,021 

1.616,390 

132,133 

14,516,995 

264,493 

55,794,799 

2,973,315 

1,577,482 

995,982 

1,506,077 

4,254,701 

12,572,899 

4,690,163 


linois ... 


19,786,626 

3,905,779 

1,366,646 

3.951,028 

2,884,801 

3,333,478 

4,143.936 

92,882 

2,331,542 

1,543,445 

622,626 

78,050 

12,875.202 

101,721 

49,557,453 

2,553,106 

544,015 

418,627 

1,254,723 

1,195,501 

12,876,296 

2,233,184 


15,809,736 

3,261,737 

1,918,115 

4.628,022 

3.295,032 

2,584,306 

3,299,928 

150,631 

2.518,194 

2,279,672 

930,381 

84,908 

10,253,461 

294,564 

35,368,249 

2.281,295 

896,251 

500,547 

848,851 

2,396,078 

8,336,685 

2,918,225 


odlan Territory. 




entucky 

[aryland 

lichigan 

lissouri 

lontan a 

ew Mexico 

orth Dakota 




ennsylvania 

'ennessee 


rtah 


Tashington 

Test Virginia 

Fyoming 


'otal bituminous, 
ennsylvania 
anthracite 


137,640,276 
54,346,081 


$114,891,515 
81,748,651 


198,219,255 
60,320,395 


$171,311,919 
88,123,493 


Grand total 


191,986,357 


$196,640,166 


258,539,650 


$259,435,412 


By opening the mil 
he coal production of 
rom 191,986,357 torn 
ons in 1899 — an incr 

The figures as to th 
smployed in the coal i 


Is rather 
the cour 
3 in 189 
ease of 6 
e average 
nines of 


than th 
itry has i 
6 to 256 
6,553,29 
3 numbei 
the Unit< 


e mints, 
ncreased 
.,539,650 
3 tons. 
• of men 
3d States 



in 1896 and in 1899 show how the opening o^ 
the mills of the country increased the number ofi 
wage-workers in this one industry. 

IN 1898 THERE WERE 393,162 MEN 
EMPLOYED IN COAL MINING. IN 1898 
THERE WERE 401,221 MEN SO EMj 
PLOYED, AND IN 1899 THERE WERE 
410,635, AN INCREASE OF 17,473 MEN 
EMPLOYED OVER 1896 AND OF OVER 
10,000 OVER 1898. 

There is a tariff on coal, yet we appear to be 
capturing the markets of the world with that 
product. 

In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896, the 
United States exported anthracite and bitumi- 
nous coal valued at $10,646,082. 

In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1898, the 
United States exported anthracite and bitumi- 
nous coal valued at $11,683,749. 

For the year ending June 30, 1900, we have 
exported coal to the value of $19,502,412. 

Steamers are now being chartered almost daily 
to carry coal from the United States to St. 
Petersburg and Stockholm, as well as to Italian, 
French and German ports. 

Expansion is the order of the day in our coal 
industry as in all others. More men are em- 
ployed at the mines. More wages are paid. 
The output is larger. Most of the coal is usedi 
in our own factories, where additional work if 
given to thousands of others of our wage-earn-j 
ers, who are busily employed making goods withA 
which to supply the active American market, as 1 
well as to capture the markets of the world. 
And all of this is the result of a tariff that pro- 
tects American labor and industry. 



No blow has been struck except for liberty and hu- 
manity, and none will be. William McKinley. 



Consent of the Governed 

How it is Practiced by Democrats 
Who Preach Against Re- 
publican Methods 

[Prom the New York Times]. 



Four years ago, in the so-called Democratic 
Convention at Chicago, Senator Benjamin 
R. Tillman, of South Carolina, in offering- a 
resolution to denounce the Administration of 
President Cleveland, made an attempt to 
convert the convention to his view that the 
campaign about to begin was a sectional one, 
in which the South and the West were to be 
combined by a common sentiment against 
the North and the East, to overthrow those 
sections and make their financial opinions 
odious, and to destroy their domination in 
future National financial legislation and 
operations. 

Tillman has learned something since that 
day, when he was deservedly hissed and 
hooted in a convention otherwise none too 
sane or sensible, and the merited rebuke ad- 
ministered by Senator J. K. Jones possibly 
convinced him that sectionalism is as hope- 
less an issue as secession to divide the coun- 
try. But he was still a man of impulse at 
Kansas City. Restored to favor after a civil- 
izing ordeal of four years of service in the 
Senate, he helped to prepare a platform ex- 

"T" 



posing- his party to gross inconsistency or 
insincerity. 

Tillman Forecasts Democratic Methods. 

To Tillman was assigned the task of read- 
ing the platform. He does not lack dramatic 
sense, and he has a large voice. With pro- 
digious volume and vehemence he rolled forth 
the references, in the opening phrases to 
" the inalienable rights " of man guaranteed 
by the Declaration of Independence and the 
Constitution. As a sweet morsel he mouthed 
the language of the declaration that Govern- 
ments must " derive their just powers from 
the consent of the governed." "Any other 
government," he shouted, with sonorous in- 
tensity, " is tyranny, and to impose upon any 
people a government of force is to sustain the 
methods of imperialism," The case of the 
Porto Ricans was described as appealing 
" with peculiar force to our justice and mag- 
nanimity." 

These sentiments were prepared and emit- 
ted by Mr. Tillman for application solely to 
the question of imperialism and the conduct 
of the Administration in endeavoring to deal 
with the new problems that vex the country. 
But they seem to have a more interesting 
meaning, as applied to certain Southern 
States, than they would as interpreted only 
to denounce and embarrass the Administra- 
tion in its effort to establish free govern- 
ments in the Philippines, Cuba and Porto 
Rico. 

Manipulating the Southern Vote. 

Alabama's population in 1890 was 1,513, 
017. There were, upon the common calcula- 
tion of one voter in five, 302,203 voters in that 
State in 1896. Alabama gave to all candi- 



dates for President 193,653 votes, Bryan re- 
ceiving- 130,307. Louisiana's population in 
1800 was 1,118,587. The State was entitled in 
1896 to at least 223,000 votes. It cast 102,016, 
and Bryan had 77,000 of these. Mississippi 
had 1,289,600 population in 1890, and presum- 
ably 257,920 males of voting- age. In 1896 
there were cast for President in Mississippi 
70,545 votes, Bryan getting- 63,859. North 
Carolina was reported in 1890, in the census 
of that year, as having 1,617,947 population. 
The State cast 331,210 votes in the Presi- 
dential contest of 1896, or a little more than 
the reasonable ratio for 1890. South Carolina, 
with a reported population in 1890 of 1,151, 
149, and with not less than 230,000 voters, 
cast for all candidates in 1896, 68,907 votes, 
and 5S,798 of them went to Mr. Tillman's 
man Bryan. 

Six Hundred Thousand Votes Missing. 

What became of the 600,000 votes that ap- 
pear to have been missing from the election 
returns of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi 
and South Carolina. Were these 600,000 
voters to be governed, in case Mr. Bryan was 
chosen or defeated, without their consent, 
thus subjecting them to the "tyranny" re- 
ferred to by the Democratic platform? Have 
those missing voters been since found and 
required to give their consent to the election 
of Representatives in Congress, in order that 
they should not be taxed without National 
representation fairly secured; or has their 
consent been obtained to new restrictions of 
the service? Has there been shown any ten- 
dency in any of those States to exchange 
"the methods of imperialism for those of a 
republic? " 



How have Alabama, Louisiana, Missis- 
sippi, North Carolina and South Carolina 
qualified themselves to reproach the Admin- 
istration for imperialism? Have not three 
of those States formally and completely and 
the two others by progressive steps under- 
taken to deprive some 600,000 of "the govern- 
ed " of the opportunity to give or withhold 
that consent guaranteed as a right according 
to the Democratic application of the Declara- 
tion of Independence and secured by the 
Constitution? 

Democratic Government without Con- 
sent of the Governed. 

Why waste hypocritical platform senti- 
ment on the people of Porto Rico because 
they have " a government without their con- 
sent and taxation without representation " 
when 600,000 voters in four States, all Demo- 
cratic States, are deprived of the right to 
consent, and about 1,000,000 altogether, if we 
consider Virginia, Georgia, Florida and Ten- 
nessee, are in like manner subjected to 
"tyranny." Mr. Tillman's platform also 
declares its opposition to "militarism," for 
the reason that "it means conquest abroad 
and intimidation and oppression at home. 
It means the standing army that has always 
been fatal to free institutions." What 
apology does Senator Tillman offer to the 
standing army of 1,000,000 voters disfran- 
chised in Southern States? Were "intimida- 
tion and oppression at home" practiced to 
bring about that result, peculiar only to one 
section of the country? Does not the condi- 
tion of these silenced voters "appeal with 
peculiar force to our justice and magnan- 
imity?" 



"They stone our prophets living; build monuments to 
them dead."— As J. Wilkes Booth ran across the 
stage of Ford's Theatre, he turned to the audience 
and shouted "Sic semper tyrannis!" 



Lincoln, 1864— 
McKinley, 1900. 



The Democratic Party's Parallel — 
♦'Imperialism" and "Hilitarism," 
Then and Now — "Consent of the 
Governed" Applied to the Seceded 
States- "The War a Failure"— The 
5a me Charge of Surrendering to 
Plutocracy -Expansion South of 
flason and Dixon's Line Denounced. 



Six separate times at Indianapolis Bryan 
Quoted Lincoln with commendation. 

A correspondent describing Bryan's speech of 
acceptance said it foreshadowed the Democratic 
policy to "confound Republicans of 1900 by 
quoting the Republican ideas of other days." 

Democratic praise of Lincoln is much in 
evidence in 1900. The libels uttered against Lin- 
coln in 1864 are reproduced against McKinley 
in 1900. 

There is a wonderful parallel between the 
■Democratic attack upon Lincoln twenty-six 



years ago and the Democratic attack upon Mc 
Kinley now. 

Mr. Bryan has studied Lincoln and his times 
for catchwords and oratorical properties. He 
has dodged the truth and significance of the 
great emancipator's struggles and achieve- 
ments. 

Like his chief, Adlai E. Stevenson adopted 
the historical argument at Indianapolis but he, 
too proved lacking in information about one 
important episode in democratic history when 
he said "the word and the idea of imperialism 
are new to American politics." Not so. The 
cry of imperialism was first raised against 
Abraham Lincoln, who was accused of trying 
to rule the Southern States without the con- 
sent of the governed, and in violation of the 
Declaration of Independence. In the same 
connection he was charged with militarism, 
with waging a war of conquest, and with mak- 
ing an abject surrender to commercialism, the 
rule of speculators and the dominion of the 
money power. The charges against McKinley in 
1900 are simply new editions of those against 
Lincoln in 1864. As Bryan has appealed to 
that sword let thinking men say whether he 
does not deserve to perish by it. 

FATHER OF THE PARAMOUNT ISSUE. 

The sinister distinction of introducing the 
cry or idea of imperialism into American pol- 
itics belongs to Alexander Long, of Ohio, who 
from his seat in the House of Representatives 
sprung it against Lincoln in 1864, and precipi- 
tated one of the greatest debates of the war 
period. Long spoke on several occasions; over 
fifty speeches were uttered in reply to him and 
an attempt was started to expel him from the 
house for giving sympathy and encouragement 
to the enemy in the field. Speaker Colfax left 
the chair to offer the resolution of expulsion 
on the floor, but the proposition failed and 
one of censure was adopted instead, Long be- 
ing pronounced "an unworthy member of the 
House.'* Such was the reception of the im- 



2 



CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED CON. 
FEDERATES. 

Mr. Bryan would hardly agree to stop ora- 
torical effusions on the Fourth of July. In that 
particular it is safe to say he would not ac- 
cept the anti-imperialist doctrine of 1864 in Its 
full strength and measure, but otherwise he 
cannot consistently dispute Mr. Long. Here 
are two further quotations where Mr. Long as- 
serted the consent of the governed theory on 
behalf of the confederates, as Bryan now as- 
serts it for the insurgents in the Philippines: 

"How do we stand in the eyes of the civilized 
world today in waging a war of subjugation 
and conquest against the confederate states 
which have seceded from us and set up a gov- 
ernment of their own? . . . Much better 
would it have been for us in the beginning, 
much better would it be for us now, to con- 
sent to a division of our magnificent empire and 
cultivate emicable relations with our estranged 
brethren than to seek to hold them to us by 
the power of the sword.'* 

A few months later, Mr. Long, the originator 
of the imperialistic cry in American politics 
and the man who first pushed the doctrine of 
consent of the governed to ruinous and ridicul- 
ous excess, was a delegate to the Democratic 
National Convention at Chicago, which declared 
the war a failure, and in a speech before that 
body he denounced "the odious emancipation 
Proclamation of Lincoln'' and his "corrupt and 
tyrannical administration." Democratic orators 
now leave these parts out and also omit the 
denunciations of Fourth of July oratory, but 
otherwise preach anti-imperialism just as laid 
down by Long. 

Nor is Mr. Bryan's indictment of the repub- 
lican party under McKinley for an alleged sur- 
render to plutocracy a new thing under tho 
sun. Precisely the same charge was rung in 
as a support and buttress of the imperialist 
issue by Mr. Long in the debate from which we 
have quoted. He said: 



"Patriotism has been made a paying virtue 
thus far under the war and subjugation pol- 
icy; it is seldom that a virtue has been so 
easily coined into gold.'' 

THE CRY OF PLUTOCRACY. 

Mr. Long, while not naming Lincoln or others 
personally, said it was "a singular circumstance 
that many who vaunted their patriotism were 
made immensely wealthy through its instruv 
mentality." 

Among the extreme, anti-war democrats who 
joined Long in the cry of militarism, commer. 
cialism and corruption was Fernando Wood of 
New York who, in his speech of April 11, said 
the country was brought to such a state that 
"those who produce everything get nothing, and 
those who produce nothing get everything.'' 
Trade trusts were not complained of in that day 
but army contractors, bloated bondholders, and 
speculators were accused of bringing about this 
miserable state of things with the actual ap- 
proval of Lincoln himself. April 19th, Wood 
said the republican administration chose rather 
to "increase the rent of the poor man's tene- 
ment than to dim the luster of the jobber's 
palace." So in their address to the people 
at the close of the session the democratic 
members of congress in 1864, who felt that charg- 
es of corruption and favoritism to wealth would 
naturally ring in well with that of imperialism, 
stigmatized the Lincoln men as "radicals and 
corruptionists," while Lincoln's administration 
was declared subservient to men "who make 
money out of the war" and whose "thirst for 
sudden wealth'' was gratified by the Lincoln 
administration under the favor of which "they 
nestle and gratify their unholy .greed and de- 
testable passions.'' 

In the Senate in 1864 Garrett Davis was one 
of the men who most persistently rung the 
charges of imperialism and corruption as the 
twin evils of the Lincoln administration. Hear 
him in his speech of March 30th: 

"Lincoln is equally a usurper with Caesar, 



1 



Cromwell and Bonaparte. He is no statesman, 
but a mere political charlatan. He has inor- 
dinate vanity and conceit. He is a consum- 
mate dissembler and an adroit and sagacious 
demagogue. He has the illusion of working a 
great historical name for himself in connection 
with the total abolition of slavery in the United 
States. He also loves power and money. . . . 
The world never witnessed a more lawless 
and more daring political enterprise and ex- 
cept in the feature of blood it comes up to the 
measure of the greatest usurpations.'' 

This was said of the extremely mild recon- 
struction policy of Lincoln, which required vot- 
ers in Tennessee and Arkansas to take an 
aath of allegiance and renounce their negro 
property. 

Senator Powell, in his speech of April 8, said 
if any one would specify the acts for which 
Charles I. was rightfully beheaded, "I pledge 
myself as a gentleman and a man of honor 
to give him two for one. and those more flag- 
rant, infractions committed by Abraham Lin- 
coln on the constitution and laws of the United 
States." He added that while Lincoln ought 
to be impeached and put out of office he did 
riot want his head chopped off. 

LINCOLN'S ONE ANXIETY. 

According to the custom of the time, Lin- 
coln made no campaign speeches and his let- 
ter of acceptance was a mere note of a pag-e 
or two. Still he managed quite shrewdly to 
work in a reply to some of the charges against 
him when waited upon by bodies of soldiers 
who were returning to civil life. Admonish- 
ing them to take up the duties of the citizen 
at the ballot-box as earnestly as they had 
the musket, he warned them especially not 
to be fooled or diverted, by false cries, from 
the real issues of the day. Everybody knew 
v.'hat that meant, and quick applause greeted 
Lincoln's further caution not to be misled by 
appeals to passion and prejudice. 

Lincoln took no time to refute the charge 
of imperialsm. The only cry he cared to deal 
with was that of his administration being 
hand in glove with rich army contractors and 
having the hearty support of jobbers and bond- 
holders who were "making money out of the 
war." Lincoln could not obtain the vast sup- 
plies and the vaster loans needed for the war 
from men of limited means, and his adminis- 
tration necessarily had large dealings with rich 
men and corporations, and they of course (tru- 
ly patriotic as many of them were) were ex- 
posed to the suspicion of wanting the war 
prolonged to fill their own pockets. Dealing 
intimately with these men, and having their 
warm and earnest support. Lincoln seemed 



lating and unscrupulous man, it destroys in- 
stead of uniting the union.'' 

The precise doctrine to-day, save that the 
personal slurs on Lincoln are now changed to 
praise, his name now being spoken reverently, 
but his doctrine still reviled. 

Fanatically bent on applying the doctrine of 
the consent of the governed so as to protect 
treason and break up the Union, Mr. Long, 
in his speech of February 7, continued: 

"It is enough to know that they (the seceding 
states) have withdrawn, and my purpose is to 
convince others of that which to my own mind 
is clear, that they cannot be forced back into 
the union by coercion. . . . The doctrines 
laid down as self-evident truths in the Declai- 
tion of Independence are that all rightful gov- 
ernment springs from the consent of the gov- 
erned—that any people have the right to alter, 
change, or amend their form of government at 
pleasure.'' 

Alexander Long was an upright man per- 
sonally, and one of no mean ability, badly 
mistaken though he was* Honest and thor- 
ough, he went deeper than Bryan into the 
study of anti-imperialism, and had the added 
virtue of setting forth his conclusions fear- 
lessly. It is instructive to know that he con- 
sidered expansion and what he called imperial- 
ism as pretty much the same things— the evil 
twin progeny of Fourth of July oratory. Said 
Mr. Long in his speech of February 7th: 

"The passion for extended territory is one 
of the most vulgar, ignoble and unworthy that 
ever afflicted a nation. This idea of expan- 
sion, acquisition and dominion has been incul- 
cated by a peculiar and most bombastic liter- 
ature—our Fourth of July orations. For a long 
series of years the sum and substance of these 
orations has been a eulogy upon our immense 
territory, and all sorts of extravagant figures 
of speech were used to indicate that it extend- 
ed from the Lakes to the Gulf, and from ocean 
to ocean. Thus was the pride of national domi- 
nation fostered that has since broken out in, 
this fearful and horrible war." 



perlalism cry against Lincoln, and the lesson 
was the more emphatic as it was generally 
conceded In the debate that Long was a man 
of good character and superior ability, but* 
yielding to the fanatical and wrongheaded ideafc 
that it was imperialism and a violation of the 
Declaration of Independence to suppress in- 
surrection by force, he had placed himself in 
a position more odious than that of a con- 
federate in the field. 

Mr. Long first assailed the Lincoln Adminis- 
tration in his speech of April 8th, when he 
pictured Lincoln sitting in the White Huose 
with every approach guarded by soldiery, and 
declared the iron heel rang as loud in Wash- 
ington as in France or Austria. Vastly worse 
was Lincoln's proposition to subdue the rebel- 
lious states and put them through a course of 
reconstruction without any regard to the con- 
sent of the governed, but by exercising mil- 
litary force. Mr. Long said: 

"If we cannot rise above the Austro-Rus- 
sian principle of holding subject provinces by 
the power of force and coercion what becomes 
of the Declaration of Independence and all 
our teachings for eight years?" 

Referring to Poland, Hungary and Italy, he 
went on: 

"If imperial governments are not able to 
hold in submissive obedience small portions of 
vast empire once in revolt, how much less 
a government having for its basis the consent 
of the governed? .... The very idea upon 
which this war is founded, coercion of tlife 
states, leads to despotism.'' 

WORSE AND WORSE. 

With the "consent of the governed" Idea on 
he brain, and pushed beyond sane limits, Mr. 
Long was ready to denounce the war policy of 
Lincoln as both contradictory and dangerous 

. . . "Contradictory because it violates the 
reat principles of free government which de- 
'ive their just powers from the consent of the 
overned, and dangerous because by its exer- 
cise, especially when wielded by a weak, vacil- 



S 



at times to have a passing fear of being mis- 
understood by the people. On just that one 
subject did he feel anxious to speak to the vot-» 

Talking to the soldiers of the 148th Ohio, Lin- 
coln admitted that things went wrong some- 
times with the administration, and taxes were 
not always adjusted with precise equality be- 
tween different classes. If it had to wait un- 
til that was done the government could col- 
lect no taxes at all. As for the army con- 
tractors, and the support they were giving his 
administration from what might be interested 
motives Lincoln said to the soldiers: 

"But this government must be preserved In 
spite of the acts of any man or set 'of men. 
I beg of you not to allow your minds or your 
hearts to be diverted from the support of all 
necessary measures by any miserable Picayune 
arguments addressed to your pockets or inflam- 
matory appeals to your passions and your 

P Tnat iC was all. With this one reference to 
the charge of being a tool of rich speculators, 
and be"! himself infected with love of money 
StaeSS ^confidently submitted the matter to 
the discriminating sense of the pe ople. 

Everybody knows how glorious Lincoln trl- 
nmnhed Not, many know, however, that in 
S some weak-kneed Republicans were opposed 
fo Ws renomination, fearing that his support 
Kr rm -contractors and the irregularities of 

Pe YSuy W hTstor n y 0t re t p°ea 1 ?I ttself now when having 

imperialism. miW™ 1 "' a 5?° the people will 
?^u P ^ t0 to ra b Tlea I °a W wa a y S SZ' the ?r». P issues 
by any such cries. 



With Bryan's Consent 

He Advised Ratification of the Peace Treaty 

which Gave Us the Philippines and 

All Responsibility for their 

Good Government 

WHETHER the people of the 
Philippines should continue 
under the control of the gov- 
ernment of the United States must 
depend upon the action of Congress 
and could not depend upon that of 
the President or his administration. 
To have directed our forces to sail 
away from the Philippines after the 
destruction of the Spanish power 
there would have been not only to 
leave them in anarchy but to in- 
vite a scramble among European 
nations for their control, or, as 
President McKinley said in his 
message, "If we desert them, we 
leave them at once to anarchy and 
finally to barbarism ; we fling them 
— a golden apple of discord — 
among the rival powers, no one of 
which could permit another to seize 
them unquestioned; their rich 
plains and valleys would be the 
scene of endless strife and blood- 
shed." 

The peace treaty provided for 
their purchase, and it was ratified 
by a two-thirds vote of the United 



States Senate, and by the advice 
and consent of Wm. Jennings 
Bryan, who resigned his position 
in the army and came to Washing- 
ton to urge the members of his 
party to vote for it. 

This action by Congress added 
to the duties of the President to 
maintain order in the Philippines. 
The treaty ceding the islands to the 
United States was signed Dec. 10, 
1898; on Jan. 4, 1899, it was sent 
to the Senate ; on February 4th, 
the Filipinos began their attack 
upon the American forces and 
Aguinaldo issued his proclamation 
of war against the United States. 
Yet, on February 6th, with these 
facts well known in the United 
States, by the "advice and consent'' 
of Mr. Bryan, a sufficient number 
of Democrats and Populists cast 
their votes in its favor to bring 
about ratification, and the new duty 
was thus by both parties placed 
upon the shoulders of the Presi- 
dent to suppress an insurrection in 
the territory, which by that ratifi- 
cation of the treaty was finally ac- 
quired two da3^s after the insurrec- 
tion began. 

Among those voting for ratifica- 
tion were Allen of Nebraska, Popu- 
list; Butler of North Carolina, 
Populist; Clay of Georgia, Demo- 



crat; Faulkner of West Virginia, 
Democrat; Gray of Delaware, Demo- 
crat; Harris of Kansas, Populist; 
Jones of Nevada, Silver; Kenney 
of Delaware, Democrat; Kyle of 
South Dakota, Independent; Lind- 
sey of Kentucky, Democrat; 
McEnery of Louisiana, Democrat; 
McLaurin of South Carolina, Demo- 
crat; Morgan of Alabama, Demo- 
crat; Pettusof Alabama, Democrat; 
Stewart of Nevada, Silver; Sulli- 
van of Mississippi, Democrat; Tel- 
ler of Colorado, Silver; and Well- 
ington of Maryland, and Mason of 
Illinois, Republicans, who have 
since opposed the course of the 
administration in the Philippines. 

Thus it will be seen that ten 
Democrats, three Populists, three 
Silver men, one Independent, and 
Senators Mason and Wellington 
voted for the ratification of the 
treaty absolutely conveying the 
Philippine Islands to the United 
States two days after the breaking 
out of the insurrection, whose sup- 
pression they are denouncing — a 
suppression made absolutely un- 
avoidable by the ratification which 
could not have been accomplished ex- 
cept by the votes of those men, some 
of whom were at that moment i?i close 
consultation with and presumably 
acting by the advice of Mr. Bryan. 



The treaty with the Sultan of 
the Sulu Islands has been criticised 
on the ground that it did not im- 
mediately terminate slavery and 
polgamy. It need scarcely be said 
that the insistence upon such rad- 
ical changes in the long-established 
customs of the people of those 
islands would have rendered the 
treaty of peace with them impos- 
sible; though, as is shown by the 
President's message, a provision is 
made in the treaty that any slave 
shall have the right to purchase 
freedom and that Gen. Gates, who 
made the treaty, was directed to 
communicate to the Sultan that 
' ' this agreement is not to be deemed 
in any way to authorize or give the 
consent of the United States to the 
existence of slavery in the Sulu 
Archipelago." 

There has also been criticism of 
the fact that the treaty agreed to 
an annual payment to the Sultan 
and certain of his subordinates. 
The sum which it agrees to pay is 
$9,120 per annum, while the sum 
which the Democratic administra- 
tion proposed to pay to the king of 
the Hawaiian Islands and his as- 
sociates, when the treaty of an- 
nexation was negotiated under 
President Pierce in 1854, was $100,- 
000 per annum. 



English. 



"IGNORANT FOREIGNERS." 

WHAT BRYAN'S MANAGER SAYS. 

"Hundreds of thousands of Ignorant Fore- 
igners, who were here taking bread out 
f the mouths of honest labor, voted at 
he last election at the dictation of Mc- 
kinley's supporters. These foreigners com- 
prised fully one -half of the number of 
otes received by McKinley."— James K. 
r ones, United States Senator and Chair- 
nan of the Democratic National Committee, 
January 20 . J 897 . 

" Can there be any doubt as to which will 
>revail, the six and one-half millions of in- 
elligent Bryan voters, or the three and 
►ne-half millions of Ignorant Foreigners 
vho voted for McKinley?" — James K. 
Tones, United Slates Senator and €7iatr- 
nan of the Democratic National Committee, 
January 20,1897. 

The Democratic party is using every effort to induce 
he " Foreign " American citizens to vote for the election 
•f Bryan next November. The Democratic party claims 
hat it has at least secured the German vote for Bryan. 
In the election of 18U6 the " Foreign" vote was cast 
oainly for the election of President McKinley. Shortly 
iter that election in a speech delivered in his own State, 
Arkansas, and addressed to the legislature in joint in- 
ormal session at Little Rock, on the night of Wednes- 
lay. January 20, 1897, Senator and Chairman Jones 
tigmatized the "Foreign" American voters as "Ignorant 
foreigners" as quoted above. 

Senator Jones was then the Chairman of the Demo- 
ratic National Committee. Senator Jones is now the 
Chairman of the Democratic National Committee. He 
s now asking the " Ignorant Foreigners" to vote for 
iryan this year. 

How will the t( Ignorant Foreigners" re- 
pond to the request of Bryan's manager, 
he Democratic National Chairman ? 

Hand, mcnally 4 Co., Printers, Chicago. 



German. 



2Ba£ 25t»att'§ SRattagcv fact. 

"&un*crttanfcn*c nnttnffenfcev 2ltt0laul>cr, 
n»el<*)e J)tcr fccr etmtdicn Mtbcit i>a* s £tot an* 
i>em SRunDc nctymcn, ftiwmten <>ci fccr leijtctt 
2$a()l rtwf Cr&er t>on Slnftitngcrn $KRc JBttlcu'** 
Sic .s>alftc frer Stimmcn Me 2Rc$inlc» e* Oielt, 
famcn t><m Mcfcn $(u*lan*crm" — 3ame§ fi. 
3one§, 23unbe§*Senator unb SBorfttjev be£ bemofrattjtfjen 
NatumaMSomiteg, 20. Samiar 1897. 

"$atttt tttrtit jlucifcltt/ toe* fteaen toiffc, Me 
ficbcittcbail) SPliUionen intcUtflenter £ttmmett 
fiir 23rt)an, oi>c* Me l>uttct)aU> s ))l\Uio\\cn 
«ttnttnen nntMffenfcer Muzlanbcv ftitr 9P£c 
Hutlct)?"— 3tome8 ft. 3onc§, 93unbc5»Scnntor unb 
SBorfitjcr be§ bemofratifdjen 9tattoiml«<£mttite8, 20. 3a= 
mtar 1897. 

£>ie bemofratifd)e ^artei ttjut atleg Siftbglidje, "au§lan= 
bifdje" amerifanifcrje s 43iirger fiir s 43rt)an gu genrinnen. 
Sie beljaupter, fie fyabe toenigftenS bie 2)eutfct)en fiir 
$rt)an ficfyer. 

1896 ftimmten bie "2Iu§Ianber" meiftenS fiir ^rafibent 
9ttc$inlet). $urj nad) ber 2Bat)l t)ielt Senator unb $or* 
filler gone§ bor ben Slbgeorbneten feine§ <5taat§, SIrfan* 
fa3, am Hftittrood) ben 20. ^anuar 1897 eine SRebe, in 
raelcfyer er bie "auglanbifdjen" amerifanifdjen SSaljler 
rote oben angefiifyrt, al§ "untotffenbe 5lu3lanber" branfr 
ntarfte. 

S)amal§ roar Senator $one§ SSorft^er be§ bemofra* 
tifdjen 9?ational*$omite§. ge£t ift Senator $one§ $or= 
fitter be§ bemofratifdjen ^attonal=^omite§. $efct erfud)t 
er bie "untuiffenben 2luS(anber" biefes ^atjr fiir SBrtjan 
§u ftimmen. 

2$ie tuerfccn Me "nn toif fen i> en 2*nS* 
Iftn&et" i>a£ ©efnd) fcon SBrtyan'S SKatta* 
get, &em i>etnof*atifd)en Nationals ©orfitjet, 
beantn»i>*ten? 



Polish. 



"CIEMNI OBCOKRAJOWCY." 

CO MOWI BRYANA PRZEWODCA. 

"Setki tysi^cy ciemnychobcokrajowcdw, 

tdrzy odejmowali od ust clileb nczciwym 

obotnikom, glosowali przy ostatnich wy- 

orach podlug dyktanda poplecznikdw Mc- 

iinleya. Ci obcokrajowcy stanowili calko- 

ita, polowe; glosdw otrzymanych przez 

cKinleya." — James K. Jones, Senator Sta= 

6w Zjednoczonych i prezes Narodowego Ko= 

litetu Demokratycznego, 20 Stycznia 1897. 

Czy moze bye jakakolwick watpliwosc, 

to zwyci^zy-szesc i pot miljona inteligent 

yeh wyborcdw Bryana, czy trzy i pol niil- 

>na ciemnych poplecznikdw?"— James K. 

mes, Senator Stanow Zjednoczonych i 

rezes Narodowego Komitetu Demokratycz- 

ego, 20. Stycznia 1897. 

Demokratyczna party a stara sie wszelkiemi srod- 
imi do naklonienia "obcokrajowych'' amerykanow 
w przyszle wybory w listopadzie glosowali za 
ryanem. Przyczem Demokraci twierdza, ze przy 
ijmniej niemcy sa juz pozyskani dla Bryana. 
W czasie elekcyi 1896 przewazna czesc glosow Mc- 
inleya stanowili obcokrajowcy. "Wkrotce po elekcyi, 
mator i prezes Jones, we wlasnym swym Stanie Ar- 
msas, w mowie na wspolnej sesyi do legislatury, wy- 
oszonej w &rode wieczorem 20. Stycznia 1897,-napie- 
owal obcokrajowych wyborcow — amerykanow jako 
liemnychobcokrajoiccoic," jak wyzej przytoczono. 
Senator Jones byl wtedy Prezesem Narodowego Ko- 
itetu Demokratycznego. Ten sam Senator Jones 
st i dzi& prezesem tegoz Demokratycznego Komitetu 
:lzis smie namawiacowych "ciemnych obcokrajowcow'''' 
3 glosowania w tym roku za Bryanem. 

Jak tez na to odpowiedza, "Ciemni Ob- 
okrajoivcy" panu prezesowi Narodowego 
omitetu Demokratycznego, a przewddcy 
ryana ? 



Hungarian. 



BUTA KULFOLDIEK. 

BRYAN FOKORTESENEK A V^LEM^NYE. 
"A Buta Kiilf oldiek szazezrei, a kik azert vannak 
itt, hogy kivegyekabecsiiletes munkasok szajabol 
a kenyeret, szavaztak a mult valasztasnal Mc= 
Kinley korteseinek a parancsa szerint. Ezek a 
kulfoldi szavazatok epen felet tettekkiaz osszes 
szvazatoknak, melyeket McKinley kapott." - 
James K. Jones-nak, az Egyesult Allamok Szenatoranak 63 a 
Demokratikus Nemzeti Bizottsag ElnSktnek 1897 januarius 
20. -an tartott beszfcJe'bbl. 

<«Lehet=e ketseg, hogy ki fog gyozni: abates 
fel millio miivelt ember, a kik Bryanra szavaztak 
vagy a harom es fel milli6 Buta Kulfoldi, a kik 
McKinleyre szavaztak?" -James K. Jones-nak, az 
Egyesult Allamok Szenatoranak 6s aDemokrata Nemzeti B«- 
zottsag Elnbkenek 1897 januarius 20.-an tartottbesz6d6bol. 
A demokrata part 6riasi erolkodeseket kovet el, 
hogy rabirja a "Kulfoldi" amerikai polgarokat, hogy 
Bryanra szavazzanak novemberben. A demokrata part 
azt allitja, hogy vegre sikeriilt a nemetek szavazatait 
Bryan szamara biztositania. 

Az i8 9 6.-iki valasztasnal a "Kulfoldi" szavazatok 
legnagyobb resze McKinley Elnokre esett. Rovid 
id6vel ezen valasztas utan Jones Szenator es Bizott- 
sagi Elnok egy beszedben, melyet sajdt allamaban, 
Arkansasban, a Szenatus es Kepviselohaz egyuttes 
iilesehez intezve tartott, Little Rock varosaban, 1897 
ianuarins20.-an, Szerdan este, a "Kulfoldi" amerikai 
szavazokat "Buta KMfoldieknek" belyegezte, mint a 
fentebbi idezetbol kitiinik. 

Jones Szenator akkor a Demokrata Nemzeti Bi 
zottsag elnoke volt. Jones Szenator ma is a Demokrata 
Nemzeti Bizottsag elnoke. Most arra ken *"Butt 
Kulfoldieketr hogy szavazzanak Bryanra az iden. 

Hogyanfognaka-Buta Kiilfoldiek" Bryai 
fokortesenek, a Demokrata Nemzeti Elnokne 
keresere valaszolni? 



Bohemian. 



Nevzdelani cizinci." 

Co pravil Bryan^v manager. 

"Statisice nevzdelanych cizincu, kte- 
4 brali chleb z list poctive prace, hla- 
»ovalo posledni volbu die pfani McKin- 
eyovych pf ivrzencu. Tito cizinci tvorili 
)lnou polovicku hlasu pro McKinleyho 
>devzdanych." — James K. Jones sena- 
or Spoj. Statu a pf edseda demokrati- 
ckeho narodniho vyboru 20.1edna 1897. 

Muze byti nejake pochyby o torn, co 
mde pre vladati, tech sest apul millionu 
fzdelanych Bryanovych volicu, neb tri 
i pul millionu nevzdelanych cizincu, 
iteri hlasovali pro McKinleyho? James 
K. Jones, senator Spoj. Statu, predseda 
lemokratickeho narodniho vyboru, dne 
20. ledna 1897. 

Demokraticka strana namaba se vsemozne, by 
nimela "cizf americke obcany k blasovani pro 
3ryana v pffstim listopadu Demokraticka stra- 
la tvrdi, ze ziskala pfi nejmensim nemecke 
llasy pro Bryan i . 

Ve volbe roku 1896 byl hlas cizincu odevzdau vy- 
lradne pro zvolem presidenta McKinleybo. Kr&tce po 
c volbe v jedne feci, pfednesene ve vlastnim svem 
txie, Arkansasu a pfednasene z&konod^rne v pravidel- 
lem sezeni v Little Rock, ve stfedu vecer, 20. ledna 
1897, senator a predseda Jones oznacil "cizi americke 
police" za "nevzdelane cizince," jak shora uvedeno. 

Senator Jones byl tehdy pfedsedou demokratickeho 
idrodniho vyboru. Sendtur Jones je nynf pfedsedou 
lemokratickeho vybcru. Zdda nyni ty "nevzdelane" 
rolice, aby hlasovali pro Bryana letos. 

Jak odpovi tito ''nevzdelani cizin- 
zi" na zadost Bryanova managera, 
pfedsedy demokratickeho nar. vyboru? 



French. 



"LES ETRANGERS IGNORANTS." 

CE QUE DIT LE DIRECTEUR DE BRYAN. 

" Des centaines de mille Etrangers Ignorants 
qui prenaient ici le pain de la bouche des honnetes 
travailleurs, voterent, a la derniere election, sous 
le controle des partisans de McKinley. Ces etran= 
gers composaient pleinement la moitie du nombre 
de votes recus par McKinley."— James K. Jones, 
Senateur des Etats=Unis et President du Comite 
National Democratique, le 20 Janvier 1897. 

"Peut=il exister aucun doute sur ce qui prevau= 
dra, des six millions et demi de votants intelli= 
gents en faveur de Bryan, ou des trois millions et 
demi d' Etrangers Ignorants qui voterent pour 
McKinley?"— James K. Jones, Senateur des Etats= 
Unis et President du Comite National Democra= 
tique, le 20 Janvier 1897. 

Le Parti Democrate fait tous ses efforts pour deci- 
der les citoyens americains "Etrangers" a voter en 
faveur de 1' election de Bryan en novembre prochain. 
La Parti Democrate pretend s'etre assure, pour le 
moins, du vote allemand en faveur de Bryan. 

A 1' election de 1896 le vote "Etranger" fut donne 
en grande partie en faveur de 1' election du President 
McKinley. Peu apres cette election, dans un discours 
qu*il prononca dans son propre Etat (l'Arkansas), de- 
vant une assemblee conjointe irreguliere de la legisla- 
ture, tenue a Little Rock le soir du mercredi, 20 Jan- 
vier 1897, le Senateur et "Chairman" Jones stigma- 
tisa du nom d' * Etrangers Ignorants les votants Ame- 
ricains d'origine £trangere, ainsi qu'il est mentionne 
plus haut. 

Le Senateur Jones etait alors President du Comite" 
National Democratique. Le Senateur Jones est en- 
core aujourd'hui president de ce meme comite. II 
demande maintenant a. ces "Etrangers Ignorants" de 
voter cette annee pour Bryan. 

Comment ces "Etrangers Ignorants" vont= 
ils repondre a la requete du Directeur de Bryan, 
President du Comite National Democratique? 



Norwegian. 



"^ttHi>rci>et? af £nftnber af notbenbe U^= 
lambtna/er, font ct tomne *)ib fo* at ta^e *Bro= 
t>et ttb af SRnnben £aa aerlia,e Zlvbeibcte, ftentte 
t>eb forrta,e23ala,, f ont 9JU^tnien£ ^Ufjamaete 
bul> bent* $t£fe UManbtnge? faftebe oOe* 
^alobelcn af be <»tentntev, font aJtc^ittlcn 
flf*"— 3>ame§ £♦ Sotted Sor. @tater§ Senator og 6$air> 
nttit for Den bemofratiffe 9lattoita(*S¥i>mite, 20be 3a= 
mar 1897. 

"$an bet bate no$m £Oiol om, fjoent font 
nil fette : enien be feg o<j en (>alo WliUion op= 
Infte Wotcte fotr tiSwan cUcv be tve o$ en fjalo 
iiniuion noibenbe Ublanbtnget*, font ftentte 
paa 9«cmnlen?"— 3ame§ £. 3oneS, &or. ©inters 
Senator o(j (Sfjatrman for ben bemofratiffe 9tationat= 
Romtte, 20be Snmtar 1897. 

Set bemofratifte s #arti gjOr alt ntultgt for at formaa 
)e "ubenlanbfi'e" amerifanffe SBorgere til at ftemme paa 
Brtjan noafte -iftoOember. Set bemofratiffe ^5artt paa* 
taar, at bet t)av ialfalb fifret fig StifferneS ©temmer for 
33rr)an. 

$eb SSalget i 1896 bleo be "nbenlanbffe" ©temmer gi= 
)et ljo&ebfagelig for ^refibent 9ftc$tnlet). ®ort efter 
Salget ftemplebe Senator og ©^airman $one§ i en Sale 
il ^egiSIaturen, ber Oar famlet i Sittle died, t l)an§> egen 

tat, 2lrfanfa§, ben 20be ganuar 1897, be ubenlanb§= 
Obte amerifanffe SSotere font "Mubenbe llbtenbtnger," 
om ooenfor anfOrt. 

Senator $one§ oar ben ©ang (^airman for ben bemo= 
ratiffe 9?ational=®omite. Senator $one§ er enbnu (£§air= 
tan for ben bemofratiffe 9?ational=£omite. Qan anmo= 
er nu be "utribenbe Ublrcnbinger" om at oote for 5Brgan 
tar. 

&oorlebe3 oil be "noibenbe ttbtaenb* 
nget" foare paa 23rnan£ &t\)tct$, ben 
emofrottffe nationaie <$ Uaivinan*, Sintn ob- 



Dutch. 

„ONWETENDE VREEMDELINGEN" 

WAT BRYANS MANAGER SAGEN. 

"Honderde duizenden van onwetende vreemdelin- 
gen, die brood nameii uit de moiid van eerlijken ar- 
beid, stonden bij de laatse verkiezhig naar den wil 
van Mc. Kinley's ondersteuners. Deze vreemdelingen 
bedroegen ten voile de helft van het getal der stem- 
men door McKinley verkregen." James K. Jones, 
Senator der Yereenigde Staten en Yoorzitter 

VAN HET DEMOCRATISCH NATIONALE CoMITE " 20 

Januari, 1897. 

,,Kau er eenige twijfel zijn wat de bovenhaml zal 
beliouden, de zes en een half millioen van denkende 
stemmen voor Bryan, of de drie en een half million 
onwetende vreemdeliugen die stemde voor McKinley- 

"James K. Jones, Senator der Yereenigde Staten 
en Yoorzitter van het Democbatisch Nationaal 
Comite, 20 Januari, 1897. 

De Democratische partij spant al hare krachten 
in om de vreemde Amerikaansche burgers tebewegen 
om te stemmen voor Bryan in de verkiezing van No- 
vember aanstaande. De Democratische partij beweer 
dat het op zijn minst al vast de stem der Duit>cner: 
voor Bryan gewonnen heeft. 

In de verkiezing van 1896, werdt de stem dei 
"vreemden"hoofdzakeliik uitgebracht voor McKinlej 
Kort na die verkiezing, kenschetste Senator en voor- 
zitter Jones in een rede gehouden in zijn eigen staat, 
Arkansas, toesprekende de in niet formeele zittin< 
zamengekomen vereenigde licham van wetgevingen te 
Little Rock, aan de avond van Woensdag. 20 Januar 
1897, de "vreemde Amerikaansche stemgerechtigdei 
als onwetend vreemdelingen, zooals hierboveii aange 
haald. 

Wat zallen de "Onwetende Vreemdelingen » 
antwoorden op de oprcep van Bryans manager dei 
voorzitter der Democratisch Rationale Commissie 



Greek. 

""Aircipot Hevoi." 

Tl Xeyec 6 Aievdovrif)s tov Mirpaiv. 
"EKarovraSe? ^tXiaScov cureipoi $evoi, oltlvc; yro iv- 
ravOix a7roXa/xj3dvovT€<i aprov ck rdv (TTO/xaTOiV ivrt/xov 
ipyaacas, iiprjfprjarav ra? 7rape\8ov<ra<; e/cAoyas Ka#' 
virayopzvcriv tiov viroo-TrjpiKTiov tov MaK KiVAeL 'Ai>- 
rot 01 £eVot a7roreAow ax/>t/Sa>9 to ipLrjav 4'k t&v oAaw 
(/rj<f>u)V ovs ZXafiev 6 MaK KiVAeL — JAMES K. JONES, 
repovcrtacrr^s tojv 'Hvw/xeVoov IIoAiTeiGJv Kai IlpoeopOi 
n)s Ayi/jLOKpaTiKr}*; 'EflnK^s Mepi'Sos, 'Iavouapiov 20, 
897. 

Awarai va virdpir) apLcpiftoAia ttolov Od eTTiKpaTtcr-q, 
d e£ Kat tp.rjo'v e.Ka.Top.p.vpia ev(pvwv 1/07 </>o<£ dp a>v tov 
Mvpa'tv, r\ rd rpta koli ip.7]o~v eKa.Topip.vpLa direipwv 
eviov afrives exj/rjcprfo-av tov MaK KtVAei." ; — JAMES K. 
[ONES, repoiKTiacrr^s r<2>i/ Hvco/xeVcuv IIoAiTeicov kol 
Upot&pos Trjs 'EiOviKrjs Arj p.OKpaTLKr}s Mept'8os, 'Iavova- 
mou 20, 1897. 

'H ArjfWKpaTiK'q fiepls fierax^ipi^eT ai 8Xa tol p.4<ra vd vqari 
01/s "prows' 1 ' ApxpiKavofc voXiTas vd \j/7)<prj(Tovi> did tj\v 
icXoyrjv tov Mirpaiv tov irpoaexv ^oifi^pvov. 'H AijfJLQKpaTiKT) 
tepis iiratveiTai on *x €t * v t&V &<r<pa\i<TjA€vas to.% TepfiaviK&s 
l/7i<povs did tov Mirpaiv. Kara rds eicXoyds tov 1896 t\ 
1 I-€vt) " \J/i}(f>os wj eiri to irXeltTTov diere'dri irpos eicXoyr/v tov 
Jpoedpov Max KivXe'i. Mer' ov iroXti twv eicXoywv, els Xbyov 
iva itapuv-qdevTa eh ttjv ISiktjv tov iroXiTeiav 'Aptcdvaas Kal 
levdvvo/xevov irpbs t6 vop-odeTiKov Sw/xa eh "qvapihrgv d/cavo- 
iffTov (TweSptaa-LV iv ttj rrbXei At'rX P6k TerdpTijv ecrirepas 
lavovaplov 20, 1 897, 6 Tepov<riao-TT}s Kal HpoeSpos Jones 
Nrf6vey) io~T7]yp.aTio~ev tovs "S^ws" ' Afxepucavovs \f/r)<t>o<po- 
ovs ws " Aireipovs S^vous' 1 Kadus dvwTepu} eppidt). 

'O repou<riacrr?7S Nrfopes i)TO TOTe irpoedpos tt}s 'Edv.K7]s 
7]p.0KpaTLKijs p.epi8o$ : '0 Tepova-iaiTTijs NT^dves elve fj8r] 6 
Ipotdpos tt)% Yidviicrjs A.rip.0KpaTt.K7)s fxeptdos. Ovtos fjdr] 
■qTet diro toijs "Aireipovs Aevovs vd \\s-q<$>i)<jovv t6v Mirpaiv 
(pe'Tos. 

Ila)? rj&r] p.e\kovv vd d7ravTyjo-ovv ot " " Kireipot 
Hevot" eis ras tKeTevcret? tov hievOovTov tov Mxrpa&v 
ov UpoeSpov Trjs 'YiOviKTjs ArjpLOKpaTiKTJs Mept'So? • 



Swedish. 



"OKUNNIGA UTLANNINGAR." 

HVAD BRYANS KAMPANJ-DIREKTOR SAGER. 

"Hundra tusentals okunniga utlanningar, hit= 
komna med afsigt att taga brodet ur munnen pa 
arliga amerikanska arbetare, rostade vid sista pre= 
sidentvalet pa anbefallning af McKinleys under= 
stodjare. Dessa okunniga utlanningars roster 
utgjorde med sakerhet halfva antalet roster som 
kastades for McKinley.'*— James K. Jones, For- 
enta Staternas Senator och Ordforande i Demo= 
kratiska NationaI=Komiteen, 20 Januari 1897. 

" Kan det verkligen vara nagot tvifvel om hvil= 
ken sida skall vinna, antingen de sex och en half 
millioner upplysta rostegare som sta for Bryan, 
eller de tre och en half millioner okunniga utlan= 
ningar som rostade for McKinley?" —James K. 
Jones, Forenta Staternas Senator och Ordforande 
i Demokratiska National =Komiteen, 20 Jan. 1897. 

Det demokratiska partiet gor nu hvarje anstrang- 
ning for att fa dessa "utlandska" Amerikanska med- 
borgare till att rosta for Bryan vid valet nasta Novem- 
ber och det pastar sig redan ha ofvervunnit alia tyska 
rostegare i hans favor. 

Vid 1896 ars presidentval kastades de fiesta "ut- 
landska" roster for President McKinley. Kort efter 
detta val, i ett tal han (Jones) holl i sin egen stat, Ar- 
kansas, och framsagdt till legislaturen vid fullt och 
oppet mote i Little Rock Onsdags aftonen den 20 Ja- 
nuari 1897, brannmarkte Senatoren och Ordforanden 
Jones de "utlandska" Amerikanska rostegarne sasom 
varande " okunniga utlanningar," som ofvanstaende 
citering visar. 

Senator Jones var da ordforande i Demokratiska 
National-Komiteen. Senator Jones ar afven nu ord 
forande i samma komite. Han uppmanar nu dessf 
"okunniga utlanningar'' att rosta for Bryan vid stun 
dande presidentval. 

Huru vilja dessa "OKUNNIGA UTLANNINGAR" svan 
pa Bryans kampanj=direktors uppmaning, der 
Demokratiska National =Komiteens Ordforande? 



"STRANIERI IGNORANTI." 

QUE CHE DICE LAMMINISTRATORE Dl BRYAN. 

Centinaia di migliaia di stranieri ignoranti, 
sono qui levando il pane di bocca all'onesto 
jratore, ban no votato nelP ultima elezione die= 
consiglio dei seguaci di McKinley. Questi 
anieri rappresentano una buona meta' dei voti 
McKiniey ricevuti." — James K. Jones, Sena= 
e degli Stati Uniti e Presidente del Comitato 
donale Democratico, 20 Gennaio 1897. 
Puo' esserci mai dubbio fra chi deve prevalere, 
i sei milioni e mezzo di intelligent^ elettori di 
air, oppure, i tre milioni e mezzo d' ignoranti 
inieri che votarono per McKinley ?— James K. 
es, Senatore degli Stati Uniti e Presidente del 
nitato Nazionale Democratico, 20 Gennaio 1897. 

L partito democratico sta usando ogni sforzo per 

irre i cittadini americani "stranieri" a votare per 
ezione di Bryan nel orossimo Novembre. II par- 
democratico reclama di aver per lo meno assicu- 
> il voto Tedesco per Bryan. 

ell' elezione del 1896 il voto "straniero" fu essen- 
mente dato per l'elezione del Presidente McKinley. 
o dopo questa elezione in tin discorso tenuto nel 
prio Stato, Arkansas, e rivolto alia legislatura ag- 

natasi in sessione informale a Little Rock, nella 
di mercoledi' 20 Gennaio 1897, il Senatore e Pre- 

nte Jones, ha stigmatizzato i votanti "stranieri'' 

ricani come " stranieri ignoranti" come sopra 

gato. 
Senatore Jones era allora il Presidente del Comi- 

Nazionale Democratico. II Senatore Jones e'anche 
sso Presidente del Comitato Nazionale Democratico. 
i domanda che quest'anno gli ''■stranieri igno- 
ti" votino per Bryan. 

omerisponderanno gli "stranieri ianoranti" 
richiestadelPamministratore di Bryan, il Pre= 
ente del Comitato Nazionale Democratico? 



•tSJKJ 1J?¥C3*OKD |"T |K"13 OKI) 

yabim D-iy^nsa jhwvmk pa njyntD ya-iyi:nn " 
jynyn pa ^i» pa o s, nn an jynnyjD^ns* *n |ynx 
edepewi ?wpvhy oyjyjJKjnya D"n jynan ,-iyD"mi 
y?n .|yo«nw R^T jynxn T»BP"n» Djfe*p-pyD &o 
"3*u kh pa Da'pyn yroan a pnyjy:! pnisn D-iy^nw 
— /'jyt^^n-iy ldkh jfaiprpjw Dgn fyon^ ^nxv yi 
~iyvB ins iKD«:yD db"ed nyta^v ,D:xn .p Dio^r 

.1897 ,n« 
fiwyn pjm "t pa nyn bsa^w k |"T *im jyn |jsp" 

-wvuik }k*W>*d atari k njiK »m n njns ,Dnyai&c 
?"fyb^p"py» tb DD^o^ya fyagn dkyi DiyrnNa y 
nji« nKBtuyo de^ed nyts^w ,d:nh .p dd^p- 
20 ,yt^»Kp tajiwto y^t3Kip«»in «n pa jNo-iys:! 

.189? n&m 

»n p'mnya'it posyip yi'Stt jk oy-uim 'C"wb ys^empDin an 
.Tpawnuo pDoayj ;y"->a ■>« lyo'c^ ly^Ssr «i DjyrerD iNpnyoK-pnt<a 
iv n im binn iyB>e""» ijp Dtn t» oonn 'o"»ns ysrcKipwom K"i 

•una 
TO OTyriNo ySStt oNoa prawn 1896 vt«» po rsypy^y oyn r«* 
•<y vaSyu ynjn * px 'r^Pv^y oin ^j t^J .iy^>rp-pyo ^a ecces? 
iv o-iwnjt bkh ny yabyn -ijin .onuypiK o"co |"» p« fcb&tw own 

D3Nn jND"iyvo p« -ixojoyD own ,1897 tow jytr20 pjn ,-t)yaN ^nh 
jn:ycnui«" lyosj ojn o'o oiyown jwp'iycNT'^KS kp CBB» , B'yj 

ojtcTyj pox «'N .■'O-tyj'nNQ 

-tnpjcoin Kn pa iwonyvB -iyi ptyiiyj d"?kdk"> r« djnh ^NCKJyD 

jKonyvo ^y^ ovy tin rs o:xn -iNtJKjyD ijin .yo'csp bxjK'VN; p'O 

jnjyD'iuiK " nh tDvy oya ->y .yo'DKP ^on-vnj pxaRnpsam ->yn ps 

jyna tb ins* iyn }y»'L3tr- iyb?Nr "j "onyj^iXB 

nh piymv Diy^nsa xnjyo^ji« «h jyjyp n" , ii 
?l«o"iyvtD ^x^kj p^Kipxojn nyn pa ywi 



THE 

PRESIDENT'S LETTER 



Accepting the Nomination of 
the Republican Party. 

EXECUTIVE MANSION, 
Washington, D. C, 

September 10, 1900. 
Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, 

Chairman Notification Committee: 
My Dear Sir — The nomination of the Republican national convention of June 
19, 1900, for the office of President of the United States, which, as the official repre- 
sentative of the convention, you -have conveyed to me, is accepted. I have carefully 
examined the platform adopted and give to it my hearty approval. 

Upon the great issue of the last national election it is clear. It upholds the gold 
standard and indorses the legislation of the present congress by which that standard 
lias been effectively strengthened. The stability of our national currency is, therefore, 
secure so long as those who adhere to this platform are kept in control of the govern- 
ment. 

SAME ISSUES INVOLVED. 

In the first battle, that of 1896, the friends of the gold standard and of sound cur- 
rency were triumphant and the country is enjoying the fruits of that victory. Our 
antagonists, however, are not satisfied. They compel us to a second battle upon the 
same lines on which the first was fought and won. 

While regretting the reopening of this question, which can only disturb the pres- 
ent satisfactory financial condition of the government and visit uncertainty upon our 
great business enterprises, we accept the issue and again invite the sound money 
iforces to join in winning another and we hope a permanent triumph for an 
honest financial system which will continue inviolable the public faith. 

ALL LOYAL TO SILVER. 

As in 1896, the three silver parties are united under the same leader, who, 
immediately after the election of that year, in an address to the bimetallists, said: 

"The friends of bimetallism have not been vanquished; they have simply been 
overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a conspiracy of the money changers 
against the welfare of the human race — and they will continue the warfare against it." 

The policy thus proclaimed has been accepted and confirmed by these parties. 
The silver Democratic platform of 1900 continues the warfare against the so-called 
gold conspiracy when it expressly says: 

"We reiterate the demand of that (the Chicago) platform of 1896 for an Ameri- 
can financial system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore 
and maintain a bimetallic price level; and as part of such system the immediate 
restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present ratio 
of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation." 

THE PARAMOUNT ISSUE. 

So the issue is presented. It will be noted that the demand is for the imme= 
diate restoration of the free coinage of silver at 16 to i. If another issue is 
^ paramount, this is immediate. It will admit of no delay and will suffer no 
postponement. 

Turning to the other associated parties, we find in the Populist national platform 
, adopted as Sioux Falls. S. D.. May 10, 1900, the following declaration: 

"We pledge anew the People's party never to cease the agitation until this finan- 
cial conspiracy is blotted from the statute book, the Lincoln greenback restored, the 

1 



bonds all paid and all corporation money forever retired. We reaffirm the demand 
for the reopening of the mints of the United States for the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, the immediate increase in the 
volume of silver coins and certificates thus created to he substituted, dollar for dollar, 
for the bank notes issued by private corporations under special privilege, granted by 
law of March 14, 1900, and prior national banking laws." 5 

DECLARE THEIR HOSTILITY. 

The platform of the silver party adopted at Kansas City, July 6, 1900, makes 
the following announcement: 

'"We declare it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of this cur- 
rency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and time-honored principles of the 
American people before the Constitution was adopted, but is violative of the princi- 
ples of the Constitution itself; and we shall not cease our efforts until there has been 
established in its place a monetary system based upon the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver and gold into money at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 by the independent 
action of the United States, under which system all paper money shall be issued by 
the government, and all such money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in 
payment of all debts, public and private, without exception." 

COMBINE AGAINST COLD. 

In all three platforms these parties announce that their efforts shall be unceasing 
until the gold act shall be blotted from the statute books and the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver at 16 to 1 shall take its place. 

The relative importance of the issues I do not stop to discuss. All of them are 
important. Whichever party is successful will be bound in conscience to carry into 
administration and legislation its several declarations and doctrine. One declaration 
will be as obligatory as another, but all are not immediate. 

It is not possible that these parties would treat the doctrine of 16 to 1, the im- 
mediate realization of which is demanded by their several platforms, as void and in- 
operative in the event that they should be clothed with power. Otherwise their pro- 
fession of faith is insincere. It is therefore the imperative business of those opposed 
to this financial heresy to prevent the triumph of the parties whose union is only 
assured by adherence to the silver issue. 

FACING GRAVE PERIL. 

Will the American people, through indifference or fancied security, haz= 
ard the overthrow of the wise financial legislation of the past year and revive 
the danger of the silver standard, with all of the inevitable evils of shattered 
confidence and general disaster which Justly alarmed and aroused them in 1896? 

The Chicago platform of 1896 is reaffirmed in its entirety by the Kansas City 
convention. Nothing has been omitted or recalled: so that all the perils then threat- 
ened are presented anew with the added force of a deliberate reaffirmation. Four 
years ago the people refused to place the seal of their approval upon these dangerous 
and revolutionary policies, and this year they will not fail to record again their 
earnest dissent. 

FAITHFUL TO PLEDGES. 

The Republican party remains faithful to its principle of a tariff which supplies 
sufficient revenues for the government and adequate protection to our enterprises and 
producers, and of reciprocity, which opens foreign markets to the fruits of American 
labor and furnishes new channels through which to market the surplus of American 
farms. The time-honored principles of protection and reciprocity were the first 
pledges of Republican victory to be written into public law. 

The present congress has given to Alaska a territorial government for which it 
had waited more than a quarter of a century; has established a representative gov- 
ernment in Hawaii : has enacted bills for the most liberal treatment of the pensioners 
and their widows; has revived the free homestead policy. 

In its great financial law it provided for the establishment of banks of issue 
with a capital of $25,000 for the benefit of villages and rural communities and bring- 
ing the opportunity for profitable business in banking within the reach of moderate 
capital. Many are already availing themselves of this privilege. 

SOME CONVINCING FIGURES. 

During the past year more than $19,000,000 of United States bonds have been 
paid from the surplus revenues of the treasury, and in addition $25,000,000 of 2 per 

* • 2 



cents matured, called by the government, are in process of payment. Pacific Railroad 
bonds issued by the government in aid of the roads in the sum of nearly $44,000,000 
Iiave been paid since Dec. 31, 1897. The treasury balance is in satisfactory condition, 
showing on Sept. 1 $135,419,000. in addition to the $150,000,000 gold reserve held in 
the treasury. The government's relations with the Pacific railroads have been substan- 
tially closed, $124,421,000 being received from these roads, the greater part in cash 
and the remainder with ample securities for payments deferred. 

Instead of diminishing, as was predicted four years ago, the volume of our cur- 
rency is greater per capita than it has ever been. It was $21.10 in 1890. It had in- 
creased to $26.50 on July 1, 1900, and $26.85 on Sept. 1, 1900. Our total money on 
July 1. 1896, was $1,506,434,966; on July 1. 1900, it was $2,062,425,496, and $2,096,- 
083J342 on Sept. 1, 1900. 

PROSPERITY IN GENERAL. 

Our industrial and agricultural conditions are more promising than 
they have been for many years; probably more so than they have 
ever been. Prosperity abounds everywhere throughout the republic. 

I rejoice that the southern as well as the northern states are enjoying a full share 
of these improved national conditions and that all are contributing so largely to our 
remarkable industrial development. 

The money lender receives lower rewards for his capital than if it were invested 
in active business. The rates of interest are lower than they have ever been in this 
country, while those things which are produced on the farm and in the workshop, 
.and the labor producing them, have advanced in value. 

Our foreign trade shows a satisfactory and increasing growth. The amount of 
our exports for the year 1900 over those of the exceptionally prosperous year of 1899 
was about half a million dollars for every day of the year, and these sums have gone 
into the homes and enterprises of the people. There has been an increase of over 
■$50,000,000 in the exports of agricultural products, $92,692,220 in manufactures 
and in the products of the mines of over $10,000,000. 

BIC CAINS IN TRADE. 

Our trade balances cannot fail to give satisfaction to the people of the country. 
In 1898 we sold abroad $615,432,670 of products more than we bought abroad, in 
1899 $529,874,813 and in 1900 $544,471,701, making during the three years a total 
balance in our favor of $1,089,779,190 — nearly five times the balance of trade in our 
favor for the whole period of 108 years from 1790 to June 30, 1897, inclusive.^ 

Four hundred and thirty-six million dollars of gold have been added to the gold 
stock of the United States since July 1, 1896. The law of March 14, 1900, authorized 
the refunding into 2 per cent, bonds of that part of the public debt represented by 
the 3 per cents due in 1908, the 4 per cents due in 1907 and the 5 per cents due in 
1904, aggregating $840,000,000. More than one-third of the sum of these bonds was 
refunded in the first three months after the passage of the act. and on Sept. 1 the sum 
had been increased more than $33,000,000, making in all $330,578,050, resulting in a 
net saving of over $8,379,520. 

GOVERNMENT SAVING MONEY. 

The ordinary receipts of the government for the fiscal year 1900 were $79,527,060 
in excess of its expenditures. 

While our receipts both from customs and internal revenue have been greatly 
increased, our expenditures have been decreasing. Civil and miscellaneous expenses 
for the fiscal year ending June 30. 1900, were nearly $14,000,000 less than in 
1899. while on the war account there is a decrease of more than $95,000,000. There 
were required $8,000,000 less to support the navy this year than last, and ex- 
penditures on account of Indians were nearly two and three-quarter million dollars 
less than in 1899. 

The only two items of increase in the public expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for 
pensions and interest on the public debt. For 1899 we expended for pensions $139,- 
394.929. and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on this account amounted to $140,- 
877,316. The net increase of interest on the public debt of 1900 over 1899 required 
by the war loan was $203,408.25. 

BONDS SPEEDILY TAKEN. 

While congress authorized the government to make a war loan of $400,000,000 
at the beginning of the war with Spain, only $200,000,000 of bonds Avere issued, bear- 
ing 3 per" cent, interest, which were promptly and patriotically taken by our citizens. 

3 



Unless something unforeseen occurs to reduce our revenues or increase our 
expenditures, the congress at its next session should reduce taxation very 
materially. 

Five years ago we were selling government bonds bearing as high as 5 per cent 
interest. Now we are redeeming them with a bond at par bearing 2 per cent interest. 
We are selling our surplus products and lending our surplus money to Europe. 

EUROPE IS OUR DEBTOR. 

One result of our selling to other nations so much more than we have bought 
from them during the past three years is a radical improvement of our financial re- 
lations. The great amounts of capital which have been borrowed of Europe for our 
rapid, material development have remained a constant drain upon our resources for 
interest and dividends and made our money markets liable to constant disbturbances 
by calls for payment or heavy sales of our securities whenever moneyed stringency or 
panic occurred abroad. We have now been paying these debts and bringing home 
many of our securities and establishing countervailing credits abroad by our, loans 
and placing ourselves upon a sure foundation 01 financial independence. 

In the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer states of South 
Africa the United States has maintained an attitude of neutrality in accord= 
ance with its well=known traditional policy. It did not hesitate, however, when 
requested by the governments of the South African republics, to exercise its good 
offices for a cessation of hostilities. 

DID WHAT WE COULD. 

It is to be observed that while the South African republics made like request 
of other powers, the United States is the only one which complied. The British gov- 
ernment declined to accept the intervention of any power. 

Ninety-one per cent of our exports and imports are now carried by foreign ships. 
For ocean transportation we pay annually to foreign ship owners over $165,000,000. 
We ought to own the ships for our carrying trade with the world, and we 
ought to build them in American shipyards and man them with American sailors. 
Our own citizens should receive the transportation charges now paid to foreigners. 

I have called the attention of congress to this subject in my several annual mes- 
sages. In that of Dec. Q } 1897, I said: 

"Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism is the 
effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant marine should be 
improved and enlarged. We should do our full share of the carrying trade of the 
world. We do not do it now. We should be the laggard no longer." 

In my message of Dec. 5, 1899, I said: '"Our national development will be* one- 
sided^and unsatisfactory so long as the remarkable growth of our inland industries 
remains unaccompanied by progress on the seas. There is no lack of constitutional 
authority for legislation which shall give to the country maritime strength commen- 
surate with its industrial achievements and with its rank among the nations of the 
earth. 

"The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our shipyards, and the prom- 
ises of continual prosperity in shipbuilding are abundant. Advanced legislation for 
the protection of our seamen has been enacted. Our coast trade, under regulations 
wisely framed at the beginning of the government and since., shows results for the 
past fiscal year unequaled in our records or those of any other power. 

NEED OF THE CANAL. 

"We shall fail to realize our opportunities, however, if Ave complacently regard 
only matters at home and blind ourselves to the necessity of securing our share in 
the valuable carrying trade of the world. 

"I now reiterate these views. 

"A subject of immediate importance to our country is the completion of a great 
waterway of commerce between the Atlantic and Pacific. The construction of a mari- 
time canal is now more than ever indispensable to that intimate and ready communi- 
cation between our eastern and western seaports, demanded by the annexation of the 
Hawaiian Islands and the expansion of our influence and trade in the Pacific. 

"Our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for its completion 
and control by this government, and it is believed that the next session of con- 
gress, after receiving the full report of the commission appointed under the act ap- 
proved March 3, 1899, will make provisions for the sure accomplishment of this 
great work. 

4 



WOULD RESTRICT TRUSTS. 

Combinations of capital which control the market in commodities neccessary to 
the general use of the people by suppressing natural and ordinary competition, thus 
enhancing prices to the general consumer, are obnoxious to the common law and the 
public welfare. They are dangerous conspiracies against the public good, and 
should be made the subject of prohibitory or penal legislation. 

Publicity will be a helpful influence to check this evil. Uniformity of legislation 
in the several states should be secured. Discrimination between what is injurious 
and what is useful and necessary in business operations is essential to the wise and 
effective treatment of this subject. 

Honest co-operation of capital is necessary to meet new business conditions and 
extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but conspiracies and combinations in- 
tended to restrict business, create monopolies and control prices should be effectively 
restrained. 

BEST FRIENDS OF LABOR. 

The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an opportunity 
for steady and remunerative employment and give it every encouragement for ad- 
vancement. The policy that subserves this end is the true American policy. The past 
three years have been more satisfactory to American workingmen than many preced- 
ing years. Any change of the present industrial or financial policy of the govern- 
ment would be disastrous to their highest interests. 

With prosperity at home and an increasing foreign market for American products 
employment should continue to wait upon labor, and with the present gold standard 
the workingman is secured against payment for his labor in a depreciated currency. 
For labor a short day is better than a short dollar. One will lighten the bur- 
dens, the other lessens the rewards of toil. The one will promote contentment and 
independence, the other penury and want. 

SPEAKS FOR GOOD WAGES. 

The wages of labor should be adequate to keep the home in comfort, educate the 
children, and, with thrift and economy, lay something by for the days of infirmity 
and old age. 

Practical civil service reform has always had the support and encouragement 
of the Republican party. The future of the merit system is safe in its hands. 

During the present administration as occasions have arisen for modification or 
amendment in the existing civil service law and rules, they have been made. Impor- 
tant amendments were promulgated by executive order under date of May 29, 1899, 
having for their principal purpose the exception from competitive examination of 
certain places involving fiduciary responsibilities or duties of a strictly confidential, 
scientific or executive character, which it was thought might better be filled by non- 
competitive examination or by other tests of fitness in the discretion of the appoint- 
ing officer. 

VALUE OF MERIT SYSTEM. 

It is gratifying that the experience of more than a year has vindicated these 
changes in the marked improvement of the public service. 

The merit system, as far as practicable, is made the basis for appointments to 
office in our new territory. 

The American people are profoundly grateful to the soldiers, sailors and mar- 
ines who have in every time of conflict fought their country's battles and defended 
it? - , honor. The survivors and the widows and orphans of those who have fallen are 
justly entitled to receive the generous and considerate care of the nation. 

Few are now left of those who fought in the Mexican war, and while many of 
the veterans of the civil war are still spared to us their numbers are rapidly diminish- 
ing, and age and infirmity are increasing their dependence. These, with the soldiers 
of the Spanish war, will not be neglected by their grateful countrymen. The pension 
laws have been liberal. They should be justly administered, and will be. Preference 
should be given to the soldiers, sailors and marines, their widows and orphans, with 
respect to employment in the public service. 

KEPT FAITH WITH CUBA. 

We have been in possession of Cuba since the first of January, 1899. We have 
restored order and established domestic tranquility. We have fed the starving, 
clothed the naked, and ministered to the sick. We have improved the sanitary condi- 

5 



tion of the island. We have stimulated industry, introduced public education, and 
taken a full and comprehensive enumeration of the inhabitants. 

The qualification of electors has been settled and under it officers have been 
chosen for all the municipalities of Cuba. These local governments are now in oper- 
ation, administered by the people. Our military establishment has been reduced from 
43,000 soldiers to less than 0,000. 

An election has been ordered to be held on the loth of September under a fair 
election law already tried in the municipal elections, to choose members of a constitu- 
tional convention, and the convention, by the same order, is to assemble on the first 
Monday of November to frame a constitution upon which an independent government 
for the island will rest. All this is a long step in the fulfillment of our sacred 
guarantees to the people of Cuba. 

PLANS FOR PORTO RICO. 

We hold Porto Rico by the same title as the Philippines. The treaty of peace 
which ceded us the one conveyed to us the other. Congress has given to this island a 
government in which the inhabitants participate, elect their own legislature, enact 
their own local laws, provide their own system of taxation, and in these respects have 
the same power and privileges enjoyed by other territories belonging to the United 
States and a much larger measure of self-government than was given to the inhabi- 
tants of Louisiana under Jefferson. A district court of the United States for Porto 
Pico has been established and local courts have been inaugurated, all of which are 
in operation. 

The generous treatment of the Porto Ricans accords with the most liberal thought 
of our own country and encourages the best aspirations of the people of the island. 
While they do not have instant free commercial intercourse with the United States, 
congress complied with my recommendation by removing, on the 1st day of May last, 
85 per cent of the duties and providing for the removal of the remaining 15 per cent 
on the 1st of March, 1902, or earlier if the legislature of Porto Rico shall provide 
local revenues for the expenses of conducting the government. „ 

ISLAND IS PROFITED. 

During this intermediate period Porto Rican products coming into the United 
States pay a tariff of 15 per cent of the rates under the Dingley act and our goods 
going to Porto Rico pay a like rate. The duties thus paid and collected both in Porto 
Rico and the United States are paid to the government of Porto Rico and no part 
thereof is taken by the national government. 

All of the duties from Nov. 1, 1898, to June 30. 1900, aggregating the sum of 
$2,250,523.21, paid at the custom-houses in the United States upon Porto Rican pro- 
ducts, under the laws existing prior to the above-mentioned act of congress, have 
gone into the treasury of Porto Rico to relieve the destitute and for schools and other 
public purposes. In addition to this, we have expended for relief, education and im- 
provement of roads the sum of $1,513,084.95. 

MILITARY FORCE CUT DOWN. 

The United States military force in the island has been reduced from 11.000 to 
1,500, and native Porto Ricans constitute for the most part the local constabulary. 

Under the new law and the inauguration of civil government there has been a 
gratifying revival of business. The manufactures of Porto Rico are develop= 
ing; her imports are increasing; her tariff is yielding increased returns; 
her fields are being cultivated; free schools are being established. 
Notwithstanding the many embarrassments incident to a change of national condi- 
tions, she is rapidly showing the good effects of her new relations to this nation. 

For the sake of full and intelligent understanding of the Philippine question and 
to give to the people authentic information of the acts and aims of the administration, 
I present at some length the events of importance leading up to the present situation. 
The purposes of the executive are best revealed and can best be judged by what he 
has done and is doing. 

EVERY MOVE FOR PEACE. 

It will be seen that the power of the government has been used for the 
liberty, the peace and the prosperity of the Philippine peoples, and that force 
has been employed only against force which stood in the way of the realiza- 
tion of these ends. 

On the 25th day of April, 1898. congress declared that a state of war existed be- 
between Spain and the United States. On May 1, 1898, Admiral Dewey destroyed 



the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. On May 19, 1898, Major General Merritt, U. S. A.; 
was placed in command of the military expedition to Manila and directed among 
other things to immediately "publish a proclamation declaring that we come not to 
make war upon the people of the Philippines nor upon any party or faction among 
them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their per- 
sonal and religious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest sub- 
mission, co-operate with the United States in its efforts to give effect to this benefi- 
cent purpose will receive the reward of its support and protection." 

SOME FORTUNES OF WAR. 

On July 3, 1808. the Spanish fleet in attempting to escape from Santiago harbor 
was destroyed by the American fleet, and on July 17, 1898. the Spanish garrison in 
the city of Santiago surrendered to the commander of the American forces. 

Following tbese brilliant victories, on the 12th day of August, 1898, upon the 
initiative of Spain, hostilities were suspended, and a protocol was signed with a view 
to arranging terms of peace between the two governments. In pursuance thereof I 
appointed as commissioners the following distinguished citizens to conduct the nego- 
tiations on the part of the United States: Hon. William R. Day of Ohio. Hon. 
William P. Five of Maine, Hon. Cushman K. Davis of Minnesota, Hon. George Gray 
of Delaware and Hon. Whitelaw Reid of Xew York. 

FORCED INTO CONFLICT. 

In addressing the peace commission before its departure for Paris, I said: 
"It is my wish that throughout the negotiations intrusted to the commission the 
purpose and spirit with which the United States accepted the unwelcome necessity 
of war should be kept constantly in view. We took up arms only in obedience to the 
dictates of humanity and in the fulfillment of high public and moral obligations. We 
had no design of aggrandizement and no ambition of conquest. 

"Through the long course of repeated representations which preceded and aimed 
to avert the struggle and in the final arbitrament of force this country Avas impelled 
solely by the purpose of relieving grievous wrongs and removing long existing condi- 
tions which disturbed its tranquility, which shocked the moral sense of mankind and 
which could no longer be endured. 

HIGH SENSE OF DUTY. 

"It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace should follow the 
same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war. It should be as scrupulous 
and magnanimous in the concluding settlement as it was just and humane in its 
original action. * * * Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to 
lasting results and to the achievement of the common good under the demands of 
civilization rather than to ambitious designs. " :: " * * 

"Without any original thought of complete or even partial acquisition, the pres- 
ence and success of our arms at Manila impose upon us obligations which we cannot 
disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human action. Avowing unre- 
servedly the purpose which has animated all our effort, and still solicitous to adhere 
to it. we cannot be unmindful that without any desire or design on our part the war 
has brought us new duties and responsibilities which we must meet and discharge as 
becomes a great nation on whose growth and career, from the beginning, the Ruler 
of Nations has plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization." 

SHIRKED NO RESPONSIBILITY. 

On Oct. 28, 1898, while the peace commission was continuing its negotiations in 
Paris, the following additional instruction was sent: 

"It is imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only by motives 
which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion should he our least concern; that 
we shall not shirk the moral obligations of our victory is of the greatest. 

"It is undisputed that Spain's authority is permanently destroyed in every part 
of the Philippines. To leave any part in her feeble control now would increase our 
difficulties and be opposed to the interest of humanity. * ~ :: " * Nor can we per- 
mit Spain to transfer any of the islands to another power. Nor can we invite an- 
other power or powers to join the United States in sovereignty over them. We 
must either hold them or turn them back to Spain. 

ONLY ONE HONORABLE COURSE. 

"Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the diffi- 
culties which are before us, the President can see but one plain path of duty, the 



acceptance of the archipelago. Greater difficulties and more serious complications — 
administrative and international — would follow any other course. 

"The President has given to the views of the commissioners the fullest consider- 
ation, and in reaching the conclusion above announced, in the light of information 
communicated to the commission and to the President since your departure, he has 
been influenced by the single consideration of duty and humanity. The President 
is not unmindful of the distressed financial condition of Spain, and whatever consid- 
eration the United States may show must come from its sense of generosity and 
benevolence rather than from any real or technical obligation." 

COULD NOT ABANDON THEM. 

Again, on Nov. 13, I instructed the commission: 

"From the standpoint of indemnity, both the archipelagoes (Porto Pico and the 
Philippines) are insufficient to pay our war expenses, but aside from this, do we 
not Owe an obligation to the people of the Philippines which will not permit us to 
return them to the sovereignty of Spain? Could we justify ourselves in such a 
course, or could we permit their barter to some other power? 

"Willing or not, we have the responsibility of duty which we cannot escape. 
* * * The President cannot believe any division of the archipelago can bring us 
anything but embarrassment in the future. The trade and commercial side, as well 
as the indemnity for the cost of the war, are questions we might yield. They might 
be waived or compromised, but the questions of duty and humanity appeal to the 
President so strongly that he can find no appropriate answer but the one he has 
here marked out." 

TERMS OF THE TREATY. 

The treaty of peace was concluded on Dec. 10, 1898. By its terms the archipel- 
ago, known as the Philippine Islands, was ceded by Spain to the United States. It 
was also provided that "the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants 
of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the con- 
gress." 

Eleven days thereafter, on Dec. 21, the following direction was given to the com- 
mander of our forces in the Philippines : 

* * * "The military commander of the United States is enjoined to make known 
io the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that, in succeeding to the sovereignty of 
Spain, in severing the former political relations of the inhabitants and in estab- 
lishing a new political power, the authority of the United States is to be exerted 
for the securing of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for the 
confirmation of all their private rights and relations. It will be the duty of the 
commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most 
public manner that we come not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, 
to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments and in their personal 
and religious rights." 

SENT A COMMISSION. 

In order to facilitate the most humane, pacific and effective extension of author- 
ity throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least possible delay, the benefits 
of a wise and generous protection of life and property to the inhabitants, I appointed 
in January, 1899, a commission consisting of Hon. Jacob Gould Schurman of New 
York, Admiral George Dewey, U. S. N. ; Hon. Charles Denby of Indiana, Professor 
Dean C. Worcester of Michigan and Major General Elwell S. Otis, U. S. A. Their 
instructions contained the following : 

"In the performance of this duty the commissioners are enjoined to meet at 
the earliest possible day in the City of Manila, and to announce by a public proclama- 
tion their presence and the mission intrusted to them, carefully setting forth that, 
while the military government already proclaimed is to be maintained and continued 
so long as necessity may require, efforts will be made to alleviate the burden of taxa- 
tion, to establish industrial and commercial prosperity.' and to provide for the safety 
of persons and of property by such means as may be found conducive to these ends. 

GIVEN CAREFUL INSTRUCTIONS. 

"The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the military 
authorities of the United States now in control of the Philippines, to ascertain 
what amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants and what improvements in 
public order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will study attentively the 
existing social and political state of the various populations, particularly as regards 
the forms of local government, the administration of justice, the collection of cus- 



<toms and other taxes, the means of transportation, and the need of public improve- 
ments. They will report * * * the results of their observations and reflections, 
and will recommend such executive action as may from time to time seem to them 
wise and useful. 

"The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively with any 
persons resident in the islands from whom they may believe themselves able to de- 
rive information or suggestions valuable for the purposes of their commission, or 
whom they may choose to employ as agents, as may be necessary for this pur- 
pose. * * * 

AVOIDED HARSH MEASURES. 

"It is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants of the islands 
the commissioners exercise due respect for all the ideals, customs and institutions 
of the tribes which compose the population, emphasizing upon all occasions the just 
and beneficent intentions of the government of the United States. 

"it is also my wish and expectation that the commissioners may be received 
in a manner due to the honored and authorized representatives of the American Re- 
public, duly commissioned on account of their knowledge, skill and integrity as bear- 
ers of the good will, the protection and the richest blessings of a liberating rather 
than a. conquering nation."' 

On the Gth of February, 1899, the treaty was ratified by the senate of the Uni- 
ted States, and the congress immediately appropriated $20,000,000 to carry out its 
provisions. The ratifications were exchanged by the United States and Spain on the 
11th of April, 1899. 

As early as April. 1899, the Philippine commission, of which Dr. Schurman was 
president, endeavored to bring about peace in the islands by repeated conferences 
with leading Tagalogs representing the so-called insurgent government, to the 
end that some general plan of government might be Offered them which they would 
accept. 

PLEASED THE NATIVES. 

So great was the satisfaction of the insurgent commissioners with the form 
of government proposed by the American commissioners that the latter submitted 
the proposed scheme to me for approval, and my action thereon is shown by the cable 
message following: 

"May 5, 1899. Schurman, Manila: — Yours 4th received. You are authorized 
to propose that, under the military power of the President, pending action of con- 
gress, government of the Philippine Islands shall consist of a governor general 
appointed by the President, cabinet appointed by the governor general, a general 
advisory council elected by the people, the qualifications of electors to be carefully 
considered and determined, and the governor general to have absolute veto. Judi- 
ciary strong and independent, principal judges appointed by the President. The 
cabinet and judges to be chosen from natives or Americans, or both, having regard 
to fitness. 

The President earnestly desires the cessation of bloodshed and that the 
people of the Philippine Islands at an early date shall have the largest meas- 
ure of local self=government consistent with peace and good order." 

SIGNS OF TREACHERY. 

In the latter part of May another group of representatives came from the in- 
surgent leader. The whole matter was fully discussed with them and promise of 
acceptance seemed near at hand. They assured our commissioners they would return 
after consulting with their leader, but they never did. 

As a result of the views expressed by the first Tagalog representative favorable 
to the plan of the commission, it appears that he was, by military order of the in- 
surgent leader, stripped of his shoulder straps, dismissed from the army and sen- 
tenced to twelve years' imprisonment. 

The views of the commission are best set forth in their own words: 

''Deplorable as war is. the one in which we are now engaged was unavoidable 
by us. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous and enthusiastic army. No alter- 
native was left to us except ignominious retreat. 

HAD TO REMAIN. 

"It is not to be conceived of that any American would have sanctioned the sur- 
render of Manila to the insurgents. Our obligations to other nations and to the 
friendly Filipinos and to ourselves and our flag demanded that force should be met 
by force. Whatever the future of the Philippines may be, there is no course open 

9 



to us now except the prosecution of the war until the insurgents are reduced to 
submission. 

"The commission is of the opinion that there has been no time since the de- 
struction of the Spanish squadron by Admiral Dewey when it was possible to with- 
draw our forces from the islands either with honor to ourselves or with safety to- 
the inhabitants." 

After the most thorough study of the peoples of the archipelago the commis- 
sion reported, among other things: 

"Their lack of education and political experience, combined with their racial 
and linguistic diversities, disqualify them, in spite of their mental gifts and domestic 
virtues, to undertake the task of governing the archipelago at the present time. 
The most that can be expected of them is to co-operate with the Americans in the 
administration of general affairs, from Manila as a center, and to undertake, sub- 
ject to American control or guidance (as may be found necessary) the administration 
of provincial and municipal affairs. * * * 

WOULD INVITE ANARCHY. 

"Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission believes that 
the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy, which would 
excuse, if it did not necessitate, the intervention of other powers, and the eventual 
division of the islands among them. Only through American occupation, therefore, 
is the idea of a free, self-governing and united Philippine commonwealth at all con- 
ceivable. * " :: ~ '* 

"Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national honor 
in forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. We cannot from any point of 
view escape the responsibilities of government which our sovereignty entails, and the 
commission is strongly persuaded that the performance of our national duty will 
prove the greatest blessing to the peoples of the Philippine islands." 

Satisfied that nothing further could be accomplished in pursuance of their 
mission until the rebellion was suppressed, and desiring to place before the congress 
the result of their observations, I requested the commission to return to the United 
States. Their most intelligent and comprehensive report was submitted to congress. 

DUTIES OF THE COMMISSION. 

In March, 1900, believing that the insurrection was practically ended and earn- 
estly desiring to promote the establishment of a stable government in the archipel- 
ago, I appointed the following civil commission: Hon. William H. Taft of Ohio. 
Professor Dean C. Worcester of Michigan, Hon. Luke I. Wright of Tennessee, Hon. 
Henry G. Ide of Vermont", and Hon. Bernard Moses of California. My instructions 
to them contained the following: 

"You (the Secretary of war) will instruct the commission * * * to devote 
their attention in the first instance to the establishment of municipal governments, 
in which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities,, 
shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the fullest ex- 
tent of which they are capable and subject to the least degree of supervision and 
control which a careful study of their capacities and observation of the workings of 
native control show to be consistent with the maintenance of law. order and lov- 
altv. * * * 

AWAITS THE REPORT. 

"Whenever the commission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the 
islands is such that the central administration may safely be transferred from mili- 
tary to civil control they will report that conclusion to you (the Secretary of War) , 
with their recommendations as to the form of central government to be established 
for the purpose of taking over the control. """ * * 

"Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900. the authority to exercise, sub- 
ject to my approval through the Secretary of War, that part of the power of gov- 
ernment in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative nature is to be trans- 
ferred from the military governor of the islands to this commission, to* be thereafter 
exercised by them in the place and stead of the military governor, under such rules 
and regulations* as you (the Secretary of War) shall prescribe, until the establish- 
ment of the civil central government for the islands contemplated in the last fore- 
going paragraph or until congress shall otherwise provide. 

LEGISLATIVE AUTHORITY. 

"Exercise of this legislative authority will include the making of rules and 
orders having the effect of law for the raising of revenue by taxes, customs duties and 

10 



imposts; the appropriation and expenditure of the public funds of the islands; the 
establishment of an educational system throughout the islands ; the establishment 
of a system to secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment 
of courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental gov- 
ernments, and all other matters of a civil nature for which the military governor is 
now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative character. The com- 
mission will also have power during the same period to appoint to office such officers 
under the judicial, educational and civil service systems and in the municipal and 
departmental governments as shall be provided for. • * * *" 

RULES FOR THE INTERIM. 

Until congress shall take action I directed that : 

"Upon every division and branch of the government of the Philippines must be 
imposed these inviolable rules: That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty 
or property without due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for 
public use without just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have com- 
pulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of 
counsel for his defense : that excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put 
twice in jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal case to be a 
witness against himself; that the right to be secure against unreasonable searchers 
and seizures shall not be violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
shall exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder or ex post 
facto law shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of 
speech or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and petition 
the government for a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made respecting: 
the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the 
free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship without discrimina- 
tion or preference shall forever be allowed. * * * 

EXTENDING EDUCATION. 

"It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and. as they find 
occasion, to improve, the system of education already inaugurated by the military 
authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first importance the extension of 
a system of primary education which shall be free to all, and which shall tend to fit 
the people for the duties of citizenship, and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized 
community. * * * Especial attention should be at once given to affording full 
opportunity to all the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English lan- 
guage. * * * 

"Upon all officers and employes of the United States, both civil and military, 
should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the material, but the 
personal and social rights of the people of the islands, and to treat them with the 
same courtesy and respect for their personal dignity which the people of the United 
States are accustomed to require from each other. 

ALL PLEDGES KEPT. 

"The articles of capitulation of the City of Manila on the 13th of August. 1898. con- 
cluded with these words : 'This city, its inhabitants, its churches, and religious worship, 
its educational establishments and its private property of all descriptions, are placed under 
the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American army.' 

"I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred an obligation 
rests upon the government of the United States to give protection for property and life, 
civil and religious freedom, and. wise, firm and unselfish guidance in the path's of peace 
and prosperity to all the people of the Philippine Islands. I charge this commission to 
labor for the full performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and con- 
science of their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabitants of the 
Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the day when God gave victory 
to American arms at Manilla and set their land under the sovereignty and the protection of 
the people of the United States." 

AMNESTY PROCLAIMED. 

That all might share in the regeneration of the islands and participate in their gov- 
ernment. I directed General MacArthur. the military governor of the Philippines, to issue 
a proclamation of amnesty, which contained, among other statements, the following : 

Manila. P. I.. June 21, 1900. — By direction of the President of the United States the 
undersigned announces amnesty, with complete immunity for the past and absolute lib- 
erty of action for the future, to all persons who are now, or at any time since Feb. 4. 1899, 
have been in insurrection against the United States in either a military or civil capacity! 

11 



and who shall, within a period of ninety days from the date hereot\_forinally renounce 
all connection with such insurrection and subscribe to a declaration acknowledging and 
accepting the sovereignty and authority of the United States in and over the Philippine 
Islands. 

"The privilege herewith published is extended to all concerned without any reserva- 
tion whatever, excepting that persons who have violated the laws of war during the period 
of active hostilities are not embraced within the scope of~this amnesty. . * * * 

PAY OFFERED FOR RIFLES. 

"In order to mitigate as much as possible consequences resulting from the various 
disturbances which since 1896 have succeeded each other so rapidly, and to provide in 
some measure for destitute Filipino soldiers during the transitory period which must in- 
evitably succeed a general peace, the military authorities of the United States will pay 
30 pesos to each man who presents a rifle in good condition." 

Under their instructions the commission, composed of representative Americans of 
different sections of the country and from different political parties whose character and 
ability guarantee the most faithful intelligence and patriotic service, are now laboring to 
establish stable government under civil control, in which the inhabitants shall participate, 
giving them opportunity to demonstrate how far they are prepared for self-government. 



QUOTES THE COMMISSION 



This commission, under date of Aug. 21, 1900, makes an interesting report, from which 
I quote the following extracts : 

"Hostility against Americans was originally aroused by absurd falsehoods of un- 
scrupulous leaders. The distribution of troops in 300 posts has by contact largely dis- 
pelled hostility, and steadily improved temper of people. This improvement is furthered 
by abuses of insurgents. Large numbers of people long for peace and are willing to ac- 
cept government under the United States. 

"Insurgents not surrendering after defeat divided into small guerilla bands under 
general officers or become robbers. Nearly all of the prominent generals and politicians of 
the insurrection, except Aguinaldo, have since been captured or have surrendered and 
taken the oath of allegiance. * * * 

"All northern Luzon, except two provinces, substantially free from insurgents. Peo- 
ple busy planting, and asking for municipal organization. * Railway and telegraph lines 
from Manila to Dagupan, 122 miles, not molested for five months. * * * 

PLANS NATIVE MILITIA. 

"Tagalogs alone active in leading guerilla warfare. In Negros, Cebu, Romblon, Mas- 
bate, Sibuyan. Tablas. Bohol and other Philippine islands little disturbance exists, and 
civil government eagerly awaited. * * * 

"Four years of war and lawlessness in parts of islands have created unsettled con- 
ditions. * * * Native constabulary and militia, which should be organized at -once, 
will end this and the terrorism to which defenseless people are subjected. The natives 
desire to enlist in these organizations. If judiciously selected and officered, will be effi- 
cient forces for maintenance of order, and will permit early material reduction of United 
States troops. * * * 

"Turning islands over to coterie of Tagalog politicians will blight fair prospects of 
enormous improvement, drive out capital, make life and property secular and religions 
most insecure : banish by fear of cruel proscription considerable body of conservative 
Filipinos who have aided Americans in well-founded belief that their people are not now 
fit for self-government, and reintroduce same oppression and corruption which existed m 
all provinces under Malolos insurgent government during the eight months of its control. 
The result will be factional strife between jealous leaders, chaos and anarchy, and will 
require and justify active intervention of our government or some other. * * * 

TRADE FOLLOWS PEACE. 

"Business interrupted by war much improved as peace extends. * * * In Negros 
more sugar in cultivation than ever before. New forestry regulations give impetus to 
timber trade and reduce high price of lumber. The customs collections for last quarter 
50 per cent, greater than ever in Spanish history, and August collections show further 
increase. The total revenue for same period one-third greater than in any quarter under 
Spain, though cedula tax, chief source of Spanish revenue, practically abolished. 

"Economy and efficiency of military government have created surplus fund of $6,000,- 
000, which should be expended in much needed public works, notably improvement of 
Manila harbor. * * * With proper tariff and facilities Manila will become great port 
of Orient." 

The commission is confident that "by a judicious customs law, reasonable land tax 
and proper corporation franchise tax, imposition of no greater rate than that in the aver- 
age American state will give less annoyance and with peace will produce revenues suffi- 
cient to pay expenses of efficient government, including militia and constabulary." 

CIVIL SERVICE TO RULE. 

They "are preparing a stringent civil service law giving equal opportunity to Filipinos, 
and Americans, with preference for the former where qualifications are equal, to enter 
at the lowest rank and by proration reach head of department. * * * 

"Forty-five miles of railroad extension under negotiation will give access to a large 
province rich in valuable minerals, a mile high, with strictly temperate climate. * * 
Railroad construction will give employment to many and communication will furnish a 
market to vast stretches of rich agricultural lands." 

They report that there are "calls from all parts of the islands for public schools, 
school supplies and English teachers, greater than the commission can provide until a 
comprehensive school system is organized. Night schools for teaching English to adults 

12 



are being established in response to popular demand. Native children show aptitude in 
learning English. Spanish is spoken by a small fraction of people, and in a few years 
the medium of communication in the courts, public offices and between different tribes will 
be English. 

WORKING FOR HUMANITY. 

"Creation of central government within eighteen months, under which substantially 
all rights described in the bill of rights in the federal Constitution are to be secured to 
the people of the Philippines, will bring to them contentment, prosperity, education and 
political enlightenment." 

This shows to my countrymen what has been and is being done to bring the benefits 
of liberty and good government to these wards of the nation, fcvery effort has been di= 
rected to their peace and prosperity, their advancement and welUbeing, not for our aegrandize= 
ment nor for pride of miuht, not for trade or commerce, not f»r exploitation, but for human- 
ity and civilization, and for the protection of the vast majority of the population who wel- 
come our sovereignty against the designing minority whose first demand after the surrender 
of Manila by the Spanish army was to enter the city that they might loot it and destroy 
those not in sympathy with their selfish and treacherous designs. 

NO SIGN OF ALLIANCE. 

Nobody who will avail himself of the facts will longer hold that there was any alli- 
ance between our soldiers and the insurgents or that any promise of independence was 
made to them. Long before their leader had reached Manila they had resolved, if the 
commander of the American navy would give them arms with which to fight the Spanish 
army, they would later turn upon us, which they did murderously and without the shadow 
of cause or justification. 

There may be those without the means of full information who believe that we were 
in alliance with the insurgents and that we assured them that they should have independ- 
ence. To such let us repeat the facts : 

On the 26th of May, 1898, Admiral Dewey was instructed by me to make no alliance 
with any party or faction in the Philippines that would incur liability to maintain their 
cause in the future, and he replied under date of June 6, 1898 : 

"Have acted according to spirit of department's instructions from the beginning, and 
I have entered into no alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. This squadron 
can reduce the defenses of Manila at any moment, but it is considered useless until the 
arrival of sufficient United States forces to retain possession." 

DENIES ANY COMPACT. 

In the report of the first Philippine commission, submitted on Nov. 2, 1899, Admiral 
Dewey, one of its members, said : 

"No alliance of any kind was entered into with Aguinaldo nor was any promise of in- 
dependence made to him at any time." 

General Merritt arrived in the Philippines on July 25, 1898, and a dispatch from Ad- 
miral Dewey to the government at Washington said : 

"Merritt arrived yesterday. Situation is most critical at Manila. The Spanish may 
surrender at any moment. Merritt's most difficult problem will be how to deal with the 
insurgents under Aguinaldo, who have become aggressive and even threatening toward our 
army." 

Here is revealed the spirit of the insurgents as early as July. 1898. before the protocol 
was signed, while we were still engaged in active war with Spain. Even then the insur- 
gents were threatening our army. 

FILIPINOS TOOK NO PART. 

On Aug. 13, Manila was captured, and of this and subsequent events the Philippine 
commission says : 

"When the City of Manila was taken, Aug. 13, the Filipinos took no part in the attack, 
but came following in with a view to looting the city and were only prevented from doing 
so by our forces preventing them from entering. Aguinaldo claimed that he had the right 
to occupy the city. He demanded of General Merritt the palace of Malacanan for him- 
self and the cession of all the churches of Manila, also that a part of the money taken 
from the Spaniards as spoils of war should be given up. and. above all, that he should 
be given the arms of the Spanish prisoners. All these demands were refused." 

NO PROMISES MADE. 

Generals Merritt. Greene and Anderson, who were in command at the beginning of 
our occupation and until the surrender of Manila, state that there was no alliance with 
the insurgents and no promise to them of independence. Oh Aug. 17, 1898, General Mer- 
ritt was instructed that there must be no joint occupation of Manila with the insurgents. 
General Anderson, under date of Feb. 10, 1900, says that he was present at the interview 
between Admiral Dewey and the insurgent leader, and that in this interview Admiral Dewey 
made no promises whatever. He adds : 

"He (Aguinaldo) asked me if my government was going to recognize his government. 
I answered that I was there simply in a military capacity ; that I could not acknowledge 
his government, because I had no authority to do so." 

EASY TO FIND FAULT. 

Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey's fleet to Manila to capture and destroy 
the Spanish sea power there, or. dispatching it there, would they have withdrawn it after 
the destruction of the Spanish fleet : and if the latter, whither would they have directed 
it to sail? Where could it have gone? What port in the Orient was opened to it? 

Do our adversaries condemn the expedition under the command of General Merritt to 

13 



strengthen Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our triumph over Spain, with which 
nation we were at war? Was it not our highest duty to strike Spain at every vulnerable 
point, that the war might be successfully concluded at the earliest practicable moment 7 

ASKS FOR HONEST OPINION. 

And was it not our duty to protect the lives and property of those who came within 
our control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come away at any time between May 
1. 1S98, and the conclusion of peace without a stain upon our good name? Could we have 
come away without dishonor at any time after the ratification of the peace treaty by the 
senate of "the United States? 

There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy's fleet when we could or should 
have left the Philippine archipelaeo. After the treaty of peace was ratified no power but 
congress could surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of *b«» territory thus acquired. 
The congress has not seen fit to do the one or the other, and the President had no authority 
to do either, if he had been so inclined, which he was not. 

So long as the sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the executive, whoever he 
may be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be attacked to suppress its assailants. Would 
our political adversaries do less? 

BEGUN BY INSURGENTS. 

It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting in the Philippines if con- 
gress had declared its purpose to give independence to the Tagal insurgents. The insur- 
gents did not wait for the action of congress. They assumed the offensive, they opened 
fire on our army. 

Those who assert our responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have forgotten 
that before the treaty was ratified in the senate, and while it was being debated in that 
body, and while the Bacon resolution was under discussion, on Feb. 4, 1899, the insur- 
gents attacked the American army, after being previously advised that the American 
forces were under orders not to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in the 
recently captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate that this attack had been care- 
fully planned for weeks before it occurred. 

ONLY ONE COURSE OPEN. 

Their unprovoked assault upon our soldiers at a time when the senate was deliberating 
upon the treaty shows that no action on our part except surrender and abandonment would 
have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any fair mind of where the responsi- 
bility rests for the shedding of American blood. 

With all the exaggerated phrasemaking of this electoral contest, we are in danger of 
being diverted from the real contention. We are in agreement with all of those who sup- 
ported the war with Spain, and also with those who counseled the ratification of the 
treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of 
these came all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations imposed by the 
war and the treaty, we must decline to act further with them, and here the issue was 
made. 

It is our purpose to establish in the Philippines a government suitable to the wants and condi= 
lions of the inhabitants, and to prepare them for self-government, and to give them self=govern= 
ment when they are ready for it, and as rapidly as they are ready for it. That I am aiming to 
do under my constitutional authority, and will continue to do until coDgress shall deter- 
mine the political status of the inhabitants of the archipelago. 

PLEA FOR CONSISTENCY. 

Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be reminded that it could not 
have been ratified in the senate but for their assistance. The senate which ratified the 
treaty and the congress which added its sanction by a large appropriation comprised sen- 
ators and representatives of the people of all parties. 

Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it 
to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly disclaimed, for only 
evil can result from. the hopes raised by our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that 
with their success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal of our army and of 
American sovereignty over the archipelago, the complete independence of the Tagalog peo- 
ple recognized and the powers of government over all the other peoples of the archipelago 
conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. 

PROLONGS THE REBELLION. 

The effect of a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done has already 
prolonged the rebellion and increases the necessity for the continuance of a large army. 
It is now delaying full peace in the archipelago and the establishment of civil govern- 
ments, and has influenced many of the insurgents against accepting the liberal terms of 
amnesty offered by General Mac-Arthur under my direction. But for these false hopes a 
considerable reduction could have been had in our military establishment in the Philip- 
pines and the realization of a stable government would be already at hand. 

The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the sovereignty of the United 
States in the Philippines to a small fraction of the population, a single tribe out of eighty 
or more inhabiting the archipelago, a fraction which wantonly attacked the American 
troops in Manila while in rightful possession under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the 
ratification of the treaty of peace by the senate, and which has since been in active, open 
rebellion against the United States. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty to a small 
minority in the islands without consulting the majority and to abandon the largest portion 
of the population, which has been loyal to us, to the cruelties of the guerilla insurgent 
hands. 



DEMANDS CANNOT BE MET. 

More than this, we are asked to protect this minority in establishing a government* 
and to tnis end repress all opposition of the majority. We are required to set up a stable 
government in the interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and fired upon our 
soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost or sacrifice against its enemies witnin and 
against those having ambitious designs from without. 

This would require an army and navy far larger than is now maintained in the 
Philippines and still more in excess of what will be necessary with the full recognition of 
our sovereignty. A military support of authority not our own, as thus proposed, is the very 
essence of militarism, which "ur opponents in their platform oppose, but which by their policy 
would of necessity be established in its most offensive form. 

NO PREMIUM ON MURDER. 

The American people will not make the murderers of our soldiers the agents of the 
republic to convey the blessings of liberty and order to the Philippines. They will not 
make them the builders of the new commonwealth. Such a course would be a betrayal of 
our sacred obligations to the peaceful Filipinos, and would place at the mercy of dangerous 
adventurers the lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would make possible 
and easy the commission of such atrocities as were secretly planned, to be executed on the 
22d of February, 1899, in the City of Manila, when only the vigilance of our army pre- 
vented the attempt to assassinate our soldiers and all foreigners and pillage and destroy the 
city and its surroundings. 

In short, the proposition of those opposed to us is to continue all the obligations in 
the Philippines which now rest upon the government, only changing the relation from 
principal, which now exists, to that of surety. Our responsibility is to remain, but our 
power is to be diminished. Our obligation is to be no less, but our title is to be sur- 
rendered to another power, which is without experience or training, or the ability to main- 
tain a stable government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its international ob- 
ligations with the rest of the world. 

WILL DEFEND OUR TITLE. 

To this we are opposed. We should not yield our title while our obligations last. In 
the language of our platform, •'Our authority should not be less than our responsibility," 
and our present responsibility is to establish our authority in every part of the islands. 

No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore public order, establish law, 
.justice and stable conditions as ours. Neither congress nor the executive can establish 
a stable government in these islands except under our right of sovereignty, our authority 
and our flag. And this we are doing. 

We could not do it as a protectorate power so completely or so successfully as we are 
doing it now. As the sovereign power we can initiate action and shape means to ends, and 
guide the Filipinos to self-development and self-government. 

As a protectorate power we could not initiate action, but would be compelled to fol- 
low and uphold a people with no capacity yet to go alone. In the one case we can pro- 
tect both ourselves and the Filipinos from being involved in dangerous complications ; in 
the other we could not protect even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. 

CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED. 

Besides, if we cannot establish any government of our own without the consent of 
•the governed, as our opponents contend, then we could not establish a stable government 
for them or make ours a protectorate without the like consent, and neither the majority 
of the people nor a minority of the people have invited us to assume it. We could not 
maintain a protectorate even with the consent of the governed without giving provocation 
for conflicts and possibly costly wars. 

Our rights in the Philippines are now free from outside interference and will continue 
so in our present relation. They would not be thus free in any other relation. We will 
not give up our own to guarantee another sovereignty. 

Our title is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were receiving a good title 
when they concluded the treaty. The executive believed it was a good title when he sub- 
mitted it to the senate of the United States for its ratification. The senate believed it 
was a good, title when they gave it their constitutional assent, and the congress seems not 
to have doubted its completeness when they appropriated $20,000,000 provided by the 
treaty. 

TITLE IS UNQUESTIONABLE. 

If any who favored its ratification believed it gave us a bad title they were not sin- 
cere. Our title is practically identical with that under which we hold our territory ac- 
quired since the beginning of the government, and under which we have exercised full sov- 
ereignty and established government for the inhabitants. 

It is worthy of note that no one outside of the United States disputes the fullness 
and integrity of the cession. What then is the real issue on this subject? Whether it is para= 
mount to any other or not, it is whether we shall be responsible for the government of the Phil= 
ippines, with the sovereignty and authority which enables us to guide them to regulated liberty, 
law, safety and progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible and arbitrary govern- 
ment of a minority, without sovereignty and authority on our part, and with only the embarrass- 
ment of a protectorate which draws us into their troubles without the power of preventing them. 

OBLIGATION OF WAR. 

There were those who two years ago were rushing us on to war with Spain who are 

unwilling now to accept its clear consequences as there are those among us who advocated 

the ratification of the treaty of peace, but now protest against its obligations. Nations 

15 



which go to war must be prepared to accept its resultant obligations, and when thev make 
treaties must keep them. 

Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable purposes of the administration 
in its treatment of the Philippines are not justified. Imperialism has no place in its creed 
or conduct. Freedom is the rock upon which the Republican party was builded and now 
rests. Liberty is the great Republican doctrine for which the people went to war and for 
which a million lives were offered and billions of dollars expended to make it a lawful legacy 
of all without the consent of master or slave. 

STRAIN OF HYPOCRISY. 

There is a strain of ill-concealed hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the constitutional 
guarantees to the people of the Philippines, while their nullification is openly advocated at 
home. Our opponent's may distrust themselves, but they have no right to discredit the 
good faith and patriotism of the majority of the people who are opposed to them. They 
may fear the worst form of imperialism with the helpless Filipinos in their hands, but if 
they do, it is because they have parted with the spirit and faith of the fathers and have 
lost the virility of the founders of the party which they profess to represent. 

The Republican party doesn't have to assert its devotion to the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. That immortal instrument of the fathers remains unexecuted until the people, 
under the lead of the Republican party in the awful clash of battle, turned its promises into 
fulfillment. It wrote into the Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality 
to American citizenship, and it has never broken them or counseled others in breaking 
them. It will not be guided in its conduct by one set of principles at home and another 
set in th& new territory belonging to the United States. 

DOCTRINE OF LINCOLN. 

If our opponents would only practice as well as preach the doctrines of Abraham 
Lincoln there would be no fear for the safety of our institutions or their rightful iunuence 
in any territory over which our flag floats. 

Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines by American freemen. 
The flag of the republic now floats over these islands as an emblem of rightful sovereignty. 
Will the republic stay and dispense to their inhabitants the blessings of liberty, education 
and free institutions, or steal away, leaving them to anarchy or imperialism ? 

The American question is between duty and desertion. The American verdict will be for duty 
and against desertion, for the Republic against both anarchy and imperialism. 

The country has been fully advised of the purposes of the United States in China, and 
they will be faithfully adhered to as already defined. 

SUFFERERS IN PEKIN. 

The nation is filled with gratitude that the little band, among them many of our own 
blood, who for two months have been subjected to privation and peril by the attacks of 
pitiless hordes at the Chinese capital, exhibiting supreme courage in the face of despair, 
have been enabled by God's favor to greet their rescuers and find shelter under their own 
flag. 

The people not alone of this land, but of all lands, have watched and prayed through 
the terrible stress and protracted agony of the helpless sufferers in Pekin ; and while at 
times the dark tidings seemed to make all hope vain, the rescuers never faltered in the 
heroic fulfillment of their noble task. We are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors and 
marines, and to all the brave men who, though assembled under many standards, repre- 
senting peoples and races strangers in country and speech, were yet united in the sacred 
mission of carrying succor to the besieged, with a success that is now the cause of a world's 
rejoicing. 

PASSING OF SECTIONALISM. 

Not only have we reason for thanksgiving for 'our material blessings, but we should re- 
joice in the complete unification of the people of all sections of our country that has so 
happily developed in the last few years and made for us a more perfect union. The ob- 
literation of old differences, the common devotion to the flag and the common sacrifices for 
its honor, so conspicuously shown by the men of the North and South in the Spanish war, 
have so strengthened the ties of friendship and mutual respect that nothing can ever again 
divide us. 

The nation faces the new century gratefully and hopefully, with increasing love of 
country, with firm faith in its free institutions, and with high resolve that they •"shall not 
perish from the earth." Very respectfully yours, 

WILLIAM MCKINLEY. 



President McKinley's 

Speech of Acceptance 

JULY 12, I9OO 



Upon the occasion of the notification of his re-nomination for the 
Presidency by the 

Republican National Convention 
at Philadelphia, Pa. 



Senator Lodge, and Gentlemen of the Noti- 
fication Committee: 

The message which you bring to me is one of sig- 
nal honor. It is also a summons to duty. A single 
nomination for the office of President by a great 
party which in thirty-two years out of forty has 
been triumphant at national elections, is a distinction 
which I gratefully cherish. To receive a unanimous 
renomination by the same party is an expression 
of regard and a pledge of continued confidence for 
which it is difficult to make adequate acknowledg- 
ment. 

If anything exceeds the honor of the office of 
President of the United States it is the responsibility 
which attaches to it. Having been invested with 
both, I do not under- appraise either. 



Anyone who has borne the anxieties and burdens 
of the Presidential office, especially in time of national 
trial, cannot contemplate assuming it a second time 
without profoundly realizing the severe exactions 
and the solemn obligations which it imposes, and 
this feeling is accentuated by the momentous prob- 
lems which now press for settlement. If my country- 
men shall confirm the action of the Convention at 
our national election in November, I shall, craving 
Divine guidance, undertake the exalted trust, to 
administer it for the interest and honor of the 
country, and the well-being of the new peoples who 
have become the objects of our care. (Great ap- 
plause. ) The declaration of principles adopted by 
the Convention has my hearty approval. At some 
future date I will consider its subjects in detail and 
will by letter communicate to your chairman a more 
formal acceptance of the nomination. 

Republican Party's Promises. 

On a like occasion four years ago, I said: 

"The party that supplied by legislation the vast revenues for 
the conduct of our greatest war; that promptly restored the 
credit of the country at its close; that from its abundant revenues 
paid off a large share of the debt incurred by this war, and that 
resumed specie payments and placed our paper currency upon a 
sound and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to preserve both 
our credit and currency, with honor, stability and inviolability. 
The American people hold the financial honor of our Government 
as sacred as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the 
same sleepless vigilance. They hold its preservation above party 
fealty, and have often demonstrated that party ties avail nothing 
when the spotless credit of our country is threatened. 

"* * * The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner and 
the pensioner must continue forever equal in purchasing and 
debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any government creditor. 

"* * * Q ur industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, 
our business and commercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, 
our national credit and currency, our proud financial honor and 
our splendid free citizenship, the birthright of every American, 
are all involved in the pending campaign, and thus every home 
in the land is directly and intimately connected with their proper 
settlement, 



3 

The Home Market. 

tut * * Q ur domestic trade must be won back and our idle 
working people employed in gainful occupations at American 
wages. Our home market must be restored to its proud rank of 
first in the world, and our foreign trade so precipitately cut off 
by adverse national legislation, re-opened on fair and equitable 
terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products. 

"* * * Public confidence must be resumed, and the skill, 
energy and the capital of our country find ample employment at 
home. * * * The Government of the United States must 
raise money enough to meet both its current expenses and in- 
creasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect 
the material interests of our people, with the lightest possible 
drain upon their resources, and maintain that high standard of 
civilization which has distinguished our country for more than a 
century of its existence. 

"* * * The national credit, which has thus far fortunately 
resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and 
strengthened. If sufficent revenues are provided for the support 
of the Government there will be no necessity for borrowing 
money and increasing the public debt." 

Sound Money Established. 

Three and one-half years of legislation and admin- 
istration have been concluded since these words were 
spoken. Have those to whom was confided the di- 
rection of the Government kept their pledges? The 
record is made up. The people are not unfamiliar 
with what has been accomplished. The gold stand- 
ard has been re- affirmed and strengthened. ( Great 
applause.) The endless chain has been broken and 
the drain upon our gold reserve no longer frets us. 
(Applause.) The credit of the country has been ad- 
vanced to the highest place among all nations . (Great 
applause.) We are refunding our bonded debt bear- 
ing three and four and five per cent interest at two 
per cent, a lower rate than that of any other country, 
and already more than three hundred millions have 
been so funded with a gain to the Government of 
many millions of dollars. (Continued applause.) 
Instead of free silver at 16 to 1 (laughter), for which 



our opponents contended four years ago, legislation 
has been enacted which, while utilizing all forms of 
our money, secures one fixed value for every dollar 
and that the best known to the civilized world. 
(Great and long-continued applause.) 

- Protection to Labor and Industry. 

A tariff which protects American labor and indus- 
try and provides ample revenues has been written in 
public law. (Applause.) We have lower interest 
and higher wages; more money and fewer mort- 
gages. (Applause. ) The world's markets have been 
opened to American products, which go now where 
they have never gone before. (Great applause.) 
We have passed from a bond issuing to a bond pay- 
ing nation (Applause) ; from a nation of borrowers 
to a nation of lenders (Applause); from a deficiency 
in revenue to a surplus; from fear to confidence; 
from enforced idleness to profitable employment. 
(Great applause. ) The public faith has been upheld; 
public order has been maintained. We have pros- 
perity at home and prestige abroad. ( Enthusiastic 
and long-continued applause. ) 

Democrats Denounce the Gold Standard. 

Unfortunately the threat of 1896 has just been re- 
newed by the allied parties without abatement or 
modification. The gold bill has been denounced and 
its repeal demanded. The menace of 16 to 1, there- 
fore, still hangs over us with all its dire conse- 
quences to credit and confidence, to business and 
industry. The enemies of sound currency are rally- 
ing their scattered forces. The people must once 
more unite and overcome the advocates of repudia- 
tion and must not relax their energy until the battle 
for public honor and honest money shall again 
triumph. (Great applause.) A Congress which will 






5 

sustain, and if need be strengthen, the present law, 
can prevent a financial catastrophe, which every 
lover of the Republic is interested to avert. 

They Condemn Protection. 

Not satisfied with assaulting the currency and 
credit of the Government, our political adversaries 
condemn the tariff law enacted at the extra session 
of Congress in 1897, known as the Dingley Act, 
passed in obedience to the will of the people ex- 
pressed at the election in the preceding November, 
a law which at once stimulated our industries, 
opened the idle factories and mines and gave to the 
laborer and to the farmer fair returns for their toil 
and investment. Shall we go back to a tariff 
which brings deficiency in our revenues and destruc- 
tion to our industrial enterprises? (Cries of "No.") 

Faithful to its pledges in these internal affairs, 
how has the Government discharged its international 
duties? 

Republican Peace Policy. 

Our platform of 1896 declared, "The Hawaiian 
Islands should be controlled by the United States 
and no foreign power should be permitted to inter- 
fere with them." (Applause.) This purpose has 
been fully accomplished by annexation, and dele- 
gates from these beautiful islands participated in the 
convention for which you speak to-day. (Great ap- 
plause.) In the great conference of nations at The 
Hague we reaffirmed before the world the Monroe 
doctrine and our adherence to it and our determina- 
tion not to participate in the complications of Europe. 
We have happily ended the European alliance in 
Samoa, securing to ourselves one of the most valu- 
able harbors in the Pacific ocean; while the open 
door in China gives to us fair and equal competition 
in the vast trade of the Orient. (Great applause.) 



6 

Eesults of the War with Spain. 

Some things have happened which were not 
promised, nor even foreseen, and our purposes in re- 
lation to them must not be left in doubt. A just war 
has been waged for humanity and with it have come 
new problems and responsibilities. Spain has been 
ejected from the Western Hemisphere and our flag 
floats over her former territory. (Great applause.) 
Cuba nas been liberated and our guaranties to her 
people will be sacredly executed. (Applause.) A 
beneficent government has been provided for Porto 
Rico. (Great applause. ) The Philippines are ours 
and American authority must be supreme through- 
out the archipelago. (Long-continued applause.) 
There will be amnesty broad and liberal, but no abate- 
ment of our rights, no abandonment of our duty. (Ap- 
plause.) 

No Scuttle Policy. 

There must be no scuttle policy. (Tremend- 
ous applause, long continued.) We will fulfill in 
the Philippines the obligations imposed by the 
triumphs, of our arms and by the treaty of peace, by 
international law, by the nation's sense of honor, 
and more than all by the rights, interests and condi- 
tions of the Philippine peoples themselves. (Great 
applause.) No outside interference blocks the way 
to peace and a stable government. The obstruction- 
ists are here, not elsewhere. (Laughter and great 
applause. ) They may postpone but they cannot de- 
feat the realization of the high purpose of this na- 
tion to restore order in the islands and establish a 
just and generous government, in which the inhabit- 
ants shall have the largest participation for which 
they are capable. (Great applause.) The organ- 
ized forces. which have been misled into rebellion 
have been dispersed by our faithful soldiers and 
sailors, and the people of the islands, delivered from 



anarchy, pillage and oppression, recognize Ameri- 
can sovereignty as the symbol and pledge of peace, 
justice, law, religious freedom, education, the secur- 
ity of life and property, and the welfare and pros- 
perity of their several communities. (Great ap- 
plause. ) 

Republican Principles Reasserted. 

We reassert the early principle of the Republican 
party, sustained by unbroken judicial precedents, 
that the representatives of the people, in Congress 
assembled, have full legislative power over territory 
belonging to the United States (tremendous ap- 
plause), subject to the fundamental safeguards of 
liberty, justice and personal rights, and are vested 
with ample authority to act ' 'for the highest inter- 
ests of our nation and the people entrusted to its 
care." (Long-continued applause.) This doctrine, 
first proclaimed in the cause of freedom, will never 
be used as a weapon for oppression. (Tremendous 
applause. ) 

The Crisis in China. 

I am glad to be assured by you that what we have 
done in the Far East has the approval of the coun- 
try. The sudden and terrible crisis in China calls 
for the gravest consideration, and you will not ex- 
pect from me now any further expression than to 
say that my best efforts shall be given to the imme- 
diate purpose of protecting the lives of our citizens 
who are in peril, with the ultimate object of the 
peace and welfare of China, the safeguarding of all 
our treaty rights, and the maintenance of those prin- 
ciples of impartial intercourse to which the civilized 
world is pledged, (Enthusiastic applause.) 



8 

Strong National Sentiment. 

I cannot conclude without congratulating my coun- 
trymen upon the strong national sentiment which 
finds expression in every part of our common coun- 
try, and the increased respect with which the Amer- 
ican name is greeted throughout the world. (Great 
applause.) 

The Party of Liberty. 

We have been moving in untried paths, but our 
steps have been guided by honor and duty. There 
will be no turning aside, no wavering, no retreat. 
(Applause.) No blow has been struck except for 
liberty and humanity, and none will be. (Great ap- 
plause. ) We will perform without fear every nation- 
al and international obligation. (Great applause.) 
The Republican party was dedicated to freedom 
forty-four years ago. It has been the party of lib- 
erty and emancipation from that hour; not of pro- 
fession but of performance. (Great applause.) It 
broke the shackles of 4, 000, 000 slaves and made them 
free, and to the party of Lincoln has come another 
supreme opportunity which it has bravely met in 
the liberation of 10, 000, 000 of the human family from 
the yoke of imperialism. (Tremendous applause and 
cheers, which broke out again and again. ) In its 
solution of great problems, in its performance of 
high duties, it has had the support of members of all 
parties in the past, and confidently invokes their 
co-operation in the future. 

Permit me to express, Mr. Chairman, my most sin- 
cere appreciation of the complimentary terms in 
which you convey the official notice of my nomination, 
and my thanks to the members of the Committee and 
to the great constituency which they represent, for 
this additional evidence of their favor and support. 
(Great and long-continued applause.) 



President McKinley's Share 
in the War With Spain. 

He Exhausted Every Avenue of Diplomacy to Avoid 

the Conflict, But After It Began He Pushed It 

With Vigor In Order to Speedily Bring 

About Peace with Success. 

[From" The American-Spanish War," published by Chas. C. Haskell & Son, Norwich, Conn.] 

"We want no wars of conquest. We must avoid the temptation 
of territorial aggression. War should never he entered upon until 
every agency of peace has failed." 

These were the ringing words of William McKinley, when he took 

the oath of office as 
President of the United 
States, on the 4th of 
March, 1897, with the 
shadow of an impend- 
ing conflict with Spain 
resting darkly over 
him. From the views 
thus expressed he never 
deviated during all the 
trying period that aft- 
erwards intervened. 
When every agency of 
peace had failed, and 
war became inevitable, 
he accepted all of its 
grave responsibilities, 
just as, after the pro- 
tocol of peace had been 
signed, he declared that 
where the flag had once 
been raised it should 
not be hauled down 
with his consent, and 
that, as far as in him 
lay, he would carry out 
to their logical and le- 
gitimate conclusions the results achieved by the war. 

More fully than any one else Mr. McKinley appreciated, when he 
entered upon the duties of Chief Executive, the dread responsibilities 




which a declaration of war would impose. He knew that though war 
might be demanded or proclaimed by the people of any nation — Im- 
perial, Monarchical or Republican — the responsibilities for its conduct 
and for its results must fall upon the Executive. He comprehended the 
peculiar difficulties which surrounded our relations with Spain, the 
greatest of these being that which had the least popular consideration — 
the possibility that a declaration of war with Spain would bring about 
the hostile intervention of other European Powers, intimately connect- 
ed with that country by ties of common interest and family relation- 
ship. Traditions and international understandings, the Monroe Doc- 
trine, the inviolability of which has so recently been asserted by this 
country, and questions of politics and religion all aided to complicate 
the situation. While it is true that each of the great political parties 
in the campaign which preceded the election of President McKinley had 
condemned in strong terms the existing condition of affairs in Cuba, 
and declared a readiness to exhaust every effort to secure to the people 
of that island the blessings of freedom and good government, no pledge 
was given by either party which could, even by inference, be held to 
bind the Government of the United States to take up arms to accom- 
plish the end which was rhetorically advocated. 

When Mr. McKinley left his home in Canton, Ohio, to assume the 
duties of the Presidency, he had in mind a plan, which he had carefully 
thought out, for the emancipation of Cuba and the establishment of an 
independent form of government in that island. His purpose was to 
bring about this result by a series of swift and positive diplomatic 
movements, which included an appeal to motives of humanity and 
justice, and an array of the more powerful, if less disinterested, mo- 
tives of self interest. There can be little doubt that one of his leading 
ideas for the pacification of Cuba was the surrender of Spanish sover- 
eignty to be brought about by diplomatic negotiations or by friendly 
purchase, the United States to be either the direct purchaser or the 
guarantor in behalf of an independent Cuban Republic. He immediate- 
ly proceeded to put in operation all the agencies of diplomacy to secure 
an amelioration of the condition of the people of Cuba. Contempor- 
aneously with these efforts he called Congress in extra session, to enact 
laws which should place the industrial, commercial and agricultural 
interests of our own country upon a more satisfactory basis. He asked 
Congress, before transacting any other business, first to provide suffi- 
cient revenue to administer the Government faithfully, without the 
contraction of further debt or the continued disturbance of our finances. 
In the light of events that followed, it may well be claimed that Divine 
Providence shaped the ends to which the President directed the nation. 
Without the revival of prosperity, which almost immediately followed 
the legislation recommended— the enactment of which consumed time 
and tended to create a feeling of unrest on the part of those who desired 
speedy action in Cuba,— there could not have been the national co- 
hesion which enabled us to secure the results afterwards achieved. 

During this extra session, called only to consider economic ques- 



tions, events in Cuba so progressed as to excite the public mind almost 
beyond the limits of repression. General Weyler's policy of concen- 
tration, inaugurated February 16, 1896, removed from the provinces 
controlled by the Spanish army the rural population, including women, 
children and helpless old people. The massing of these in the neigh- 
borhood of the cities, and the leaving of them there to die of starva- 
tion, had reached a culmination of horror which shocked the civilized 
world. The President issued an appeal to the people of the United 
States to relieve the necessities of these innocent sufferers; Congress 
made an appropriation for the purpose; and the noble organization 
of the Red Cross, and, later on, many newspaper and private agencies 
of benevolence were drawn to their assistance. 

Agitation for the recognition of Cuban Independence, or for forci- 
ble intervention by the United States, was rampant all over the coun- 
try, sustained by the pulpit, the press and the lecture forum. Resolu- 
tions by the hundred were adopted at public gatherings and forwarded 
to the President, almost as urgent in tone as those addressed to Presi- 
dent Lincoln prior to the Proclamation of Emancipation. So many 
Americans, impelled by righteous indignation at the stories of Cuban 
wrongs, had entered the service of the Cuban army of freedom that 
there was scarcely a Congressional District which did not number one 
or more of these recruits, whose relatives were importunate in beseech- 
ing their Representatives in Congress to take speedy measures to put 
an end to the struggle. 

Expeditions, unauthorized by international law, but quite general- 
ly sanctioned by public sentiment, fitted out in our ports to carry 
arms, ammunition and men to aid the cause of Cuba Libre, became so 
alarmingly frequent and formidable that the President ordered a spe- 
cial patrol by revenue cutters and naval vessels of our coast adjacent 
to Cuba, and directed the appointment of special officers of the Depart- 
ment of Justice to prosecute the offenders against our neutrality laws. 
Among those intercepted and prosecuted as the result of these meas- 
ures was General Calixto Garcia, the Cuban patriot, whose death in 
December, 1898, while on a mission of peace and conciliation to the 
City of Washington, was generally deplored. 

To the different delegations from Congress who waited upon him 
to urge immediate action, President McKinley, with the frankness 
which has always characterized his dealings with the legislative branch 
of the Government, explained his plans and his aspirations for a peace- 
ful settlement, and asked them to give him further time. Congress 
trusted the President, and respected his wishes by adjourning the extra 
session without taking decisive action on the Cuban question. 

Diplomatic efforts to effect an adjustment were continued with in- 
creased vigor. The President, it is understood, went just as far in his 
demands as he could within the constitutional limits of his power, 
stopping short only of such action as might be construed into a prac- 
tical declaration of war. Spain replied, in her customary manner, by 
promises and prevarication. The pressure of public sentiment increased 



in volume. Local militia organizations, covertly or openly abetted by 
governors of States, and many individual citizens of military training, 
undertook the organization of volunteer forces to proceed to Cuba to 
aid in the liberation of its people. Political parties and geographical 
lines were ignored. The men who carried on the agitation were those 
who had fought on each side of the most desperate civil war of modern 
history. 

To withstand this pressure until the time was ripe; to continue 
to enforce our neutrality laws in the face of a hostile public sentiment; 
and scrupulously to observe all our international obligations towards 
Spain, imposed upon the President duties which called for the exercise 
of the highest executive ability and tact. 

When the 356 members of the House of Representatives and the 
ninety Senators, fresh from intercourse with their people, met in regu- 
lar session of Congress on the 6th of December, 1897, it was as the 
commingling of many streams forming one mighty flood of public 
sentiment in favor of the immediate evacuation of Cuba by Spain, 
or an open declaration of war by the United States as the alternative. 
The President addressed to Congress a thoughtful, firm, but temperate 
message. Summarizing the historical facts, he reminded Congress that 
our relations towards Spain and Cuba had been almost a continuous 
question since the first enfranchisement of the colonial possessions 
of Spain in the Western Hemisphere in 1823, and that the possibility 
•that some other European Power might take advantage of the weak- 
ness of Spain's hold upon Cuba to establish a foothold on that island 
to the detriment of the United States, had called forth repeated dec- 
larations that this country would permit no disturbance of Cuba's con- 
nection with Spain, unless in the direction of independence, or the ac- 
quisition of the island by the United States through purchase. 

While maintaining in his communications to Congress the reticence 
which must accompany uncompleted negotiations, and withholding any 
statement of precise propositions, so as to avoid embarrassment to the 
Government of Spain, he stated that our new Minister to that country 
(General Stewart L. Woodford) had been instructed to inquire seriously 
whether the time was not ripe for Spain, of her own volition, moved 
by her own interests, to make proposals of settlement honorable to 
herself and just to her Cuban colony; and also instructed to intimate, 
in plainest terms, that the United States, as a neighboring country, 
with large interests, both commercial and humane, in Cuba, could not 
be required to wait much longer for the restoration of peace and order 
in that island. The President still counselled a last appeal to peaceful 
negotiation. Forcible annexation of Cuba by the United States, he 
said, would be an act of criminal aggression. Recognition of the bel- 
ligerency or of the independence of the Cuban Republic he also put 
aside, for the reason that the essential qualifications of sovereignty 
required by international law had not, in his judgment, been yet at- 
tained. Denouncing General Weyler's concentration order as an act, 
not of civilized warfare, but of extermination, he gave full faith to the 



declarations of the new Spanish Government of Premier Sagasta, which 
had succeeded that of Premier Canovas, under whom this cruel policy 
originated, that it would be reversed, and that a broad and liberal 
scheme of Home Rule or Autonomy would be granted to Cuba. These 
propositions he thought were in the line of a better understanding 
between this Government and that of Spain. He felt that it was hon- 
estly due to Spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to real- 
ize her expectations and to prove the asserted efficacy of the new 
order of things to which she stood irrevocably committed. 

At the same time he added these pregnant words: 

"Sure of the right, keeping free from all offence ourselves, actuated 
only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by pas- 
sion nor selfishness, the Government will continue its watchful care 
over the rights and property of American citizens, and will abate none 
of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall 
be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty 
imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity, 
to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only 
because the necessity for such action shall be so clear as to command 
the support and approval of the civilized world." 

This declaration was afterward abundantly fulfilled. On the night 
of the 15th of February, eleven weeks after the assembling of Con- 
gress, the United States battleship Maine, while on a friendly visit 
to the harbor of Havana, and lying at a mooring especially assigned 
to her by the Captain of the port, was destroyed by a submarine mine, 
and in this catastrophe two of her officers and 264 of her crew perished. 

The horror and suspicion which this occurrence created in the 
minds of the President and his advisers were increased by the fact 
that Consul-General Fitzhugh Lee at Havana had cabled, suggesting 
delay in sending the Maine to that city, on the ground that the Spanish 
authorities professed to think her presence had some ulterior purpose, 
and would obstruct autonomy and most probably produce a demonstra- 
tion. This telegram was received after the Maine had sailed for Havana. 

Those who saw President McKinley the night this fateful news was 
received say that the anguish depicted on his face was as great as 
that which Abraham Lincoln exhibited when he visited the battlefield 
of Gettysburg. He knew then that all his efforts to avert a war, of 
which no one could foretell the duration or extent, had been unavail- 
ing. 

This was the crucial moment in the President's life; a turning 
point in the life of the Republic. Then the sturdy characteristics of. 
firmness and readiness of mind derived from his ancestry were dis- 
played. Mr. McKinley, as is well known, is of Scotch-Irish descent. 
The crest of "James McKinlay the Trooper," head of the Scotch clan 
of McKinlay, from whom the McKinleys of Pennsylvania and Ohio de- 
scended, was an olive branch clasped in a mailed hand. The motto 
accompanying this emblem implied Moderation and Patience. Its lit- 
eral reading was, "Not too much." In transition from Scotland to the 
North of Ireland the "a" of the name was changed to "e," and under 



the Scotch-Irish name of "McKinley," the ancestors of the present 
President of the United States came to America, where, in York County, 
Pennsylvania, his great grandfather, David McKinley, a gallant private 
soldier of the War of the Revolution, was born. 

These old heraldic bearings derived new significance in the present 
crisis. The "olive branch" had been extended for eleven months; the 
"mailed hand" was now to come into play. Not for the first time was 
William McKinley, the soldier, called upon to take heroic assumption of 
responsibility, but never before in so vast a theater and with the 
world for a spectator. William McKinley was a gallant soldier in the 
war of 1861-5. He entered that war as a private and emerged as a 
Major. He participated in many battles, and won promotion for dis- 
tinguished services. He knew what war meant, and had shown his 
capacity in positions of great difficulty and responsibility. 

An incident recorded of him in that struggle illustrates the self- 
reliance of the man, and the qualities which were now to be brought 
into operation on a far grander scale. The story, as told by one of his 
biographers, is this: — 

"At the battle of Opequan, McKinley (who, like his ancestor of 
Revolutionary fame, had entered the war as a private, but who was 
now a Captain and Aide on General Crook's staff) was sent with an 
order to General Isaac H. Duval to move his command quickly to a 
position on the right of the Sixth Corps; but Duval, not knowing the 
topography of the country, asked the young aide, 'By what route shall 
I move my command?' Captain McKinley was without definite orders 
or knowledge of the country, but having a general idea of the direc- 
tion of the water courses and location of the troops, replied, 'I would 
move up this creek.' Duval then said, T shall not move without defi- 
nite orders.' McKinley knew that any delay was hazardous, and so, 
acting on his own view of the position of the armies, at once re- 
plied: 'This is a case of great emergency, General, and so I order you, 
by command of General Crook, to move your command on the road up 
this ravine to a position on the right of the army!' The movement 
proved exactly right, and Duval's command was soon in position to do 
effective work. It drove the enemy in confusion from their works 
and contributed to the victory of the day. Still it is not hard to con- 
jecture what would have been the young aide's fate if the order had 
been a mistake." 

The admirable equipoise of Mr. McKinley's character, and his 
readiness to meet emergencies whenever they occurred, and however 
unexpectedly they confronted him, have been manifested on many occa- 
sions since the termination of this great epoch in American history. 
Three years before he was called to enter upon the duties of Chief Ex- 
ecutive of the Nation, when he was filling a similar but less exalted 
position, that of Chief Executive of the great State of Ohio, disturb- 
ances of a most threatening character broke out among the coal miners. 
Governor McKinley assumed personal direction of the State troops sent 
to suppress rioting, and by his firmness and moderation averted what 
threatened to be a sanguinary and widespread disturbance. 

His twelve years' service in Congress, his experience in other walks 
of life, in all of which he acquitted himself in the most trying circum- 

6 



stances with credit and distinction, marked him as the man destined 
for the hour when the storm of foreign war broke over the United 
States. 

On the day after the news of the destruction of the battleship 
Maine, the President was visited by nearly every member of Congress, 
urging immediate warlike action. He counselled prudence and delay; 
he asked them all to suspend judgment before determining the re- 
sponsibility for the tragic occurrence. In point of fact, he sustained 
the wise cable message sent by Captain Sigsbee of the Maine in an- 
nouncing the disaster. 

President McKinley knew— none better— that the country was not 
prepared for war. We had an army of but 27,500 men, while Spain had 
sent 135,000 troops to Cuba alone. The Spanish Navy, on paper at 
least, was equal, if not superior, to that of the United States. Very 
little had been done since the war of 1861-5 in the way of fortifying 
our sea coast or providing siege guns or fixed ammunition. It is related 
that at this juncture a distinguished army officer reported to the Presi- 
dent, "If we should go to war with Spain to-morrow, we have not 
enough small ammunition for a continuous battle of two hours." 

Nevertheless a caucus of the House of Representatives, confined to 
no one political party, decided almost unanimously on an immediate 
declaration of war; and a sufficient number of members of Congress 
were present at this conference to indicate that the strength of the 
war party in both Houses was sufficient to override even a Presidential 
veto. 

The President had asked Congress at the beginning of the session 
to await the result of Spain's new policy of granting autonomy to 
Cuba and of reversing General Weyler's order of concentration. The 
hopes of peace which these propositions held out failed him at this 
critical juncture. Our consuls in Cuba reported the continuance of such 
sickening scenes of starvation, cruelty and death in the camps of the 
reconcentrados that the correspondence, though called for by Congress, 
was for the time prudently withheld by the President from publication, 
lest in the excited state of the public mind it might prove a spark in 
the powder magazine, already dangerously near explosion. These 
consuls also reported that autonomy was an absolute failure; that coer- 
cion and bribery had been tried in vain to induce Cubans of character 
to give countenance to the movement. Sr. Manuel Rafael Angulo, sent 
to Washington as a delegate from the so-called Colonial or Autonomist 
Government of Cuba, about this time cabled Governor-General Blanco 
at Havana, through the Spanish Minister in Washington, that it was 
necessary, in order to offset what he termed "the perfidious machina- 
tions of Lee and his copartners," to have a cable message sent him 
giving the names of representative native-born Cubans of standing 
who adhered to the Autonomist Government. When the reply was re- 
ceived on April 15th, 1898, he wrote despairingly to Sr. Jose Maria 
Galvez, President of the Council of the so-called Colonial Government 
at Havana, that the names which had been forwarded to him were all 



"Peninsulares" (that is, Spaniards), not Cubans; that he had seen the 
President of the "Chamber of Congress" by appointment, and had also 
had an interview with the Honorable John Addison Porter, Secretary 
to the President, at the White House, who had made it apparent that 
if the Autonomist solution was to be well received in the United 
States it must be shown to be, not a Spanish proposition, but a Cuban; 
also that it must be shown that affairs had changed in Cuba, not in ap- 
pearance only, but substantially. 

Autonomy was thus admitted to be a subterfuge, even by its orig- 
inators, and the promised reforms a failure. 

Amid all these discouragements the President remained undis- 
mayed; his courage never failed him; he abated none of his high pur- 
poses; and Congress showed its unlimited confidence in him by an act 
which excited the wonder and admiration of Europe. On the mere 
suggestion of the Executive, by a unanimous vote of both Houses, on 
the 9th of March, 1898, an appropriation of fifty million dollars was 
made "for the national defense and for each and every purpose con- 
nected therewith, to be expended at the direction of the President." 
It is a matter of history that Congress subsequently supplemented this 
grant by authorization to negotiate a three per cent loan to the extent 
if necessary of $400,000,000, only half of which was called out, and 
which was subscribed by the people in sums ranging from twenty dol- 
lars upwards, no one subscription accepted exceeding five thousand 
dollars. 

Immediate steps were taken by the President so to utilize the fund 
created by the special appropriation of $50,000,000 as to place the 
country on a war footing. Agents were sent abroad to purchase all 
available warships before the outbreak of hostilities brought the neu- 
trality laws into force. On the suggestion of the President, the four 
swift ocean steamers of the International Navigation Company were 
chartered and fitted out as cruisers and scouts, and other vessels were 
bought for colliers and transports. At home every arsenal and navy 
yard, and all private firms engaged in the manufacture of munitions of 
war, were put to work at their full capacity, by night as well as by day. 

On the 11th of April the President addressed a message to Congress, 
setting forth in detail the final efforts he had made through diplomatic 
channels, by means of Minister Woodford at Madrid, to bring about an 
amelioration of the condition of the people of Cuba, and the reply of the 
Spanish Government, which remitted the question of the settlement of 
terms of peace with the Cuban insurgents to the so-called Insular Con- 
gress of the pretended Autonomist Government of Cuba. "With this 
last overture," he said, "in the direction of immediate peace, and its 
disappointing reception by Spain, the Executive is brought to the end of 
his effort." 

The President referred to the destruction of the Maine as a tragic 
horror, increasing the elements of danger and disorder, and asked that 
Congress authorize and empower the President to take measures to 
secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the Govern- 
ment of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the 
establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order 
and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tran- 
quillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and to use 
the military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary 
for these purposes. 

On the same day he sent to Congress the delayed Consular corre- 
spondence relating to the atrocities perpetrated on the reconcentrados 
of Cuba. 

On the 19th of April, after nine days' debate and conference, Con- 
gress passed a joint resolution calling upon Spain to withdraw its land 
and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the Presi- 

8 



dent to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and 
to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the 
several States, to such extent as might be necessary to carry this reso- 
lution into effect. This was in effect a formal declaration of war. 

On the morning of the 21st of April, before he could present this 
ultimatum to the Spanish Government, Minister Woodford received his 
passports and immediately afterwards Minister Polo y Barnabe with- 
drew from Washington. On the 22nd of April the blockade of the north 
coast of Cuba was proclaimed by President McKinley, and on the 25th 
of April Congress passed an act declaring the existence of a state of war 
between the United States and Spain. 

It is not the purpose of this chapter to follow in detail the events 
of that brief and glorious struggle, but only to indicate some of the 
prominent incidents of the President's personal participation therein. 
Every movement, great or small, received the benefit of his personal 
consideration, and of the experience he had gained in the War of 1861- 
'65, the animosities arising from which his efforts have done so much to 
obliterate. It was indeed fortunate for the Government and the people 
of the United States that a man occupied the Executive chair who was 
by birth and training so well equipped to perform the duties devolving 
upon him as was William McKinley. In the prime of life, 55 years of 
age, his mental and physical vigor sustained by a life of conspicuous 
rectitude and his administrative powers enforced by years of trying 
experience, he entered the arena with every qualification to command 
the esteem of his countrymen and to insure also the respect of the gov- 
ernments of other Nations. In the selection of the general officers to 
command the volunteer forces he ignored sectional lines, calling to his 
aid distinguished army officers who had worn the gray to co-operate 
with those who had worn the blue, thus presenting to the world the im- 
posing spectacle of a united nation of eighty millions of people — a 

"Tower of strength, 

"Which stood four-square to all the winds that blew." 

When 200,000 volunteers responded promptly to the President's call, 
he said: "I feel that the American people have committed these boys 
to my hands," and he watched over the minutest details of their equip- 
ment, encampment, sustenance, hospital accommodation and trans- 
portation, not contenting himself with the reports of his capable chiefs 
of department, but going directly to the Bureau officials who had the 
actual work in charge. The President spent hours every day following 
the movements of the campaign with pin points on the maps in the war 
room of the White House, studying out every possible condition and 
contingency. He knew neither rest nor recreation from the hour when 
hostilities commenced until the protocol of peace was signed. Like Lin- 
coln, he never slept when there was duty to perform. 

The Cabinet met frequently, sometimes twice a day. It was by the 
President's personal direction that Secretary Long issued the famous 
order to Admiral Dewey to proceed to the Bay of Manila, capture or 
destroy the Spanish fleet, and take possession of the harbor and city. 
It is said that when the President announced to the Cabinet his deter- 
mination to strike this decisive blow at the power of Spain in the East, 
the audacity and gravity of the proposition produced a silence which 
could be felt, and which was not broken for several minutes. The 
President carried his point, and the result is known of all men. 

When the land attack on Santiago was determined upon, the Presi- 
dent asked how many siege guns were ready to be taken to Santiago, 
and the reply was that fifteen or twenty were at command. The Presi- 
dent contended that not less than eighty were necessary, and it was not 
his fault that eighty were not sent. Thus he looked after the details 
of preparations for battle. 



Direct telegraphic communication was established between Playa 
del Este, the Cuban cable terminus on the Santiago coast, and the Ex- 
ecutive Offices at the White House in Washington, and was maintained 
during and after the battles of San Juan and El Caney. General Shat- 
ter's camp was near Sevilla. within easy communicating distance of 
Playa del Este. The interchange of cable messages was rapid, and on 
the part of our Commanding General indicated a desire to retreat or to 
ask for a parley with the Spanish Commander. 

On the 3rd of July, General Shatter cabled that he had the city of 
Santiago well invested on the north and east, but, as he added 
significantly — "with a very thin line." He said that as he approached 
the city he found the defences so strong that it would be impossible to 
carry it by storm with his present forces, adding: "I am now seriously 
considering withdrawing about five miles and taking up a new position 
on the high ground between the San Juan River and Siboney, with our 
left at Santiago, so as to get our supplies to a large extent by means 
of the railroad, which we can use, having engines and cars at Siboney. 
Our losses up to date will aggregate a thousand." Then he spoke of 
his own health and that of his generals, and of his efforts to get Ad- 
miral Sampson to force the entrance of the harbor. Of himself he said: 
"I have been unable to be out during the heat of the day for four days, 
but am retaining the command. General Wheeler is seriously ill, and 
will probably have to go to the rear to-day. General Young also very 
ill, confined to his bed; General Hawkins slightly wounded in foot dur- 
ing sortie enemy made last night." 

Other dispatches followed, and one in particular was spoken of in 
the press dispatches some days after its receipt, as follows: 

"There was some talk in the Cabinet to-day about the telegram 
General Shatter sent on Sunday morning, to the effect that he would 
have to have reinforcements before he could proceed. Just what was 
said is not known. It is learned that the telegram contained sugges- 
tions which were stricken out. It is claimed that if these statements 
had been made public the country would have been greatly worried on 
Sunday." 

The public did not then know, nor till some time afterwards, how 
firm was the grasp which the President kept on the progress of events. 
On the 15th of July, 1898, he directed this dispatch to be sent: 

"Washington, July 15, 1898, 9:20 p. m. 
"Major-General Shafter, Playa del Este: 

"The President and Secretary of War are becoming impatient with 
parley. Any arrangement that allows the enemy to take their arms 
had as well be abandoned once for all, as it will not be approved. The 
way to surrender is to surrender, and this should be fully impressed 
on General Toral." 

Once more the result justified the President's judgment. Santiago 
was surrendered, and with it a force nearly double that of the investing 
army. 

In every movement of the war, as well as in the peace negotiations 
that followed, the President's firm hand was felt, and the country has 
surely just cause to be proud of the humane and Christian policy by 
which he sought to avoid a war; the prudent and patriotic foresight 
with which, when war became inevitable, he postponed its outbreak 
until the country was ready for it; and the marvelous skill, courage and 
judgment with which he so directed affairs, aided by the invincible 
valor of our sailors and soldiers, as to bring about an early, honorable 
and glorious peace. 

10 



William McKinley 

A Typical American of Wide Experience 
Who Has Become a 
Masterful President 

[From the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, August 26, 1900.] 

The Presidency of the United States derives its influence from the 
suffrages of 80,000,000 of free people. Its occupants are elected for a 
short term, and in cases where important national policies are under- 
taken by an administration, the time is too limited for the full test of 
their wisdom and the complete recognition of their value desired by 
those who have at heart the interests of the country. But, in even so 
short a time as four years, there may be crowded the solution of prob- 
lems so momentous as not only to call for the critical judgment and dis- 
passionate estimate of our citizens, but to engage the attention of the 
civilized world. 

The administration of William McKinley has been one of the most 
important in the life of the republic. 

Taking office in a time of general industrial depression, with the 
vexed questions of finance and tariff still under discussion and pressing 
for settlement, his assumption of his new duties was cause for anxiety 
on the part of those who had opposed the doctrines of the Republican 
party and for the most sincere congratulations and enthusiastic hopeful- 
ness from his political associates and from those who, casting aside 
party ties, had supported the candidate standing for sound money and a 
protective tariff. 

Men often become great by embracing an opportunity presented for 
accomplishing beneficent results for a people. Opportunity and re- 
sponsibility will draw out the best that is in a man if his character and 
preparation are of the right kind. Our great men have come from the 
people, and have been equal to great emergencies. 

American history is full of such examples. The highest places in 
the republic have been sought and won by those whose beginnings were 
the lowliest, and in times of national emergency the people have, with 
unerring judgment, made wise selections of their public servants. 

Following the Civil War came the days of reconstruction. Trouble- 
some questions which are yet with us were then the cause of bitterness 
and discontent, but for several administrations the problems confront- 
ing the Government of the United States were largely those of domestic 
affairs and did not call for wide acquaintance with international condi- 
tions, nor did they enlarge the field of statesmanship, as in the time of 
President Cleveland and his successor. 

International questions, like the adjustment of Samoan affairs, and 

11 



now and then insistence upon redress for an American citizen mal- 
treated or injured in his property rights, called for little more than the 
ordinary routine of international intercourse. 

During the latter part of Mr.Cleveland's second administration, how- 
ever, the threatening conditions in the Island of Cuba gave intimation 
that the country would have to meet, at no distant date, questions de- 
signed to bring it into the arena of world politics, and requiring the 
attention of its ablest statesmen. The United States has been, since 
its foundation, a liberty-loving nation. It was knit together more 
firmly as- such by the great fraternal struggle of the '60s, and when 
the terrible four years' experience had passed, the spirit of liberty 
emerged brighter and steadier, to become more and more the spirit of 
the nation. 

It was not of our seeking that through abhorrence of conditions in 
Cuba we entered upon the conflict with Spain. During the latter part 
of Mr. Cleveland's administration he properly exerted every honorable 
resource to prevent war. His able Secretary of State seconded him in 
this patriotic American policy. But the events, crowding one another 
rapidly, bade fair, time and time again, to sweep aside the conservatism 
with which the question was handled. 

This condition of great unrest and danger confronted William Mc- 
Kinley when he assumed the Presidency on March 4, 1897. 

From the day he entered the White House he saw that it would 
take all the resources of the government to prevent war with Spain, 
and while he employed every resort of diplomacy and was frequently 
encouraged to hope that a peaceful solution of the problem would be 
found, the increasing difficulties experienced by Spain in Cuba brought 
the crisis constantly nearer. 

Public clamor breaks out unthinkingly at such times. It is not that 
the people are at heart unreasonable, for they are not. But they are 
generous in their sympathies, they are touched to the quick by needless 
suffering, by cruel oppression, by pillage, outrage and murder, and with 
the contrast between their own happy conditions and the unfortunate 
plight of their near neighbors constantly before them, it was not 
strange that the cry grew louder that a stop must be put to the warfare 
in Cuba and that the simple justice which the people of that island 
sought from their mother country must be speedily accorded to them, 
or that to them must be given in some form the freedom for which in 
the past they had so frequently fought and bled. A weak man in such 
a crisis would have been bewildered. 

Domestic matters of grave moment pressed upon every hand. There 
were unsettled the questions of tariff and finance, and scores of other 
subjects of internal policy required immediate attention, not only in 
justice to those whose suffrages had placed the administration in power, 
but for its own good name, that at the end of its term of office it might 
give a worthy account of its stewardship. A weak man would have ac- 
cepted peace at any price, or prompt war at the behest of a clamoring 
public. 

12 



It is well not to forget the temper of the public mind at this time. 
The press teemed with bitter denunciation of the Spanish tyranny in 
Cuba; the demand for instant recognition of independence or for inter- 
vention was emphatic; the halls of Congress rang with appeals to 
prejudice and partisan feeling, and then, when all this was at its height, 
came the terrible calamity in the harbor of Havana. A weak man 
would have taken the easy alternative and yielded with much show of 
reason to the almost universal cry for vengeance. 

No greater test has come to any public man in the history of this 
country than to the President during those days. Through it all the 
man in the White House kept his head. He comes of Scotch-Irish 
parentage; good stock. The women of that stock are model house- 
wives, thrifty, helpful in communities. The men are steady, self- 
reliant, God-fearing, peace-loving; they think for themselves; when 
they are assailed they take a firmer grip on things. He had been edu- 
cated in the common schools, and had been before the people for a gen- 
eration in the various walks of public employment where men come to 
know and to be known by one another. His career had been constantly 
upward. He had broadened in intellect and sympathies with each year 
of service. 

Affectionate and tender in the domestic relations of life, as he was, 
some unconsciously had lost sight of the sturdy Scotch-Irish strain in 
his character. With the record of his administration as President be- 
fore them, his friends now realize what these years were doing for him. 
They look back now upon his services as Representative in Congress 
and as Governor of his native state, and recall the traits which only 
needed wider fields for their development. They recall how, frequently 
when before the people for their suffrages, he surprised his supporters 
and confounded his enemies by the simplicity and directness of his 
dealings with vexed questions. 

Time and again they had heard him insist that a course mapped 
out for him must be right rather than expedient. He saw fourteen 
years of service in that school of statesmanship, the national House of 
Representatives, and never deserted the standard of the great doctrine 
of which he became the exponent and defender. So it was that his 
friends of these years watched with eager and hopeful interest his dis- 
charge of the great duties of the Presidency. 

William McKinley is a typical American citizen. He stands for 
what is best in American life and character. He is without ostentation, 
simple in his tastes, deliberate in his speech, conservative in judgment, 
spotlessly pure in his private life, devoted to his home and his friends. 
There has been no stain upon his integrity during all the years that 
he has been under the searching light of public scrutiny. 

His devotion to his wife is one of the most beautiful and touching 
things in the lives of our public men. He wears well. There is nothing 
erratic about him. He does not pose. He believes in harmony. He is 
a fighter, but not a vindictive one. He fights with sense. If he has an 
object to accomplish, he will accomplish it even though he may have to 

13 



sacrifice the small distinction of winning a personal victory. He keeps 
faith. He fulfills his promises. He believes in party obligation. He 
wants a united party. He believes that such a party can best serve the 
great interests committed to its charge. He knows that we can oft- 
times but approximate to our ideals and that it then becomes our duty 
to secure the best results obtainable. 

The Republican party under the leadership of William McKinley is 
more harmonious, more forceful, more dominant than at any time in its 
history. In his state and nation he has a united party. Could this have 
been the work of a weak man, as some of his opponents would have us 
believe? Is this the record of uncertainty? 

There were times during the Spanish-American war when William 
McKinley was a force of strength and power that brushed aside 
jealousies and littlenesses, that hurried forward great movements, that 
blocked the way of schemers and swept all before him. 

He dominates his administration, but, whether by force or gentle 
persuasiveness, he is the strong man at the helm. His methods are 
direct. He has had able men about him at his Cabinet table; men of 
keen minds, of independent thought, but who has heard of dissensions 
in the Cabinet? There are none. He is the guiding spirit, the controll- 
ing mind among those picked men of affairs. With them he is the 
friend and counselor, but when the decision comes, when the govern- 
ment is to act, when the Republic speaks, he is President. He is a 
many-sided man, not restricted in his equipment. In the varied fields 
of administrative duty he has been called upon, during his three and a 
half years in the White House, to assume the direction of matters in 
many branches of the government. In these he has shown a familiarity 
with the great affairs of government which has astonished those who 
have known it. 

Many of the state papers emanating from the executive depart- 
ments and that have become a part of the history of his administration 
were inspired by him or were the work of his own hand. His mastery 
of diplomacy has been the wonder of diplomats, but the secret of it has 
been his Americanism, his plainness of speech, combined with a certain 
Yankee shrewdness in the presentation of a subject or in the discovery 
of the weak points in an adversary's contentions. In the conduct of the 
operations of our Army and Navy he has been the real commander-in- 
chief. 

When the history of his time is written his masterful hand will be 
seen at every turn. He took nothing for granted, but the patriotism 
and integrity of the American people. He is methodical in his habits, 
he is systematic. He accomplished much because of an orderly disposi- 
tion of his time. 

When in the White House he arises at 8, breakfasts at 8:30; from 
9 to 9:45 reads the papers, and at 10 o'clock he is in his office ready for 
business. From 10 to 1:30 he receives the various public officials, Sena- 
tors, Representatives, members of the staffs of the various departments 
and the public. At 1:30 he has lunch. 

From 2 to 2:30 he spends with Mrs. McKinley, either driving with 
her, or on inclement days reading to her. During the warm weather he 
defers the drive until late in the day. At 2:30 he is back in the office 
again and remains there until late in the afternoon, rarely leaving it be- 
fore 5 o'clock. If sufficient time is left before dinner he takes a short 
nap. Rising refreshed he is ready for dinner at 7 o'clock. 

After dinner the evening is spent in company with Mrs. McKinley 
and friends who call. Appointments are not made for official calls in 
the evening, except in special cases. At 10 o'clock the President is in his 
office again and remains there with his secretary until the accumulation 
of the day is disposed of. 

14 



These hours at night are the only uninterrupted ones during the 
twenty-four that the President has for the consideration of the mass of 
detail that must be daily brought to his notice; even these are con- 
stantly encroached upon in times of stress and emergency. During the 
eventful days of the Spanish war the President remained in his office 
many hours of the night and was not infrequently working there with 
his secretary long past midnight. 

He is a plain liver. He smokes moderately, does not use intoxicat- 
ing liquors. He is clean of speech as he is of character. He has been 
a model husband, a devoted son and brother, and in all the walks of 
life has so carried himself as to leave the impress of a noble character. 
He is strong mentally and physically. He has no physical weakness. 
He walks with a decided and energetic step. While his face has a cer- 
tain pallor under excitement, it has habitually the fine glow of a man in 
rugged health. 

The President is frequently seen upon the streets of Washington. 
He is not hedged about by the usual pride and circumstance of rulers. 
He is the most reasonable of men, the most accommodating. No citizen 
is too lowly, no cause too poor to enlist his sympathy, but with all this 
he is a business man. He knows the value of time. He cannot accom- 
plish the work for which he has been chosen if he fails to husband his 
resources, and so it is that he gets out of every man associated with him 
the best and most that is in him. He does nothing himself that others 
should do for him. 

His Cabinet officers were appointed for a purpose — to administer 
the affairs of their great departments. He requires of them a strict 
account of stewardship. He does not interfere with them in the dis- 
charge of their onerous duties. He calls them into consultation. He 
requires a showing of their books. He draws upon them for a strength- 
ening of administrative policies. He relies upon them for material and 
support. His office is a model in the dispatch of public business. 

A keen judge of men, he has surrounded himself with efficient 
helpers. From an ordinary government establishment, with very 
indifferent methods, the Executive Mansion has become one of the most 
practical and helpful of public offices. A position in the offiece of the 
President of the United States is to-day a post of signal honor, highly 
prized among the thousands of such places in the Federal service. 

President McKinley believes in true civil service reform. During 
the first year of his administration, when his attention was repeatedly 
called to the inequalities and injustices of the then existing civil service 
regulations, he ordered the collection of data which would acquaint 
him with what was needed to better those conditions. And when it was 
gathered together, and he had satisfied himself of the wisdom of the 
changes, he promulgated the amendments to the civil service rules, 
which have already demonstrated their value and proved one of the 
most potent influences in the strengthening of the merit system. 

His administration has not been one of bluster. There has been 
no blare of trumpets or resorts to the arts of the demagogue. A 
striking example of this is found in the settlement of the Pacific Rail- 
road indebtedness, when a vast sum was realized and the debt can- 
celed without a ripple in the financial world, with a saving to the gov- 
ernment of many millions of dollars. For years this indebtedness had 
taxed the skill of our ablest financiers, and was one of the things handed 
down from administration to administration. 

Hawaii has been annexed. From danger of embarrassment in 
Samoa we have emerged in undisputed possession of the best of that 
group of islands. A government has been provided for Alaska. A 
practical tariff law and an equally practical financial law are on the 
statute books. Any one of these measures would be sufficient for the 

15 



record of an administration. Great results for liberty and humanity 
have been achieved in Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines. 

Militarism and imperialism are terms glibly spoken these days by 
the unthinking, and, high sounding as they are, may appeal for the time 
to partisan expediency. They are the symbol of fine theories, but 
neither the one nor the other exists in America. Nor can the unbiased 
citizen, after a thoughtful study and investigation, come to any other 
conclusion than that they are but words— campaign necessities — for 
those who must find a catch phrase or a platform. 

These are the days of fact against fancy; of things done against 
things promised; of practice against theory; of sense against sound; 
of men of. action against men of straw; of flesh and blood against 
bugaboos. Where is the evidence of this thing called imperialism? 
Is the President attended with pomp and ceremony as he goes from 
place to place? Has he surrounded himself with courtiers and re- 
tainers? Is there a word or a line in any of his state papers cham- 
pioning absolutism or a ruthless disregard of the rights of the people? 
He has served while others have scoffed. He has fulfilled the ob- 
ligations of his oath while others have vilified, have encouraged treason 
and cast their lot with the murderers of our soldiers. Devotion to the 
constitution is not well expressed by giving succor to the enemies of the 
government. 

No man in the Presidential office was ever more scrupulous in his 
conduct of the people's business; no man in that exalted office ever had 
a nicer sense of its proprieties. 

No man was ever nearer the hearts of the common people than Will- 
iam McKinley. 

American diplomacy in China has had in it no element of either 
militarism or imperialism, but it stands to-day as an example to the 
world of what plain speech and direct methods can accomplish in the 
intercourse of nations. It is but a link in the chain of the adminis- 
tration's achievements. It appeals to all classes as a substantial ad- 
vance of the republic in the pathway of progress and civilization. 

From the hour of the declaration of war with Spain, America has 
taken her proper place among the nations. To-day she stands at the 
front, with no entangling alliances. With the destiny of the en- 
franchised in her keeping she undertakes the heavy burdens and re- 
sponsibilities which come with growth and advancement. 

Ever alive to her material interests, she has yet kept steadily be- 
fore her, clear as the pole-star, the guiding principle of duty, and no 
amount of partisan rancor, no sort of cheap political argument, no din 
of sophistry and assurance, no weakling reserve will stand in the way 
of her enlightened progress and commercial supremacy. 

And because he has at heart the republic's best interests and with 
an eye single to her future greatness bent the energy of his adminis- 
tration to their achievement, while preserving the old ties and the old 
sentiments, abating nothing of devotion and adherence to the constitu- 
tion, the Declaration of Independence and all the other great bulwarks of 
our national safety— because of this record in the closing days of the 
century, will William McKinley's name go into the history of his coun- 
try as one of her greatest and best beloved citizens. 



Mckinl ey on labor. 

His Public Utterances in Behalf of the Work- 
ingmen of the united states, 



TWENTY-TWO YEARS OF PERSISTENT LABOR FOR THE ADVANCE- 
MENT OF THEIR INTERESTS. 



The following extracts from the public utterances of William McELinley during 
;lie twenty-two years since the beginning of his participation in national legislation 
•annot fail to interest every workingman and every friend of labor. They show a 
•onsistent and persistent devotion to the interests of labor and legislation in its behalf. 
The quotations here given are from public addresses, and in the attempt to present 
:hem as a continuous record of a period of such length and activity they are neces- 
sarily incomplete and fragmentary, being in all cases brief extracts from speeches 
ind addresses in which the interests of labor are discussed at greater length than 
ivould be possible to completely present in a publication of this character. They are 
sufficient, however, to show that William MeKinley has been at every stage of his 
career and on all occasions an avowed, earnest, and persistent friend of labor and of 
its protection and the advance of its interests in every legitimate means. 
r WE SHOULD TAKE CARE OF OUR NATION AND HER INDUSTRIES FIRST." 
(In House of Representatives, April 15, 1878.) 

No man or party would be bold enough to advocate the reduction of labor as a 
naked proposition, but rather its increase. But, Mr. Chairman, behind this bill, un- 
lerneath its provisions, as I shall attempt to show you later, is inevitable reduction 
Df the price of labor all over the country. The price of labor is inadequate to the 
necessities of the laboring man, and the workingmen of the country are patiently ac- 
cepting the inevitable in the hope of relief and better times in the near future. And 
while I would rejoice at the reduction of the rate of interest for the use of money 
Hid the decrease of local taxation, I must protest against this or any other measure 
which looks to the scaling down of the wages of labor. * * * * Reduce the 
tariff, and labor is the first to suffer. The difference betAveen the present and the 
proposed rate of duty must be made up somewhere, must be compensated in some 
way. As always has been the case, when economy in production is to be studied, 
the manufacturer looks to his payroll of labor and commences there first. * * 
It is our duty, and we ought to protect as sacredly and assuredly the labor and the 
industry of the United States as we would protect her honor from taint or her ter- 
ritory from invasion. We ought to take care of our own nation and her industries 
first. 
"OUR LABOR MUST NOT BE DEBASED OR OUR LABORERS DEGRADED." 
(In House of Representatives, April 6, 1882.) 

The fundamental argument for protection is its benefits to labor. That it en- 
ables the manufacturer to pay more and better wages than are paid to like labor and 
services anywhere else will not be disputed. 

There is not a branch of labor in the United State-- that does not receive higher 
rewards than in any other country. Our laborers are not only the best paid, clothed, 
and educated in the world, but they have more comforts, more independence, more of 
them live in houses that they own, more of them have savings in savings institu- 
tions, and are better contented, than their rivals anywhere else. And this, according 
to my view, is the result of protection — of the protective system that was inaugurated 
by the Republican party. Our laboring men are not content with the hedger and 
ditcher's rate of pay. No worthy American wants to reduce the price of labor in the 
United States. It ought not to be reduced ; for the sake of the laborer and his family 
and the good of society it ought to be maintained. To increase it would be in better 
harmony with the public sense. Our labor must not be debased, nor our laborers de- 
|raded to the level of slaves, nor any pauper or servile system in any form, nor under 



m—^ma^ 



any guise whatsoever,* at home or abroad. Our civilization will not permit it. Our 
humanity forbids it Our traditions are opposed to it. The stability of our insti- 
tutions rests upon the contentment and intelligence of all our people, and these can 
only be possessed by maintaining the dignity of labor and securing to it its just re- 
wards. That protection opens new avenues for employment, broadens and diversifies 
the field of labor, and presents variety of vocation, is manifest from our own ex- 
perience. 

"I SPEAK FOR THE WORKINGMEN OF THE COUNTRY." 
(In House of Representatives, Jan. 27, 1893.) 
No lover of his race, no friend of humanity, wants reduced wages. I speak for 
the workingmen of my district, the workingmen of Ohio, and of the country. 

(Mr. Springer .-j— They did not speak for you very largely at the last election.) 
Ah, my friend, my fidelity to my constituents is not measured by the support 
they give me! (Great applause.) I have convictions upon this subject which I 
would not surrender or refrain from advocating if 10,000 majority had been entered 
against me last October. (Renewed applause.) 

"WE MUST NOT REDUCE THE PRICE PAID TO LABOR." 

fin House of Representatives, April 30, 1S84.) 

Our wages are higher here than in any other nation of the world, and we are all 
proud and grateful that it is so. I know it is denied, but experience outweighs the- 
ories or misleading statistics. One thing we do know is, that our work people do not 
go abroad for better wages, and every other nationality comes here for increased 
wages and gets them. * * * * The proposition of the Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means will result in reducing the wages of labor or the destruc- 
tion of many of our most valuable industries, and the deprivation of employment to 
thousands. The one or the other alternative must come; either will be most disas- 
trous, and attended by business depression and individual suffering. We must not 
reduce the price paid to labor ; it is already sufficiently low. We can only prevent 
it by defeating this bill, and it should be done without unnecessary delay. The sooner 
the better, and remove this menace which hangs over all of our industrial life and 
threatens the comfort and independence of millions of American workingmen. 

"FOR PROTECTION TO AMERICAN LABOR." 

(At Petersburg, Va., Oct. 29, 1885.) 

There is no royal blood among us ; there are no descended titles here ; there is 
no way in the world of getting on and up, or earning money, except by work. (Ap- 
plause.) There are just two ways in the United States to acquire money; one is to 
steal it, the other is to earn it, and the honorable way is to earn it; and you earn it 
by labor, either the labor of the hand or the labor of the brain. (Applause.) And 
the industrious labor of the hand, and the careful labor of the brain — the possessors 
of these are going to be the men of the future, whether they are in Virginia or in 
Ohio. (Applause.) * * * * Now, a great question, my fellow-citizens, before 
this country — a question of the now and a question of the hereafter — is whether we 
shall have maintained in the United States a system of protection to American labor 
and American development, or whether we shall have practical free trade wun all 
the countries of the world. * * * * 

The chief ground upon which we can justify a protective tariff to-day is that it 
is in the interest of American labor — American black labor as well as American white 
labor — and the protective tariff we want is a tax sufficient to make up the difference 
between the prices paid labor in Europe and the prices paid labor in America. Now, 
that is all the duty we want. Whenever the workingmen of the United States — I 
mean skilled and unskilled laboring men — whenever they are ready to work for the 
same wages, the same low wages that are paid their rivals on the other side, their 
rivals in England, in Germany, in Belgium, and in France, engaged in the same occu- 
pation — whenever they are ready for that, Avhich I hope and believe will never be, 
then we are ready for the free-trade doctrines of the Democratic party. (Applause.) 
* * * # 

I tell you, free-trade Democracy does not mean prosperity, because when true free 
trade comes, and everything made on the other side comes in here to compete with 
that we make on this side, either one of two things must happen — either the Ameri- 
can manufacturer must quit business, put out his fires, discharge his employes, or go 
to his payroll and cut that pay roll down low enough to compete with the cheap labor 
that makes the product on the other side. (Cries of "That's it!") You will never 



have prosperity as long as the Democratic party remains as a standing menace to the 
.industry, growth, and advancement of the United States. Stand by your interests — 
stand by the party that stands by the people. (A voice, "You are right, and we 
will do it.") Because in the Republican party there is no such thing as class or caste. 
The humble poor colored man in the Republican party, the humble poor white man 
in the Republican party, has an equal chance with the opulent white or colored Re- 
publican in the race of life. And so with every race and every nationality, the Re- 
publican party says, "Come up higher!" We do not appeal to passions; we do not 
appeal to baser instincts; we do not appeal to race or war prejudices. We do appeal 
to your consciences ; we do appeal to your own best interests, to stand by a party that 
stands by the people. 

ON THE ARBITRATION BILL. 
m (In House of Representatives, April 2, 1886.) 
If by the passage of this simple measure arbitration as a system shall be aided to 
the slightest extent or advanced in public or private favor, or if it shall serve to at- 
tract the thoughful attention of the people to the subject, much will have been ac- 
complished for the good order of our communities and for the welfare and prosperity 
of the people. * * * * It places both parties upon an equality in pursuing the 
investigation. A lack of means upon the one hand or the other will not impair the 
fullest consideration. The humblest and poorest man can send for persons and 
papers without incurring an expense which very often they can illy bear. As the 
compensation of the board comes out of the public treasury, neither party is subject 
to the expense of the investigation, and the laboring men will not be required to draw 
from their scanty savings or assess their fellow-workmen to meet actual expenses. 
This overcomes the disadvantage of limited means on the one hand, and avoids any 
advantage which might occur from bounteous means on the other. It equalizes then- 
condition for a thorough investigation and a complete disclosure of the true situa- 
tion. That provision alone is worth to the cause of arbitration much more than it 
will cost the National Treasury. * * * * * 

I beiieve, Mr. Chairman, in arbitration as a principle; I believe it should prevail 
in the settlement of international differences. It represents a higher civilization 
than the arbitrament of war. I believe it is in close accord with the best thought and 
sentiment of mankind; I believe it is the true way of settling differences between 
labor and capital; I believe it will bring both to a better understanding, unitino- them 
closer in interest, and promoting better relations, avoiding force, avoiding unjust ex- 
actions and oppression, avoiding the loss of earnings to labor, avoiding disturbances 
to trade and transportation. 

"1 WOULD NOT HAVE AN IDLE MAN OR AN IDLE MILL IN THE COUNTRY." 
(At Boston, Mass., Feb. 9, 1888.) 

The manufacturers of New England, and more particularly the skilled labor em- 
ployed by them, need a protective tariff, and require it equally with the industries 
and labor of other States. It is imperatively demanded, not only here, but in everv 
section of the Union, if the present price of labor is to be continued arid maintained. 
* * * * I would secure the American market to the American producer (ap- 
plause), and I would not hesitate to raise the duties whenever necessary to secure 
this patriotic end. (Applause.) I would not have an idle man or an idle mill or an 
idle spindle in this country, if by holding exclusively the American market, we could 
keep them employed and running. (Applause.) Every yard of cloth imported here 
makes a demand for one yard less of American fabrication. Let England take care 
of herself, let France look after her interests, let Germany take care of her own peo- 
ple, but in God's name let Americans look after America! (Loud applause ) 
Every ton of steel imported diminishes that much of home production. Every blow 
struck on the other side upon an article which comes here in competition with like arti- 
cles produced here makes the demand for one blow less at home. Every day's labor 
upon the foreign products sent to the United States takes one day's labor from Ameri- 
can workingmen. I would give the day's labor to our own, first, last, and all the 
time, and that policy which fails in thk is opposed to American interests. To se- 
cure this is the great purpose of a protective tariff. 

OUR LABOR MUST NOT BE REDUCED TO THE EUROPEAN LEVEL. 

(In House of Representatives, May 18, 1888.) 
We will have no objection to free trade when all the nations shall bring the level 
of their labor up to ours; when they shall accept our standard: when they shall re- 
gard the toi!Sr as 'a man, and not a slave: but we will never consent while we have 

3 



votes and the power to prevent to the dragging down of our labor to that of tin 
European standard. (Applause.) Let them elevate theirs; let them bring theirs 
to our level; and we will then have no contention about revenue or protective tariffs. 
We will meet them in the open field, in home and neutral markets, upon an equal 
footing, and the fittest will survive. (Applause.) 

"THE GATEWAY OF OPPORTUNITY MUST BE OPEN TO ALL." 
(At Atlanta, Ga., August 21, 1888.) 

We cannot without grave danger and serious disturbance — we ought not under 
any circumstances — adopt a policy which would scale down the wages and diminish 
the comforts of American workingmen. Their welfare and independence, their prog- 
ress and elevation, are closely related to the welfare and independence and progress 
of the Republic. We have no pampered class in this country, and we want none. We 
want the field kept open ; no narrowing of the avenues ; n'o lowering of our standard. 
We want no barriers raised against a higher and better civilization. The gateway of 
>pportunity must be open to all, to the end that they may be first who deserve to be 
first, whether born in poverty or reared in luxury. We do not want the masses ex- 
cluded from competing for the first rank among their countrymen and for the nation's 
greatest honors, and we do not mean that they shall be. 

Free trade, or a revenue tariff, will of necessity shut them out. It has no re- 
spect for labor. It holds it as the mere machinery of capital. It would have cheap 
men that it might have cheap merchandise. With all its boasted love for the strug- 
gling millions, it is infinitely more interested in cutting down the wages of labor than 
in saving twenty-five cents on a blanket; more intent in reducing the purchasing 
power of a man's labor than the cost of his coat. 

"WE WANT LABOR TO BE WELL PAID." 
(At Cleveland, 0., October 5, 1889.) 

I do not prize the word cheap. It is not a word of hope; it is not a word of 
comfort; it is not a word of cheer; it is not a word of inspiration! It is the badge 
?f poverty; it is the signal of distress; and there is not a man in this audience, not 
a single white-haired man, who, if he will let his memory go back, will not recall 
that when things were the cheapest, men were the poorest. (Applause.) * * * * 
pheap merchandise means cheap men, and cheap men mean a cheap country; and that 
is not the kind of Government our fathers founded, and it is not the kind their sons 
mean to maintain. (Applause.) If you want cheap things, go where you can get 
them; that is where you belong; this is not your abiding place. We want labor to 
be well paid; we want the products of the farm, we want mechanical products, we 
vant everything we make and produce to pay a fair compensation to the producer. 
That is what makes good times; that is what protective tariffs mean. 

"WE HAVE GIVEN TO EVERY MAN A FAIR CHANCE IN THE RACE 

OF LIFE." 
(In the House of Representatives, May 7, 1890.) 

There is no other country in the world where individual enterprise has so much 
meouragement as in the United States. There is no nation in the world, under any 
eystem, w 7 here the same reward is given to the labor of man's hands and the work of 
their brains as in the United States. We have widened the sphere of human endeavor 
and given to every man a fair chance in the race of life and in the attain- 
ment of the highest possibilities of human destinies. To reverse this system means 
to stop the progress of the Republic and reduce the masses to small rewards for their 
labor, to longer hours and less pay, to the simple question of bread and butter. It 
means to turn them from ambition, courage and hope, to dependence, degradation, 
and despair. No sane man will give up what he has, what he is in full possession of. 
what he can count on for himself and his children, for what is promised by your 
theories. Free trade, or, as you are pleased to call it, "revenue tariff," means the 
Dpening up of this market, which is admitted to be the best in the world, to the free 
entry of the products of the world. It means more — it means that the labor of this 
country is to be remitted to its earlier condition, and that the condition of our people 
is to be leveled down to the condition of rival countries; because under it every ele- 
ment of cost, every item of production, including wages, must be brought down to the 
level of the lowest paid labor of the world. * * * 

With me this position is a deep conviction, not a theory. I believe in it and thus 
warmly advocate it because enveloped in it are my country's highest development 
and greatest prosperity; out of it come the greatest gains to the people, the great- 
est comforts to the masses, the widest encouragement for manly aspirations; with the 



largest rewards, dignifying and elevating our citizenship, upon which the safety and 
p ( urity and permanence of our political system depend. (Long-continued applause 
on the Republican side, and cries of "Vote!" "Vote!") 

ON THE EIGHT HOUR LAW. 

(In the House of Representatives, August 28, 1890.) 

Mr. Speaker, I am in favor of this (the Eight Hour Law) bill. It has been said 
that it is a bill to limit the opportunity of the workingman to gain a livelihood. This 
is not true ; it will have the opposite effect. * * * The Government of the United 
States ought, finally and in good faith, to set this example of eight hours as consti- 
tuting a day's work required of laboring men in the service of the United States. 
(Applause.) The tendency of the times the wocld over is for shorter hours of labor., 
shorter hours in the interest of health, shorter hours in the interest of humanity. 
shorter hours in the interest of the home and family; and the United States can do 
no better service to labor and to its own citizens than to set the example to States., 
to corporations, and to individuals employing men by declaring that, so far as the 
Government is concerned, eight hours shall constitute a day's work, and be all that 
is required of its laboring force. * * * 

Mr. Speaker, Ave owe something to the care, the elevation, the dignity and educa- 
tion of labor. We owe something to the workingmen and the families of the work- 
ijigmen throughout the United States who constitute the large body of the population, 
and this bill is a step in the right direction. (Applause.) 

"THAT COUNTRY IS LEAST PROSPEROUS WHERE LOW PRICES ARE 
SECURED THROUGH LOW WAGES." 

(At Toledo, 0., Feb. 12, 1891.) 

Mr. President, that country is least prosperous where low prices are secured 
through low wages. Cheap foreign goods, free or practically free, in com- 
petition with domestic goods involve cheap labor at home or depend- 
ence upon foreign manufactures. Those who advocate duties solely foi 
revenue see only as a result cheaper prices, which are but tem- 
porary at best, and do not see the other side, that of lower wages, cheaper labor 
agricultural depression, and general distress. The protective system, by encouraging 
capital to engage in productive enterprises, has accorded to labor, skill and genius 
'higher opportunities and greater rewards than could otherwise be secured, defend- 
ing them against ruinous foreign competition, while promoting home competition 
and giving the American consumer better products at lower prices and the farmer a 
better market than was ever enjoyed under the free-trade tariffs of the Democratic 
party. 

"TO THE FARMER THE BEST MARKET AND TO LABOR THE BEST WAGES.' 

(At New York City, April 10, 1891.) 

As a tariff has to be levied to raise revenue, we believe it better that it should 
be levied on the foreign products which compete with those produced by our owr 
people, and to that extent protect our own producers, our OAvn labor, and defenc 
them reasonably and fairly in their own markets. The result of this system of tarifl 
has so quickened the energies of our. people, so stimulated production and develop 
ment, as to make us the greatest agricultural and mining and manufacturing Natior 
of the world. It has diversified our industries, given to the farmer the best niarkei 
and to labor the best wages anywhere to be found, and the consumers betfer products 
at lower prices, than they ever before enjoyed. (Applause.) 

"THERE IS NOTHING TOO GOOD FOR THE MEN WHO WORK." 
(At Cincinatti, 0., on Labor Day, Sept 1, 1891.) 
I come by invitation of your Committee, not to make a formal address, but to ex 
press by my presence the interest which I feel in the cause which you represent, anc 
to participate with you in the suitable recognition of "Labor Day." There is nothing 
too good for the men who work. The days of rest and recuperation in our pushing 
busy age are too few, altogether too few, and the setting apart of this public holiday 
is a step worthy our highest commendation, and is an honorable recognition of labor 
which is the foundation of our wealth and production. * * * It is our glory thai 
the American laborer is more intelligent and better paid than his foreign competitor 
and so far no call upon his greater inventive skill and genius has been made in vain 
Herbert -Spencer has testified, "Beyond question, in respect to mechanical appliance* 
the Americans are ahead of all other nations," Superior tools would alone give m 

5 



no small advantage, but the possession of the best machinery implies much more, 
that we have also the best mechanics in the world. 

There are some things we should remember, however. Nothing is cheap which 
enforces idleness upon our own people. Invention does not follow idleness. Noth- 
ing is cheap which permits to slumber in our hills and mountains the rich raw ma- 
terials that only await the manipulation of man to produce untold wealth. The 
first duty of a nation is to enact those laws which will give to its citizens the widest 
opportunity for labor and the best rewards for work done. 

'LABOR BETTER REWARDED HERE THAN ANYWHERE ELSE IN THE 

WORLD. 
(To Committee of Republican Clubs, at Ann Arbor, Mich., May 17, 1892.) 
I need not say to you what the w T orld knows: That this country, after nearly 
one-third of a century of protection, has reached the proud position of being of all 
nations of the world the first in manufactures, first in mining, first in agriculture, 
first in invention, and first in educational advantages for the masses; that labor is 
better rewarded here; and that the great body of the people have wider and better 
opportunities for advancement here than could be found anywhere else in the wide, 
wide world. Protection builds up; a revenue tariff tears down. Protection brings 
hope and courage to heart and home; free trade drives them from both. Free trade 
levels down; protection levels up. 

"GIVE TO EVERY AMERICAN WORK1NGMAN FULL WORK AT AMERICAN 

WAGES." 
(To Tin Workers of Niles, 0., June 20, 189C.) 

I am glad to have demonstrated in my native town that we can make tin plate 
in the United States, and in reply to what your spokesman has been kind enough to 
say of my efforts in that direction, 1 answer that if I have been associated with any 
legislation that has given to a single American workingman a day's work at Ameri- 
can wages which he did not receive before, that is honor enough for me. What we 
want in this country is a policy that will give to every American workingman full 
work at American wages. (Applause.) 

WE WANT THE POLICY WHICH WILL GIVE TO LABOR WORK AND WAGES. 
(To Zanesville Y'oung Mens Club, June 22, 1896.) 

We have had some experience in the last three years and a half. Experience has 
superseded prophecy, and cold facts take the place of prediction. We all know more 
than we knew then, and are ready and anxious to get back a period like that of 1892, 
when this country was enjoying its highest prosperity with the greatest domestic 
trade it ever had, and the largest foreign trade ever known with the nations of the 
world. We want to get back the old policy, my fellow-citizens, which will give to 
labor work and wages, and to agriculture a home market and the good foreign mar- 
ket which was opened up by the reciprocity legislation of the Republican party. We 
have come to appreciate that protective tariffs are better than idleness. (Applause.) 

"I WANT A POLICY THAT WILL PUT IDLE MEN AT WORK AT GOOD 
AMERICAN WAGES." 
(To Tuscarawas tin workers, July 3, 1896.) 

Here in this country we are dependent upon each other, no matter what our oc- 
cupation may be. All of us want good times, good wages, good prices, good markets, 
and then we want good money, too, and always intend to have it. When we give a 
good day's work to our employers we want to be paid in good sound dollars, worth 
one hundred cents each, and never any less. * * * * What I want to see in this 
country is a return to that prosperity which we enjoyed for thirty years, prior to 
1893. A policy that will put idle men to work at American wages, for the more men 
we have at work at good American Avages the better markets the farmers will have 
and the better prices they will get for their products. 

"RESTORE AMERICAN PROTECTION AND SERVE THE INTERESTS OF 

AMERICAN LABOR." 
(From speech to Notification Committee, June 29, 1896.) 
Great issues are involved in the coming election, and eager and earnest the peo- 
ple for their right determination. Our domestic trade must be won back, and our 
idle working people employed in gainful occupations at American wages. 
The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner, and the pensioner must continue for- 
ever equal in purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any Govern- 

6 



^ment creditor. * * * The great body of our citizens know what they want, and 
that they intend to have. They know for what the Republican party stands and what 
its return to power means to them. They realize that the Republican party believes 
that our work should be done at home and not abroad, and everywhere proclaim their 
devotion to the principles of a protective tariff, which, while supplying adequate 
revenues for the Government, will restore American production, and serve the best 
interests of American labor and development. Our appeal, therefore, is not to a false 
philosophy, or vain theorists, but to the masses of the American people, the plain, 
practical people, whom Lincoln loved and trusted, and whom the Republican party 
has always faithfully striven to serve. 

"WE WANT GOOD WAGES PAID IN GOOD MONEY." 
(To Alliance, 0., workingmen, July 23, 1896.) 
What we want, no matter what political organization we may have belonged to 
in the past, is a return to the good times of four years ago. We want good prices 
and good wages, and when we shall have them again we want them paid in good 
money. (Applause.) Whether our prices be high or low, whether our wages be 
good or bad, they are all better by being paid in dollars worth one hundred cents 
each. If we have good wages, they are better by being paid in good dollars. If we 
have poor wages, they are made poorer by being paid in poor dollars. 

'WORKINGMEN, HAVE WE NOT HAD ENOUGH OF SUCH COSTLY 

EXPERIMENTS?" 
(To the delegation of window glass workers, at Canton, 0., July 23, 1896.) 

The Government, my fellow-citizens, has not been the only sufferer in the past 
three years, as your spokesman has vividly shown. The people have suffered, the 
laboring man in his work and wages, the farmer in his prices and 
markets, and our citizens generally in their incomes and investments. Enforced 
idleness among the people has brought to many American homes gloom and wretched- 
ness, where cheer and hope once dwelt. Both Government and people have paid 
dearly for a mistaken policy, a policy which has disturbed our industries and cut 
down our revenues, always so essential^ to our credit, independence and prosperity. 
Having stricken down our industries, a' new experiment is now proposed, one that 
would debase our currency and further weaken, if not wholly destroy, public confi- 
dence. Workingmen, have we not had enough of such .rash and costly experiments ? 
Don't all of us " wish for the return of the economic policy which for more than a 
third of a century gave the Government its highest credit and the citizen his greatest 
prosperity ? 

"WE WANT NEITHER CHEAP MONEY NOR CHEAP LABOR." 
(To delegation of colored citizens and military of Cleveland, 0., at Canton, August 

17, 1896.) 

We want in the United States neither cheap money nor cheap labor. We will 
have neither the one nor the other. We must not forget that nothing is cheap to the 
American people which comes from abroad and when it entails idleness upon our own 
laborers. We are opposed to any policy which increases the number of the unem- 
ployed in the United States, even if it does give us cheaper foreign goods; and we are 
opposed to any policy which degrades American manhood that we may have cheaper 
goods made either at home or abroad. Having reduced the pay of labor, it is now 
proposed to reduce the value of the money in which labor is paid. * " * 

My countrymen, the most un-American of all appeals observable in this campaign 
is the one which seeks to array labor against capital, employer against employe. It 
is most unpatriotic and is fraught with the greatest peril to all concerned. We are 
all political equals here — equal in privilege and opportunity — dependent upon each 
other and the prosperity of the one is the prosperity of the other. 

TO BENEFIT LABOR IS THE HIGHEST REWARD THAT MAN CAN HAVE. 
(To delegation of workmen and others from his old Congressional district, August 

24, 1896.) 
I cannot forget that you trusted me in my young manhood, and that you have 
ever since followed me with unfaltering confidence. I remember the first time that I 
ever looked into the faces of an East Liverpool audience twenty years ago, and that 
then, as now, I was speaking for sound money and a protective tariff. Your spokes- 
man has alluded most graciously to what he terms the services I have given to your 
great industry. If I have done anything to bring work to you or my fellow-man any- 
where and make the condition of the American workingman easier, that is the high- 



est reward I seek, and greater reward no man could have. There is no industry in 
the United States, my fellow citizens, which demands or deserves protection through 
our tariff more than yours. 

"APPEALS TO PREJUDICE ARE BENEATH THE SPIRIT OF A FREE PEOPLE ." 
(From Letter of Acceptance, 1896.) 

No one suffers so much from cheap money as the farmers and laborers. 'They 
are the first to feel its bad effects and the last to recover from them. It has been 
the experience of all countries, and here as elsewhere the poor and not the rich are 
the greatest sufferers. * * * It is a cause for painful regret and solicitude that 
an effort is being made by those high in the councils of the allied parties to divide 
the people of this country into classes and create distinctions among us which, in fact, 
do not exist, and are repugnant to our form of government. These appeals to pas- 
sion and prejudice are beneath the spirit and intelligence of a free people, and should 
be met with stern rebuke by those they are sought to influence, and I believe thev 
will. 

"THE EQUALITY OF ALL LIES AT THE BASIS OF POPULAR 

GOVERNMENT." 
(To delegation of Pittsburg workingmen, on Labor Day, Sept. 5, 1896.) 

This assemblage thoroughly typifies the National idea of a great American com- 
monwealth in this, that it presents the equality of all which lies at the basis of popu- 
lar government. * * * * Here is a striking protest against the unworthy effort 
on the part of those who would divide our citizenship into classes and a striking con- 
demnation of such un-American appeals to passion and prejudice. Nothing can bettei 
stamp with falsehood and indignant disapproval the effort to array class against 
class, than this great demonstration before me to-day. I have no sympathy with sucli 
appeals — have you? Patriotism is a grander sentiment; it ennobles but never dis- 
graces. Instead of seeking to work the masses, it would be worthier on the part oi 
all of us to try to get work for the masses. Workingmen, that you should have call- 
ed on me the day set apart by your great commonwealth to celebrate the worth, the 
dignity and the power of labor, is a great honor, which I duly and gratefully appre- 
ciate. 

PROTECT THE WORKINGMAN AGAINST CHEAP LABOR AND CHEAP MONEY. 
(To Workingmen of Homestead, Pa., Sept. 12, 1896.) 

I have always been, as you know, in favor of a protective tariff; I have always 
advocated it, and believe in it, because I think it is necessary to protect the Americar 
workingman against the cheaper labor of the Old World. Applying that great prin- 
ciple, I am in favor of protecting to-day the laboring men of the United States againsi 
a degraded currency. I am opposed to free trade because it degrades American labor ; 
I am opposed to free silver because it degrades American money. 

"WE WANT A FULL DOLLAR AND THE BEST OPPORTUNITY TO EARN IT.' 
(To employes of Pennsylvania Railroad, at Canton, Sept. 12, 1896.) 
I thank you gentlemen of Pennsylvania, representing every branch and depart- 
ment of industry, for the call which you have made upon me here to-day, and I thank 
you for the messages, the gracious messages which you have brought, that you will 
stand this year for American honor, American public faith, American prosperity and 
the full employment at American wages of every idle man in America. What w« 
want in America, and by that I mean the United States, what we want, I say, in 
this country, is a full one hundred cent dollar and then we want after that the freest 
and best opportunity to earn it. 

AMERICAN W 7 AGES FOR AMERICAN WORKINGMEN. 
(To steel workers of Braddock, Pa., Sept. 17, 1896.) 
My countrymen, I am one of these Americans who believe that the American 
workshop should be protected as far as possible from the foreign workshop, to the end 
that American workingmen may be constantly employed at American wages. Noi 
do I want products cheapened at the expense of American manhood, nor do* I think 
that it is economy to buy goods cheaply abroad if it thereby enforces idleness at 
home. 

"WE WANT NEITHER SHORT WORK NOR SHORT DOLLARS." 

(To delegation of Pennsylvania workingmen, at Canton, Sept. 19, 1896.) 

I am one of those Americans who believe that the American workshop should hi 

protected against the foreign workshop. I believe that the American workingmen 

should be defended by a wise and judicious protective policy against the underpaid 



workingmen of the Old World. In a word, I believe that this country is ours and 
that we, first of all, are entitled to enjoy its privileges and its blessings. The first 
thing we want in this country is plenty to do. We want neither short work nor 
short dollars in the United States. We want neither free trade nor free silver in the 
United States. We want an opportunity to work and when we have improved that 
opportunity, we want to be paid in dollars that are worth as much the week or year 
after they are received as on the day of their receipt. Free trade has cheated vou in 
your wages and you do not propose to permit free silver to cheat you in your pav 

"EVERY MAN WHO SEEKS WORK SHOULD HAVE AX OPPORTUNITY TO 

WORK." 
(To employes of the Carnegie City Mills, of Pittsburg, Pa., Sept. 19, 1896.) 
Nothing moves me more deeply than to have the assurances of support which J 
am daily receiving from the men in the United States who toil. To have as allies in 
this great contest for the honor and prosperity of the countrymen the workino-men 
of the United States is indeed a crown to any cause. You have but one aim in the 
use of your ballots and that is to secure the highest and greatest good to the people 
of the United States. That is what the ballot is for and it is for the accomplishment 
of this that you will use the ballot this year. We have had in this country for three 
years past an experience under two contending National policies. Most of the men 
who sit before me to-day never had any experience under but one policy until within 
the last four years. You have now tried them both. You have tried the protective 
policy of the Republican Party and you have tried the free trade revenue policy oi 
the Democratic Party. ^ hich do you like best ? **..** What we want in this 
country is that every man who seeks 7 work shall have an opportunity to work. And 
then when he has performed an honest day's work for his employer, we mean he shall 
be paid in honest dollars. 

"WHAT WE WANT FIRST IS WORK FOR AMERICAN WORKMEN." 

(To delegation of workingmen and others from Mercer and Butler Counties, Pennsvl- 

vania,, at Canton, Sept. 19, 1896.) 

What we want in this country first and foremost is work for the American work- 
ingman. Every man in the country who wants to work ought to have an opportunity 
to work, and that opportunity is always limited by the extent to which we have our 
work done in Europe and European workshops by European labor. I am one of those 
who believe in the doctrine of protecting American factories against foreign factories 
and the American laborer against the workingmen of the world. * " ;: " * * What 
we want is a chance to work and when we have wages the home market is always 
improved for every farmer who wants to turn an honest dollar. We want an honest 
American dollar, too, and you should vote for the Party that you believe is more 
likely to give you the best chance to work and the best coin in payment, and you musH 
judge for yourselves which party tliat is. 

"WE WANT THE AMERICAN WORKSHOP DEFENDED AGAINST THE 

FOREIGN WORKSHOP." 

(To delegation of citizens of Western New York, Sept. 2, 1896.) 

We never had so much work in our history as we had in 1892. What we want 
is to get back to those good times and the people are only waiting for an opportunity 
in 1896, to vote back the principles and policies they gave up four years ao-o. We 
want no free trade in the United States. We want the American workshop protected 
and defended against the foreign workshop for the benefit of American workingmen. 
Suppose the foreign manufacturer could pay customs duties with a fifty-cent dollar! 
would not that reduce the protection you now have one half? My fellow citizens, do 
not be deluded. No matter how much money we have or may have in this country, 
there is but one way to get it and that is to give something 'for it. What we want 
just now is somebody who wants what we have to give him. Labor cannot wait. The 
capital of the workingman is his strong right arm. If he does not use it to-day just 
that much of his capital is gone and gone forever. The capitalist can wait on his 
dividends but the workingman cannot wait on his dinner. And there is nothing so 
well calculated to injure labor in the United States as a depreciated currency. I 
want you to read what Webster said, March 15, 1837, in your great State: "He who 
tampers with the currency robs labor of its bread. He panders, indeed, to the greed 
of capital, which is keen sighted and may shift for itself, but he beggars labor which 
is honest, unsuspecting, and too busy with the present to calculate for the future. 
The prosperity of the working classes lives, moves and has its being in established 
credit and a steady medium of payment. All sudden changes destroy it; honest in- 



iustry never comes in for any part of the spoils in that scramble which takes place 
when the currency of the country is disordered." 

"WE WANT NO IDLE MEN IN THE UNITED STATES.'' 
(To citizens of Pennsylvania, at Canton, Sept. 25, 1896.) 
We want no idle men in the United States. We want no idle mills in the United 
States and to the end that we may have neither idle mills nor idle men, we must do 
our work in the United States and not outside the United States. You may disagree 
with me, but I believe in a Protective tariff. I have always so believed and I have 
never felt called upon to make an apology to anybody anywhere for having been de- 
moted to the great principles which promotes and encourages American development 
and good wag'es to American workingmen. Then, my fellow citizens, having secured 
a, tariff that will defend American interests, we want to continue the use of the good 
Did dollars that we have had since 1879. We want no clipped coins in the United 
States. We want no debased dollars any more than we want debased labor, and when 
men have given a full day's work to an American employer, we want that American 
employer to pay him in dollars as good as any dollars anywhere in 
the world, and worth one hundred cents each everj^vhere in the world. Then, 
my fellow citizens, we want another thing — we want peace and tranquility in the 
United States. We want it established once for all that this is a Government of law 
and by law and that now as always we are a law abiding people.* There is one thing 
that we are proud of and that is that the Republican party can submit its principles 
to the workingmen, to the farmer, to the student, to the scholar, to those of every 
calling or profession, with confidence, because those principles are right and eternal. 

"CLASS APPEALS ARE DISHONORABLE AND DISHONEST." 

(To citizens of Peoria, 111., at Canton, Sept. 26, 1896.) 
The judgment of the people is swift and terrible against those who mislead and 
delude them. The people are never led astray by deceit or misrepresentation when 
they investigate for themselves. This they are doing this year in a marked degree. 
It is of no avail that party leaders appeal to passion when the people are alive to their 
own and the public interests. It will not do to say to the men who are poo? n this 
world's goods — you must get off by yourselves, form a class of your own; you inter- 
ests are opposed to those who employ you. This is not enough this year. The poor 
man inquires: what good will it do me, how will that better my condition, how will 
that bring bread to my family or food to my children ? Will I be benefited by de- 
spoiling my employer? Will it give me more employment and better wages to strike 
down those whose money is invested in productive enterprises, which give me work 
and wages? Four years ago it was said that the manufacturer was making too much 
money. You remember it. But that cannot be said now. And that the robber 
tariff which was enriching him, must be torn root and branch to the end that he 
should be deprived of what some people were pleased to call his "ill-gotten profits." 
The country seemed to share in the suggestion, and the trial was entered upon, with 
what result every manufacturer, commercial man, traveling man, and workingman 
best knows. It has been discovered, to our hurt and sorrow that you cannot injure 
the manufacturer without injuring the laborer. It has been found, too, that you 
cannot injure the manufacturer without injuring the v/hole business of the country. 
You may close the shops by adverse tariffs, because you imagine the manufacturer is 
making too much, but with that done you close the door of employment in the face of 
the laborer whose only capital is his labor. You cannot punish the one without punish- 
ing the other and our policy would not inflict the slightest injury upon either. In 
such a case "getting off together" does not do either any good. Arraying labor 
against capital is a public calamity and an irreparable injury to both. Class appeals 
are dishonorable and dishonest. They calculate to separate those who should be 
united, for our economic interests are common and indivisible. Rather, my fellow 
citizens, teach the doctrine that it is the duty and privilege of every man to rise; 
that with honest industry he can advance himself to the best place in the shop, the 
store, the counting house or in the learned professions. This is the doctrine of equal- 
ity and opportunity that is woven into every fiber of our National being; a doctrine 
which has enabled the poorest boy with the humblest surroundings to reach the best 
place in our. great industries and to receive the highest trusts which can be be- 
stowed by a generous people. Gentlemen, nnd I speak to my countrymen everywhere, 
if you have not yourselves been among the most fortunate, I pray you think of your 
boys and girls and place no obstacles in their pathway to the realization of every 
lofty and honorable ambition which they may have. 

10 



"THE WAY TO HAVE PROSPERITY IS TO ENCOURAGE THE AMERICAN 

WORKSHOP." 
(To delegation of Railwaymen, at Canton, Sept. 26, 1890.) 
Yours is a most delicate and dangerous employment. I never step off a railroad 
train, after either a long or short journey, that I do not feel like making personal 
acknowledgement to every railroad employe for his care for the safety of the passen- 
gers. I never step off a railroad train that I do not feel like going to the engineer 
and taking off my hat to him. * * * * I make no appeal to you that is not 
based upon what I believe to be for the public good. I believe it is the mission of the 
Government of this country to take care of the industrial people of the country; I 
believe it is the business of the country to make everything that can be made in the 
United States which our people consume. I believe it is the business of the country 
to protect every citizen in his employment from the cheap products made by the 
cheaper labor of other lands. I believe that the way to have prosperity in the United 
States is to encourage the American workshop and uphold American labor; and 
when you uphold American labor and sustain the American workshop, you have given 
trade and traffic to these great railroad companies, the arteries of commerce, which in 
turn, give steady employment to the railway employes of the country. 

"THERE IS NO MENACE TO LABOR LIKE THAT OF A DEBASED CURRENCY." 

(To the tin plate workers of New Kensington, Pa., Sept. 26, 1896.) 
To be called by laboring men themselves "the workingman's friend," is the high- 
est honor for which I would strive. To have been in any way connected with Nation- 
al legislation that has furnished employment to the hundreds and thousands of men 
who stand beside and around me, is Avorthy the best ambition of any man. I am glad 
to have it demonstrated here to-day that we can and do make tin plate in the United 
States. If your factory and other kindred factories are not as prosperous as they 
were two or "three years ago, you know the reason why. If your wages have been 
reduced in the tin plate factories, you know quite as well as I can tell you the reason 
it is so; for whenever there is a cut in the rates of tariff upon foreign imports, it is 
likely to be followed by a cut of rates in American wages. I take it that you are all 
in favor of a protective tariff. I take it that you know which party stands for a 
protective tariff. I take it that you know which ticket represents that great Ameri- 
can doctrine, and knowing it, I take it you know just what National ticket is best for 
you. Now what you want after all — after good work and wages — is that you shall 
be paid in good dollars. You do not want your Avages cut and your money too. It 
is bad enough to suffer a reduction in yo»ur pay but it is an added aggraA'ation to haA 7 e 
to suffer a cut in the money in which you are paid. I take it that every man who 
stands before me to-day is not only in favor of National prosperity, but he is in 
faA*or of National honor, and a National currency that AA 7 ill be as sound as the Re- 
public and as unsullied as its honor has always been. There is no menace to labor 
like that of a depreciated and debased currency. * * * We must not lose our 
moorings; Ave must not be deluded by false doctrines or by false prophets. We must 
never by our ballots stigmatize ours either a dishonest or a repudiating Nation. 
Steady work and good Avages are the test of the Nation's prosperity, and the happi- 
ness of its citizens. Neither of them will come through free trade or free silver; for 
while both may benefit somebody else, neither of them can benefit the American citi- 
zen. 

"I FAVOR THAT POLICY THAT GIVES THE MOST WORK AND BEST WAGES 
TO EVERY AMERICAN LABORER." 
(To delegation of Avorkingmen from Harrisburg, Pa., at Canton, Oct. 3, 1896.) 
Ine cry of distress is going up from every part of our common country. What 
men AA r ant is busine.: activity. What laboring men want is work. We have discov- 
ered in the last three years and a half that AA*e cannot increase the output of the 
mines or the wages of the miner by decreasing manufacturing in the United States. 
We have discovered that less American coal is required if we do any part of the work 
in Europe rather than here at home. I favor that policy which Avill give the largest 
development to every American interest, that gives' the Avidest oportunity to eA 7 ery 
American citizen, that gives the most work and best Avages to eA'ery American laborer, 
and secures to our people the highest possible prosperity in all their occupations. 
* * * * My felloAA T citizens, Ave must defeat by decisiA*e majorities every scheme 
for the debasement of our currency, whether it be free silver or irredeemable paper 
money; but while we do this Ave must also defeat the destructive and dangerous men- 
ace of free trade. We have lost enough already in the reduced wages of our labor, and 

n 



we do not propose to be further cheated by being paid in depreciated dollars. Let us 
effectually dispose of both, and restore to the country the great business prosperity 
which is naturally and properly ours to possess and enjoy. 

"NOBODY IS CHEATED BY A DEPRECIATED CURRENCY SO MUCH AS THE 

MAN WHO LABORS." 
(To mechanics and workingmen of Alleghany, Pa., and Pennsylvania Railway shops, 

Oct. 3, 1896.) 
I have been pleased to note in the public press and learn from the many delega- 
tions that have visited me during the last six weeks, that the employes of our great 
railroads are deeply interested in the rightful settlement of the questions which are 
presented in this campaign. We have come to realize, no matter what may be our em- 
ployment, that we are most prosperous when the country is most prosperous. We 
have come to realize that the railroads do the most business, pay the best wages and 
have the most work when the farmers have good crops, good prices and good markets 
and the manufacturers have plenty of orders and their workmen steady employment. 
You always build more engines, repair more engines, and do more by way of improv- 
ing equipments when your railroads do the most business, and when they do the most 
business you have the steadiest employment and best wages. * * * * Democrats 
and Republicans alike, I ask you, do you want a continuance of a policy that has 
taken work from the American workshop and given it to the foreign workshop, or do 
you disapprove of that policy? You will have an opportunity to vote directly upon 
that proposition. We have the best country in the world, and if it does not continue 
to be the best it will be our own fault. We have the best railroads, and more rail- 
roads, and more internal commerce than any other nation, and it is because we have 
such vast internal commerce that the railroads of this country have been able to ex- 
tend their lines and give such liberal employment to American labor. You have an 
opportunity to vote this year on another question — as to whether you want good, 
full, round, one-hundred cent dollars in payment of your wages, or whether you want 
to be paid in fifty-two cent dollars. Nobody is cheated by a depreciated currency so 
much as the man who labors. This is the experience of mankind the world over. It 
has been our own experience at every period in our history when we have entered 
upon an era of depreciated currency, and were living under the wild-cat banking sys- 
tem which issued State money. The workingmen of this country are its largest cred- 
itors. There is due to the workingmen in prosperous times so vast a sum of money 
as to make them the greatest creditors of the world, and they are, therefore, more in- 
terested or quite as much interested as any other part of our population, in having a 
sound and stable currency, unvarying in value and good wherever trade goes. 

'OUR POLICY SEEKS TO GIVE A SITUATION TO EVERY MAN WHO WANTS 

WORK." 
(To citizens of Ashland County, 0., Oct. 7, 1896.) 
Eighteen years ago your county was in the Congressional district for which I 
stood as a candidate for Congress. I remember to have gone to your county, as a 
j'oung man, almost an entire stranger to your people, but I shall never forget the 
warm and cordial welcome you gave me, and the splendid support you gave to the 
Republican Party that year. ***** That year, as the older men m the 
audience will recall, I was contending for two things. In every speech I presented 
what I regarded as two great overmastering issues. One was the return to specie 
payments and the other was the continuance of a protective tariff policy that would 
preserve our own market for the American farmers and our factories for the Amen 
?an workingmen. We are contending this year for the same principles. On the other 
hand the allied parties of the opposition insist that this country shall take a step 
backward. Ever since 1879 we have been on a gold basis, on the solid rock of honest 
Paiance and of honest payment of debts, public and private. It is proposed now that 
we shall enter upon an era of not only a depreciated silver dollar, but of depreciated 
paper money; to that the Republican Party answers, "No, forever, No." Some peo- 
ple seem, sometimes, to despair of the future of the United States. Nobody need 
have any apprehension on that score. The United States is too great and too re- 
sourceful to have its progress impeded for any considerable length of time by any 
political party. This year we stand, as in 1878, for the restoration of a protective 
policy. In 18*92, a year the most prosperous in our history, we were under such a 
policy. Every man in tins country who wanted work could find it, and every man 
who worked in this country in 1892 got better wages than he ever received in any 
other period of our history or in all the world's history. The farmers of this coun- 
try had the best home market in the world ; had more and better paid consumers than 

13 i 



the}' had ever had before. But that has all changed. The newspaper advertisements 
in 1892 used to read "Men wanted." The advertisements that run in the newspapers 
to-day read "Situations wanted." Our policy seeks to give a situation to every man 
of this country who wants to work. The policy of partial free trade has put the 
workingmen in a situation which entails upon them heavy loss, and upon every far- 
mer of the country great injury. 

I BELIEVE THE RIGHT POLICY IS THE ONE WHICH PROTECTS THC 
AMERICAN WORKSHOP." 
(To delegations of Cleveland workingmen and coal miners, Oct. 1, 1896.) 
I am one of those who believe that we should look after our own people before 
we look after the people of other lands, who owe no allegiance to the Government of 
;he United States. I believe the right policy is the one which protects the American 
workshop by putting a tariff upon the products of the foreign workshop. My fellow 
citizens, I do not believe that we ought to have a tariff policy that will let the prod- 
ucts of cheaper lands and of underpaid labor, come into this country and destroy our 
manufactories and impoverish and degrade our labor. Now, the protective policy 
I my policy. It is the doctrine I have always believed in and 1 make no apology to 
mybody anywdiere for holding that view. And if on the third day of iSovember the 
American people in their sovereign capacity shall decree that a protective policy shall 
be restored, and sound money conunued, I hope and fervently pray that we will enter 
apon an era of prosperity that will give happiness and comfort to every American 
'vome. 

LET US EMPLOY EVERY IDLE MAN AND BRING HAPPINESS TO EVERY 

AMERICAN HOME." 
(To delegation of workmen from West Virginia potteries and iron and steel workers, 

Oct. 7, 1896.) 
The thought in every man's mind here, is: How can I better my condition? 
[low can I improve the condition of my family? The answer comes almost with one 
roice — the way to do it is to protect American industry and defend American labor. 
Let us do our own manufacturing here in the United States. Let us make our own 
u-on and steel, our own glass — and when we do that we will employ every idle man 
n the United States and bring hope arid happiness to every American home. I be- 
ieve in the policy of protection to home industries and to energies of the American 
oeople. I do not believe anything is cheap to our people that imposes idleness upon 
i single American citizen. What we want is work and wages. Do you believe free 
:rade will aid you? Do you believe protective tariffs will do it? (Cries of "Yes." 
'Yes." "Every time.") Then vote that way. Protection never closed an American 
factory. Protection never shut an American mine. Protection never put Ameri- 
can labor out on the streets. I can not say as much for partial free trade, such as 
we have experienced in the last three years and a half. More than that, my fellow 
I'itizens, we not only want an opportunity to work, but when we get that opportunity 
we want to be paid in honest dollars worth a hundred cents each. We believe neither 
in free trade nor in free silver. The one debases labor and the other the currency 
"f the country. And more than all, you gentlemen, I know, are in favor of the 
maintenance of Law and order. 

t r OTED AND SPOKE FOR AX EIGHT -HOUR LAW IN THE SERVICE OF THE UNITED 

STATES. 
(To employes of Cleveland Rolling Mills, Oct. 7, 1896.) 
Nothing touches me more deeply than to have around and about me, assuring me of 
their support the workingmen of the United States. They are the bone and sinew of the 

ountry and the mighty conservative force which in every perilous crisis of history must 
ip relied upon to preserve National honor and the supremacy of the law. I am more than 
?lad to meet at my aome the workingmen of the Cleveland Rolling Mill and the Wire Mill 
?mployes. I have met you before. I have addressed thousands of the workingmen who 
stand about me to-day, at their homes in Newburg and Cleveland, and I believe there is 
not one of you present who would say that I ever sought to deceive or mislead you. I 
have stood in the past as a public servant striving to benefit my fellow man ; to roll the 
weight off his shoulders and give him a fair and equal chance in the great race and con- 
test of life. I believe in the American home as the corner-stone of liberty and free insti- 
tutions, and I have always believed that the American home was made best when the 
head of that home had plenty to do. I have always stood for a Government policy — not 
^ne that would prohibit goods from coming into the United States, but for a policy that 
would protect the products of American labor agaiust the products of the cheaper labor of 
the old world. I believe it is our duty to guard and defend the American workshop, and 
when we are doing that we are defending the American home. I stand to-day not only 

for a protective tariff but an honest dollar, a dollar based upon the best money of the 
world, recognized In every center of the world. We have had some experiences with 
short houri in the last four years, and we do not want to experiment with short dollars 

3.3 



now. When I addressed you last, four years ago, in the old tent at Newburg, a committee 
waited upon me and wanted to know if I was in favor of eight hours for a day's work. 
They were discussing the wisdom and advisability of shorter hours for their own comfort 
and for their own advancement and interest. To them I said "yes" : I both voted and spoke 
for an eight hour law in the service of the United States. Since 1893 I haven't heard a word 
about shorter hours from the American workingmen. They are all too short, as my frienda 
tell us. What you want is steady employment. Whatever will bring you the first in the 
true Government policy, and when you have that, then youjvant to be paid in dollars worth 
one hundred cents, good not only under our flag, but good "in every civilized nation of the 
world. 

"RESTORE A POLICY THAT GIVE WORK TO AMERICAN WORKINGMEN." 

(To delegation of Maryland workingmen, at Canton, Oct. 14, 1896.) 
What we want to do in this country is to restore a policy that will encourage American 
development, American manufacturing, and give work to American workingmen. (Cheers.) 
This is the policy of the Republican Party, and it has been its uninterrupted policy since 
1881. Under this policy, as every workingman in my presence well knows, we enjoyed a 
higher prosperity than we ever enjoyed before or since. Now, having restored that policy, 
which can only be done by your votes, in connection with the votes of your fellow countrymen 
everywhere, let it be recorded by the same votes on the third day of November, that the 
people of this country are in favor of honest dollars with which to measure our„ exchanges, 
and not shifting dollars, to be ascertained by consulting the market reports published in the 
daily newspapers of the country. (Great applause.) When you have performed a good, 
honest day's work, you want to be paid in good, honest dollars. (Cheering, and cries of 
"That's right.") You want to be paid in staying dollars that are good, not only when you 
receive them, but good for all time (applause, and cries of "That's what we want") be- 
cause they rest upon unextinguishable and inherent value, recognized the world over. 
"PROTECTION OPENS BUT NEVER CLOSES AMERICAN WORKSHOPS." 
(To delegation from Western New York, October 15, 1896.) 
There is one thing the people of this country will not submit to — that the savings 
of the poor shall be squandered and wasted by a depreciation of the hard earned money 
which they have laid aside as the results of their thrift and economy. (Great applause 
and cries of "Good." "Good.") Can the people of Dunkirk, and Chatauqua county for one 
instant favor such a policy? (Loud cries of "No." "Never.") I am glad to know that 
you do not. Let me tell you what I think is a better, safer and more honorable policy. 
Let us restore the protective tariff system and pay as we go. (Enthusiastic cheering and 
cries of "Hurrah for McKinley.") Put your laboring people at work and restore business 
confidence from one end of the country to the other. (Great applause, and cries of "Thai's 
the stuff.") I am a protectionist (cries of "That's right, so are we") because I believe the 
protective system is best adapted to our conditions and citizenship. (Cries of "You are 
right.") It doesi everything that a revenue tariff does and vastly more. It supplies need- 
ed revenue. (Great applause.) A revenue tariff can do no more, and the present tariff has 
not done that much. (Great applause.) It accomplishes this end with equal, if not 
greater certainty than a revenue tariff, and while doing that it wisely discriminates in 
favor of American interests, and is ever mindful of the American people. (Cheers, and 
cries of "Right," "Right.") * * * Protection favors the United States (Great ap- 
plause and cries of "That's the stuff") and the flag of the United States. (Renewed ap- 
plause.) It favors the people of the United States (cheers) and is the true friend of 
every American girl and boy struggling upward. (Great applause.) It builds up; never 
"ears down. (Cries of "That's right.") It opens but never closes American workshops. 
That is what we want in this distressed country to-day. (Cries of "That's what we want.") 
This is what will diminish idleness, want any misery and stop deficient revenues. 

•SET EVERY WHEEL IN MOTION AND LIGHT THE FIRES OF EVERY FACTORY 

IN THE LAND." 
(To Kentucky Railway Sound Money Club, October 17, 1896.) 
Nothing gives me greater honor ; nothing brings to me higher distinction ; nothing in- 
creases my gratitude so much as to feel that I have the warm, earnest, sincere support of 
the men who toil: (Great applause and cries of "You will have ours.") Labor is at the 
foundation of all our wealth and prosperity. You might open every mint of the world 
and coin the silver of all creation, but it would not produce the prosperity that 
the labor of the United States would produce, had it an opportunity to work 
(Great cheering.) What we want in this country, my fellow citizens, is constant employ- 
ment. (Applause and cries of "That's correct" and "That's the stuff.") You get that 
when the country is prosperous. (Cries of "Correct," Correct.") We do not get it when 
the business of the country is depressed. (Cries of "No," "No.") What we want to do 
now, irrespective of party, is to adopt an industrial policy which will set every wheel in 
motion (applause) and light the fires in every factory of the land (renewed applause), and 
then the employes of every railroad will' have all they can haul and all the work they 
can do. 

MAJOR MCKINLEY TO THE WORKINGMEN OF HIS OWN HOME. 

(To Workingmen of Canton, O., Oct. 15, 1896.) 

My Fellow Citizens : I have witnessed in front of this porch many scenes which 
have touched my heart, but none which have more deeply moved me than this gathering 
of the workingmen of Canton. Fringed about this assemblage are the wives and the little 
ones whom you love so much and for whom you want an opportunity to labor. I bid you 
all warm, hearty and sincere welcome. I have known most of you almost a lifetime. One 
of the spokesmen,, the last one, was one of the earliest of my friends when I came to the 
city of Canton, and the other I have known for fifteen or sixteen years ; while in this audi- 
ence there are thousands of well-known and familiar faces to me. I greet you all as my 
friends. I have been with you in every undertaking to build up our splendid little city." 
to bring enterprise, thrift and employment to our people, and in all the years of the past 
there has not been a moment that I have not felt, whether I had their support or not. that 
I had the respect and confidence of the workingmen of Canton. * * * In 1892 free 
trade as against protection was the paramount issue of the campaign and free trade 

14 



triumphed before the great tribunal of the American people. This year we bring the ques- 
tion to you again. We ask you to review it, and to express your reconsidered, better and 
more matured judgment upon tbat issue, after three years of dreadful experience. * * * 
I bid you, workingmen of Canton, use your ballots as your intellects and consciences shall 
direct, moved by the highest and most honorable considerations which can influence the 
voter — that of the welfare of the people, and the honor and good name of the government 
which we love. Use the ballot as will best subserve your own interests and those of your 
family, whose welfare and happiness you have in your sacred keeping. 1 thank you from 
the bottom of my heart for this call. It is a pleasure I shall never forget. It is an honor 
I shall always cherish, and I can not find words to tell you how this great assemblage of 
my own fellow citizens, coming from every shop and factory of the town, has given me 
courage and inspiration. I wish for you all the best in this life. I wish for your homes 
love, happiness and contentment, and for our common country the greatest glory and 
highest prosperity. 

A FULL DAYS WORK SHOULD BE PAID IN FULL UNQUESTIONED DOLLARS." 
(To delegations of Maryland Workmen, Oct. 17, 189(5.) 
It is an unusual honor to any candidate, or cause, to have three thousand wage-earners 
travel a thousand miles to testify to him their devotion and loyalty, and I appreciate more 
than I can find words to express the presence here, in Canton, of the potters and wage- 
earners of the Mt. Vernon mills, the wage earners of the transportation companies, tne 
sound money clubs and the employes of tne iron works and shipyards, who have gathered 
about my home this evening. * * * Nothing in all this campaign has given me so 
much pleasure and satisfaction as the knowledge that the wage earners of the country are 
for the most part enlisted in the cause for which we stand. (Prolonged cheering.) I 
Know something of the workingmen of the United States. I know sometfiing of the potters. 
Great applause from the potters.) I know something of the wage earners in the great 
otton and woolen mills, and that all they want is an opportunity to work ; and to do tnis 
aH they ask is protection from the products of other lands made by underpaid labor. 
Tremendous applause.) * * * The tariff question is a question wholly of labor. \\ e 
will manufacture with the world, if the rest of the world will pay as good wages as were 
paid in the United States. But as long as they do not, patriotism, genuine Americanism, 
md every industrial interest, demands that we should make our tariff nigh enough to meas- 
ure the difference between the low cost of labor in foreign countries and the cost of labor 
'n this. (Cheers.) Then, you are interested in honest money. You don't want any short 
dollars. (Cries of '"No," •'No," and applause.) You have tried short hours in the last 
^our years and haven't liked them. (.Laughter and applause and cries of *'you bet we 
don't.") When you give a full day's work to your employer, you want to be paid in full 
unquestioned and unalterable dollars. (Great applause.) 

THE TOILERS ARE ENTITLED TO LIBERAL CARE AND PROTECTION. 
(From Inaugural Address, March 4, 1897.) 
The depression of the past four years has fallen with especial severity upon the great 
body of toilers^pf the country, and upon none more than the holders of small farms. Agri- 
ulture has languished and labor suffered. The revival of manufacturing will be a relief 
o both. No portion of our population is more devoted to the institutions of free govern- 
ment, nor more loyal in their support, while none bears more cheerfully or fully its proper 
hare in the mainrenance of the government, or is better entitled to its wise and liberal care 
nd protection. Legislation helpful to producers is beneficial to all. The depressed condi- 
ion of industry on the farm and in the mine and ' factory has lessened the ability of the 
people to meet the demands upon them : and they rightfully expect that not only a system 
of revenue shall be established -that will secure the largest income with the least burden, 
but that every means will be taken to decrease, rather than increase, our public expen- 
ditures. 

WELL-EMPLOYED LABOR MAKES A CONTENTED POPULATION. 
(To Manufacturers' Club, Philadelphia, June 2, 1897.) 
* * * Philadelphians have in the past shown what busy industries and well-em- 
Jloyed labor can do to make a great city and a contented population. (Applause.) They 
to not mean to accept present "conditions as permanent and final. (Cheers.) They whl 
neet embarrassments as they have bravely met them in the past, and in the end will re- 
tore industries ana labor to their former condition and prosperity. (Great cheering.) 
And, gentlemen, Philadelphia is but a type of American pluck and purpose everywhere. 
(.Great and prolonged applause.) 

THE FURNACE FIRES HAVE BEEN LIGHTED. 
(At Joiiet, Illinois, October 7, 1899.) 
I am glad to know that every one of the fires of all the furnaces and factories and 
shops in the city of Joiiet has been lighted, and that employment waits upon labor in every 
lepartment of human industry here. The nation is doing a vast business not only at home 
ut abroad. For the first time in our history we send more American manufactured 
roducts abroad, made by American workingmen, than we buy abroad. (Applause.) 

DO NOT DIVIDE THE PEOPLE INTO CLASSES OR BUILD A WALL AGAINST THE 
AMBITIONS OF YOUR BOY. 

(To the Chicago Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' Union, Chicago, Oct. 10, 1899.) 

Mr. Chairman and Gextlemex : It gives me great pleasure to meet with the work- 
ngmen of the city of Chicago. Of the many receptions that have been tendered me during 
ny three days' stay in your city, none has given me more pleasure or greater satisfaction 
thai rhe welcome accorded to me in this hall and the kind words spoken in my behalf by 
rou. -resident. (Cheers.) I have come not to make an address to you, but rather to give 
evid^ace, by my presence, of the great interest I feel in the cause of labor, and to con- 
gratulate you and your fellow-workmen everywhere upon the improved condition of the 
country and upon our general prosperity. (Applause.) When labor is employed at fair 
vages, homes are made happy. The labor of the United States is better employed, better 
paid, and commands greater respect than that of any other nation in the world. (Ap- 



clause.) What I would leave with you here to-night, in the moment I shall occupy, !■ the 

thought that you should improve all the advantages and opportunities of this free govern- 
ment. Your families, your boys and girls, are very close to your heart-strings, and you 
ought to avail yourselves the opportunity offered your children by the excellent schools 
of the city of Chicago. Give your children the best education obtainable, and that is the 
best equipment you can give any American. Integrity wins its way everywhere, and what 
I do not want the workingmen of this country to do is to establish hostile camps and divide 
the people of the United States into classes. I do not want any wall built aganist the am- 
bitions of your boy, nor any barrier put in the way of his occupying the highest places is 
the gift of the people. 

WAGES AND EMPLOYMENT NOW WAIT UPON LABOR. 
(At Vincennes, Ind., October 11, 1899.) 
My Fellow Citizens : We ought to be a very happy people. We are a very happy 
people. The blessings which have been showered upon us have been almost boundless, and 
no nation in the world has more to be thankful for than ours. We have been blessed with 
good crops at fair prices. Wages and employment have waited upon labor, and, differing 
from what it was a few years ago labor is not waiting on the outside for wages. Our 
financial condition was never better than now. We have good money and plenty of it 
circulating as our medium of exchange. National banks may fail, fluctuation in prices 
come and go, but the money of the country remains always good ; and when you have a 
dollar of it, you know that dollar is worth one hundred cents. Not only have we prosperity, 
but we have patriotism ; and what more do we want ? 
"THE EMPLOYER IS LOOKING FOR THE LABORER, NOT THE LABORER FOB 

THE EMPLOYER." 
(At Iron Foundries, Milwaukee, Wis., Oct. 17, 1899.) 
My Fellow Citizens : As I have been journeying through the country, 1 have been 
welcomed' with a warm cordiality by my fellow citizens, but at no place have I had a re- 
ception that has given me more genuine pleasure, more real satisfaction, than the greetings 
of the workingmen of this great establishment and the other great establishments of~thig 
city about the buildings in which they toil. (Great applause.) I congratulate you all 
upon the prosperity of the country. The employer is looking for the laborer and not the 
laborer for the employer, and I am glad to note, from one end of the country to the other, 
a universal demand for labor. 

"I HAVE NO SYMPATHY WITH THAT SENTIMENT WHICH WOULD DIVIDE MS 
COUNTRYMEN INTO CLASSES." 
(At Racine, Wis., Oct. 17, 1899.) 
I am glad to stand in this city of diversified industries and busy toilers and look Into 

the faces of the people who have made your city what it is. This is a nation of high 
privilege and great opportunity. We have the free school, the open Bible, freedom of re- 
ligious worship and conviction. We have the broadest opportunity for advancement, with 
every door open. The humblest among you may aspire to the highest place in public favoi 
and confidence. As a result of our free institutions the great body of the men who control 
public affairs in state and nation, who control the great business enterprises of the country, 
the railroads and other industries, came from the humble American home and from the 
ranks of the pjain people of the United States. (Applause.) 1 have no sympathy witi 
that sentiment which would divide my countrymen into classes. I have no sympathy wltL 
that sentiment which would put the rich man on one side - and the poor man on the othei 

(applause), because all of them are equal before the law, all of them have equal powei 
in the conduct of the government. 

"FOR LABOR A SHORT DAY IS BETTER THAN A SHORT DOLLAR." 

(From Letter of Acceptance, Sept. 8, 1900.) 
The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an opportunity for steadj 
and remunerative employment, and give it every encouragement for advancement. The 
policy that subserves this end is the true American policy. The past three years have 
been more satisfactory to American workingmen than many preceding years. Any change 
of the present industrial or financial policy of the government would be disastrous to theii 
highest interests. With prosperity at home and an increasing foreign market for American 
products, employment should continue to wait upon labor, and with the present gold stand 
ard the workingman is secured against payments for his labor in a depreciated currency. 
For labor, a short day is better than a short dollar ; one will lighten the burdens, the othei 
lessens the rewards of toil. The one will promote contentment and independence, the othei 
penury and want. The wages of labor should be adequate to keep the home in comfort, 
educate the children and, with thrift and economy, lay something by for the days of in- 
firmity and old age. 



INSTRUCTIONS 



OF 



THE PRESIDENT 



TO 



THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION, 



APRIL 7, 1900. 



COMMISSIONERS. 

Hon. WILLIAM H. TAFT, of Ohio. Hon. LUKE I. WRIGHT, of Tennessee 

Prof. DEAN C. WORCESTER, of Michigan, Hon. HENRY C. IDE, of Vermont. 
Peop. BERNARD MOSES, of California. 



WASHINGTON: 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 

1900. 



Was Department, 

Washington, 



April 7, 1900. 



Sir: I transmit to you herewith the instructions of the President for 
the guidance of yourself and your associates as Commissioners to the Phil- 
ippine Islands. 

Very respectfully, 

Elihu Koot, 

Sterrtary df War, 

Hon. William H. Taft, 

President Board of Commissioners 
to the Philippine Islands. 



Executive Mansion, April 7, 1900. 
The Secretary of War, 

Washington. 

Sir: In the message transmited to Congress on the 5th of December, 
1899, I said, speaking of the Philippine Islands: "As long as the insur- 
rection continues the military arm must necessarily be supreme. But there 
is no reason why steps should not be taken from time to time to inaugurate 
governments essentially popular in their form as fast as territory is held 
and controlled by our troops. To this end I am considering the advisa- 
bility of the return of the commission, or such of the members thereof as 
can be secured, to aid the existing authorities and facilitate this work 
throughout the islands. 

To give effect to the intention thus expressed I have appointed Hon. 
William H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Hon. 
Luke I. Wright, of Tennessee; Hon. Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Prof. 
Bernard Moses, of California, commissioners to the Philippine Islands t» 
continue and perfect the work of organizing and establishing civil govern- 
ment already commenced by the military authorities, subject in all respects 
to any laws which Congress may hereafter enact. 

The commissioners named will meet and act as a board, and the Hon. 
William H. Taft is designated as president of the board. It is probable 
that the transfer of authority from military commanders to civil officers 
will be gradual and will occupy a considerable period. Its successful ac- 
complishment and the maintenance of peace and order in the meantime will 
require the most perfect co-operation between the civil and military au- 
thorities in the island, and both should be directed during the transition 
period by the same Executive Department. The commission will therefore 
report to the Secretary of War, and all their action will be subject to your 
approval and control. 

You will instruct the commission to proceed to the city of Manila, where 
they will make their principal office, and to communicate with the military 
governor of the Philippine Islands, whom you will at the same time direct 
to render to them every assistance within his power in the performance of 
their duties. Without hampering them by too specific instructions, thej 
should in general be enjoined, after making themselves familiar with the 
conditions and needs of the country, to devote their attention in the first 
instance to the establishment of municipal governments, in which the na- 
tives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities, shall 



be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the fullest 
extent of which they are capable, and subject to the least degree of super- 
vision and control which a careful study of their capacities and observa- 
tion of the workings of native control show to be consistent with the main- 
tenace of law, order, and loyalty. 

The next subject in order of importance should be the organization of 
government in the larger administrative divisions corresponding to coun- 
ties, departments, or provinces, in which the common interests of many or 
several municipalities falling within the same tribal lines, or the same 
natural geographical limits, may best be subserved by a common admin- 
istration.- Whenever the commission is of the opinion that the condition 
of affairs in the islands is such that the central administration may safely 
be transferred from military to qivil control, they will report that conclu- 
sion to you, with their recommendations as to the form of central govern- 
ment to be established for the purpose of taking over the control. 

Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the authority to exer- 
cise, subject to my approval, through the Secretary of War, that part of the 
power of government in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative na- 
ture is to be transferred from the military governor of the islands to this 
commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of 
the military governor, under such rules and regulations as you shall pre- 
scribe, until the establishment of the civil central government for the 
islands contemplated in the last foregoing paragraph, or until Congress 
shall otherwise provide. Exercise of this legislative authority will include 
the making of rules and orders, having the effect of law, for the raising of 
revenue by taxes, customs duties, and imposts; the appropriation and ex- 
penditure of public funds of the islands; the establishment of an 
educational system throughout the islands ; the establishment of a system to 
secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment of 
courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental 
governments, and all other matters of a civil nature for which the military 
governor is now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative 
character. 

The commission will also have power during the same period to ap- 
point to office such officers under the judicial, educational, and civil-service 
systems and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall be 
provided for. Until the complete transfer of control the military governor 
will remain the chief executive head of the government of the islands, and 
will exercise the executive authority now possessed by him and not herein 
expressly assigned to the commission, subject, however, to the rules and 
orders enacted by the commission in the exercise of the legislative powers 
conferred upon them. In the meantime the municipal and departmental 
governments will continue to report to the military governor and be sub- 
ject to his administrative supervision and control, under your direction, 
but that supervision and control will be confined within the narrowest 
limits consistent with the requirement that the powers of government in 
the municipalities and departments shall be honestly and effectively exer- 
cised and that law and order and individual freedom shall be maintained. 

All legislative rules and orders, establishments of government, and ap- 
pointments to office by the commission will take effect immediately, or at 
such timt an th«y shall designate, subject to your approval and action upon 



the coming in of the commission's reports, which are to be made from 
time to time as their action is taken. Wherever civil governments are con- 
stituted under the direction of the commission, such military posts, gar- 
risons, and forces will be continued for the suppression of insurrection and 
brigandage, and the maintenance of law and order, as the military com- 
mander shall deem requisite, and the military forces shall be at all times 
subject under his orders to the call of the civil authorities for the main- 
tenance of law and order and the enforcement of their authority. 

In the establishment of municipal governments the commission will take 
as the basis of their work the governments established by the military 
governor under his order of August 8, 1899, and under the report of the 
board constituted by the military governor by his order of January 29, 
1900, to formulate and report a plan of municipal government, of which his 
honor Cayetano Arellano, president of the audiencia, was chairman, and 
they will give to the conclusions of that board the weight and consideration 
which the high character and distinguished abilities of its members justify. 

In the constitution of departmental or provincial governments, they will 
give especial attention to the existing government of the island of Negros, 
constituted, with the approval of the people of that island, under the order 
of the military governor of July 22, 1899, and after verifying, so far as 
may be practicable, the reports of the successful working of that govern- 
ment, they will be guided by the experience thus acquired, so far as it may 
be applicable to the condition existing in other portions of the Philippines. 
They will avail themselves, to the fullest degree practicable, of the conclu- 
sions reached by the previous commission to the Philippines. 

In the distribution of powers among the governments organized by the 
commission, the presumption is always to be in favor of the smaller sub- 
division, so that all the powers which can properly be exercised by the 
municipal government shall be vested in that government, and all the pow- 
ers of a more general character which can be exercised by the departmental 
government shall be vested in that government, and so that in the govern- 
mental system, which is the result of the process, the central government of 
the islands, following the example of the distribution of the powers be- 
tween the States and the National Government of the United States, shall 
have no direct administration except of matters of purely general concern, 
and shall have only such supervision and control over local governments 
as may be necessary to secure and enforce faithful and efficient administra- 
tion by local officers. 

The many different degrees of civilization and varieties of custom and 
capacity among the people of the different islands preclude very definite 
instruction as to the part which the people shall take in the selection of 
their own officers; but these general rules are to be observed: That in all 
cases the municipal officers, who administer the local affairs of the people, 
are to be selected by the people, and that wherever officers of more extended 
■jurisdiction are to be selected in any way, natives of the islands are to be 
preferred, and if they can be found competent and willing to perform the 
duties, they are to receive the offices in preference to any others. 

It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present with Americans 
which after a time may well be filled by natives of the islands. As soon 
as practicable a system for ascertaining the merit and fitness of candidates 
for civil office should be put in forc^. An indispensable qualification for 









all offices and positions of trust and authority in the islands must be ab- 
solute and unconditional loyalty to the United States, and absolute and un- 
hampered authority and power to remove and punish any officer deviating 
from that standard must at all times be retained in the hands of the cen- 
tral authority of the islands. 

In all the forms of government and administrative provisions which they 
are authorized to prescribe, the commission should bear in mind that the 
government which they are establishing is designed not for our satisfaction, 
or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, 
and prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands, and the measures 
adopted should be made to conform to their customs, their habits, and even 
their prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with the accomplishment 
of the indispensable requisites of just and effective government. 

At the same time the commission should bear in mind, and the peo- 
ple of the islands should be made plainly to understand, that there are 
certain great principles of government which have been made the basis of 
our governmental system which we deem essential to the rule of law and 
the maintenance of individual freedom, and of which they have, unfortu- 
nately, been denied the experience possessed by us; that there are also cer- 
tain practical rules of government which we have found to be essential to 
the preservation of these great principles of liberty and law, and that these 
principles and these rules of government must be established and main- 
tained in their islands for the sake of their liberty and happiness, however 
much they may conflict with the customs or laws of procedure with which 
they are familiar. 

It is evident that the most enlightened thought of the Philippine Islands 
fully appreciates the importance of these principles and rules, and they will 
inevitably within a short time command universal assent. Upon every 
division and branch of the government of the Philippines, therefore, must 
be imposed these inviolable rules: 

That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without 
due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use 
without just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the 
nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses 
against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, 
and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail 
shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual 
punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for 
the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against 
himself; that the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and 
seizure shall not be violated ; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
shall exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder, or 
ex-post facto law shall be passed ; that no law shall be passed abridging the 
freedom of speech or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably 
assemble and petition the Government for a redress of grievances; that no 
law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting 
the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of relig- 
ious profession and worship without discrimination or preference shall for- 
ever be allowed. 






It will be the duty of the commission to make a thorough investigation 
into the titles to the large tracts of land held or claimed by individuals 
or by religious orders; into the justice of their claims and complaints made 
against such landholders by the people 01 the island or any part of the peo- 
ple, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a just settlement of the 
controversies and redress of wrongs which have caused strife and blood- 
shed in the past. In the performance of this duty the commission is en- 
joined to see that no injustice is done; to have regard for substantial rights 
and equity, disregarding technicalities so far as substantial right permits, 
and to observe the following rules: 

That the provision of the Treaty of Paris, pledging the United States to 
the protection of all rights of property in the islands, and as well the 
principle of our own Government which prohibits the taking of private 
property without due process of law, shall not be violated; that the wel- 
fare of the people of the islands, which should be a paramount consideration, 
shall be attained consistently with this rule of property right; that if it 
becomes necessary for the public interest of the people of the islands to 
dispose of claims to property which the commission finds to be not lawfully 
acquired and held disposition shall be made thereof by due legal procedure, 
in which there shall be full opportunity for fair and impartial hearing and 
judgment; that if the same public interests require the extinguishment of 
property rights lawfully acquired and held due compensation shall be made 
out of the public treasury therefor ; tnat no form of religion and no minister 
of religion shall be forced upon any community or upon any citizen of the 
islands; that upon the other hand no minister of religion shall be inter- 
fered with or molested in following his calling, and that the separation be- 
tween state and church shall be real, entire, and absolute. 

It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and, as 
they find occasion, to improve, the system of education already inaugurated 
by the military authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first 
importance the extension of a system of primary education which shall be 
free to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship 
and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. This instruction 
should be given in the first instance in every part of the islands in the lan- 
guage of the people. In view of the great number of languages spoken by 
the different tribes, it is especially important to the prosperity of the islands 
that a common medium of communication may be established, and it is 
obviously desirable that this medium should be the English language. Es- 
pecial attention should be at once given to affording full opportunity to all 
the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English language. 

It may be well that the main changes which should be made in the sys- 
tem of taxation and in the body of the laws under which the people are 
governed, except such changes as have already been made by the military 
government, should be relegated to the civil government which is to be 
established under the auspices of the commission. It will, however, be the 
duty of the commission to inquire diLgentJy as to whether there are any 
further changes which ought not to be delayed; and if so, they are author- 
ized to make such changes, subject to your approval. In doing so they are 
to bear in mind that taxes which tend to penalize or repress industry and 
enterprise are to be avoided; that provisions for taxation should be simple, 
so that they may be understood by the people; that they should affeot the 



fewest practicable subjects of taxation which will serve for the general dis- 
tribution of the burden. 

The main body of the laws which regulate the rights and obligations of 
the people should be maintained with as little interference as possible. 
Changes made should be mainly in procedure, and in the criminal laws to 
secure speedy and impartial trials, and at the same time effective admin- 
istration and respect for individual rights. 

In dealing with the uncivilized tribes of the islands the commission 
should adopt the same course followed by Congress in permitting the 
tribes of our North American Indians to maintain their tribal organization 
and government, and under which many of those tribes are now living in 
peace and contentment, surrounded by a civilization to which they ar<* un- 
able or unwilling to conform. Such tribal governments should, however, 
be subjected to wise and firm regulation ;' and, without undue or petty in- 
terference, constant and active effort should be exercised to prevent bar- 
barous practices and introduce civilized customs. 

Upon all officers and employes of the United States, both civil and mili- 
tary, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the 
material but the personal and social rights of the people of the islands, 
and to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their personal 
dignity which the people of the United States are accustomed to require 
from each other. 

The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the 13th of August, 
1898, concluded with these words: 

"This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its edu- 
cational establishments, and its private property of all descriptions, are 
placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American 
army." 

I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred 
an obligation rests upon the Government «rf the United States to give pro- 
tection for property and life, civil and religious freedom, and wise, firm, 
and unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity to all the peo- 
ple of the Philippine Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the 
full performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience 
of their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabit- 
ants of the Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the 
day when God gave victory to American arms at Manila and set their land 
under the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United 
States. William MoKinley. 



I " Circulation Books Open to All." | 





Circulation Books Open to All,"] 



NEW YORK, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 1. 1896. 



Proposed Purchase of the Presidency 

For WILLIAM J. BRYAN 

By the Silver Trust. 

Documentary and Statistical History of the Attempt to Sell and Buy the 
Presidency, Made in 1896. 



A Circular Issued on Behalf of the Silver Trust Offering Thirty-five Millions 
of Dollars a Year, all Clean Profit— Perfect Velvet. 



Clear Gain on Silver, if Bryan Should Be Elected, About Three riillion Dollars 

A Month. 



This According to Bryan's Speeches and the Statistics of Silver Production, 
and the Prices in the Markets. 



The Silver Trust is Substantially a British Organization. 



The Stock of Silver Hining Corporations Operating Profitable nines in This 
Country, Chiefly Owned in London. 



Floods of Money from This British Trust for Bryan in a Silver Speculation. 



IT IS THE BID OF THE SILVER MINES 

For the Presidency of the United States. 



The Subscriptions to Be Paid in British Gold out of American Labor. 



The Scheme of Four Years Ago Reorganized and Made More Ambitious. 



Mr. W. J. Bryan, in the course of four years' public speaking, in favor of the 
Belittlement of his country, the destruction of the credit of the Government, and the 
Honor of the People, appeals to Repudiation, Active and Retroactive — stirring with 
demagogy of the grossest nature, the elements of disorder, whose instigation and or- 
ganization have been the overthrow of republics — Mr. Bryan, who has lent his powers 
of public persuasion to the encouragement of the enemies of the republic, anarchists 
m± home, and assassins serving impostors abroad, and is aiding, comforting and bus- 



taining those who have taken up arms against us, upon the false pretenses ei 
traitors to the people we have liberated, and conspirators against the United States, 
for the reason that we have maintained the principles of the Fathers of the Repmblio, 
when walking in their footsteps; asserting and expanding the greatness of our coun- 
try — after doing all this evil work, Mr. Bryan, exercising his own will in the midst 
of weaklings and standing on supreme selfishness and vanity, among the selfish and 
the vain, has been accepted by the unprincipled, the unpatriotic and the unscrupu- 
lous, as the leader of those who find fault with prosperity, and ill-fame in glory, and 
go with him in the constructions of the Constitution of the United States that elimi- 
nate American Nationality and disregard "the faith and honor of the army of the 
United States," pledged as it was — written, sealed and subscribed, in the capitulation 
of Manila. He has forced upon his party, in spite of the lessons of our history, never 
10 luminous as in the years since 1896, the dogma of the free coinage of silver at the 
ratio with gold, at the mint, of 16 to 1, when the market ratio is 33 to 1, and this 
he has done while making outcries against "trusts," and he has done it for the great- 
est and most sordid and scandalous Tbust ever organized in the world. We refer to 
the British Silver Trust. Investigations on the spot, by Mr. Edward Atkinson, who 
is competent for that statistical and monetary and financial work, though the leading 
Filipino Democrat in Massachusetts, prove that the majority of the stock in our 
profitable silver mines is owned by the capitalists of London. The trust of silver 
mine owners and operators is solidly organized. It attempted four years ago to 
buy the Presidency of the United States for William J. Bryan, and he is in the 
field now to give the British brethren another chance to purchase the great office for 
Mr. William J. Bryan. It is the same trust and the same man. 

The Bryan campaign, "The Second Battle" campaign which is now open, was 
organized simply to procure money from the Silver Trust for the uses and abuses of 
the Democratic party, Bryanized. It is a policy of selling the Presidency of the 
United States for cash, to be paid by the controlling the American silver mine stock- 
holders who live in London. What they are asked to do is precisely to pay the 
assessments of the silver politicians of the United States in order to have the value 
of the product of their mines doubled in the market. That is according to the 
orations of the candidate. Mr. Bryan appropriately sets forth in this connection, 
and insists with peremptory imperialism upon his old folly, that because we have as 
good money as England, and better credit than she has under the gold standard, 
which she has also, we are subordinate to her because she had that standard before 
we elevated ours, and with it our credit. The combination of the gold standard and 
the highest credit in the world being coincident and identical with the unparalled 
prosperity of the people of the United States, there couldn't be any plainer proposi- 
tion than this Silver Trust Scheme. It seems like a tremendous fairy story, but the 
silver trust is equal to all the proportions of the plans. In the hurly-burly of four 
years ago, the proof of the proposed and organized purchase of the Presidency of the 
United States did not receive the attention so threatening, momentous and porten- 
tious a matter deserved. We proceed to offer documentary matter that appeared in 
this country October the 1st, 2nd and 3rd, 1896, and was not carefully and search- 
ingly considered and weighed and measured on either side of the Atlantic or of the 
political world in this country, because the papers in the case were laid late in the 
season before our countrymen in the columns of a protesting Democratic newspaper, 
the newspaper to which we refer being the New York World. We give the papers 
in the order in which the World presented them. 



THE SILVER TRUST'S APPEAL. 

(Editorial in the New York World, October 1st, 1896.) 

The silver mines of this country produced in 1893, 27,600,000 ounces of fine 
silver. The copper and lead mines produced as a by-product — all profit — 32,300,000 
ounces of fine silver. About this proportion is maintained year by year. All of this 
silver is produced at a profit. Most of it is all profit. 

One mine, the Ontario, has paid 197 successive monthly dividends amount- 
ing to $13,190,000, or $823,125 a year. Other mines have paid dividends m like 
proportion. 

2 



These silver-ring people plead poverty. They have reduced miners' wages from 
$3.50 per day to $3 and in most eases to $2.50 per day, while declaring dividends by 
scores of millions. Yet they ask the wobkingmen of the countby to help them 




THE ONLY THINO HE ASKS. 

Silveb-Mine Plutocrat:— "Let me make the money of the nation, and I care not who makes 
the laws. 



WITH VOTES TO DOUBLE THEIB DIVIDENDS AND TAKE THE DIFFEBENCE OUT OF THE WAGES 
OF ALL THE PEOPLE WHO WOBK. 

For this is precisely what their present free-coinage demand amounts to. These 

8 



multi-millionaire monopolists have already forced the Government to pay them 
$464,000,000 for silver bullion now worth in the market only $318,000,000— in 
other words, to pay them a bonus of $146,000,000 on a business already enormously 
profitable. Every dollar of this exaction has been taken out of the earnings of the 
people, for every dollar of it has been paid out of the proceeds of taxation. 

They now ask that the Government shall take all their product — 60,000,000 
ounces a year — at $1.29 an ounce when it is worth only about 66 cents an ounce. 
That is to say, they ask the workingmen of America to give them, out of hard-earned 
wages, a bonus of about $38,000,000 a year for continuing their already enormously 
profitable business. 

This is the programme of the Silver Trust, composed as it is of men most of 
whom are already rich beyond the dreams of avarice. They have cut down the 
wages of theib own workmen to the smallest limit, while paying enor- 
mous dividends, and now they ask all other wage-earners of the country to 
contribute enough out of their earnings to give them — the multi-millionaires 
—thirty-five or forty millions more each year without any return whatever. 

These are the cold, official, statistical facts of the situation. 

Why should any wage-earner vote for such a proposal? Why should any work- 
ingman vote to compel himself to contribute to the already fat fortunes of men who 
grind the faces of the poor and oppress labor to the point of degradation in their 
own enormously profitable mines ? 



THE SILVER TRUST CONSPIRACY. 

The Secretary of the Silver States Bimetallic League Officially States Its 
Object and Its Prospective Profits — An Assessment Equal to One Month's 
Profits Called fob from Silver Mine Owners to Elect the Silveb Ticket. 

Thomas S. Merrill, Secretary of the Bimetallic League of the Silver States, has 
let the cat out of the bag as to the conspiracy of the silver mine owners to unload 
their bullion on the United States Government in a letter he sent to the Salt Lake 
Herald. Mr. Merrill says in his letter: 

"If Bryan is defeated we must expect to see silver sold at a price that will be 
given it simply by its demand for use in the arts, which will certainly be not more 
than 40 cents an ounce. In view of these facts, the owners of silver-producing prop- 
erties can afford to contribute at least the additional profits they receive from their 
own silver product for one month to the Bryanite campaign." He closes with a 
direct appeal to well-known silver mine owners as follows : 

"I appeal to Messrs. Mclntyre and Cunningham, of the Mammoth; Keith and 
Kearns, of the Silver King; Chisholm and others, of the Centennial and Eureka; 
Ryan and Knox, of the Ajax; Packard, of the Eureka Hill; Daly, of the Daly; 
West, Beck and associates, of the Bullion-Beck; Farnsworth & Sharp, of the Horn 
Silver, and the owners of the Sioux, Ontario (W. K. Hearst, Vice-President), and 
other silver mines of this State, who can well afford to assist in this cause, to figure 
up the average monthly silver product from their mines and multiply the product of 
one month in ounces by 64 cents, which is the additional price they will receive for 
their product — all of which will be profit — and at once have that amount contributed 
and placed in the hands of the treasurer of the bimetallic parties to assist Mr. Bryan 
in the wonderful campaign he is making almost unaided. If we can secure the ad- 
ditional profits of one month's product of the Western silver-producing mikes it will 
insure success at the election on November 3." 



This circular of the Secretary of the Bimetallic League of the silver States 
declares officially, and with the utmost simplicity, the objects of the Silver Trust. 
Secretary Merrill declares that free coinage of silver means an addition of 
64 cents an ounce — "alt, of which will be clear profit" to the Silver Trust 
—on every ounce of silver mined! 

The production of silver last year in the United States was 55,727,000 fine 
ounces. Under free coinage the additional profit to the mine owners would have 
been $35,755,280. The Government of the United States, the people, not even the 
miners who dug the silver out of the mines, would have received one penny of this 
additional profit. It would have been pure velvet to the mine owners I 



The Utah mine owneri organized last Friday night and formed themselves into 
a strong alliance for mutual profit. A call had been issued September 28, and last 
Tuesday night a liberal representation of the leading business men of Salt Lake City 
responded, and several of the silver mine owners to whom Mr. Merrill had appealed 
were present. 

The meeting created what will be known as the Bryan Campaign Financial 
Committee, which will be a general committee to have charge of collecting funds 
in Utah to assist the silver campaign. The committee is composed of thirty-three 
members, including those mine owners whom Mr. Merrill directly addressed — 
Messrs. Daly, Packard, Beck, Knox, Mclntyre, Kearns, Farnsworth, Cunningham,. 
Chisholm and Merrill himself. This committee organized at once, with R. C. Cham- 
bers, president of the Salt Lake Herald Company, a prominent free silver organ, as 
chairman. Mr. Chambers, Mr. Hearst and Mr. Tevis are the principal owners of the 
Ontario and the Daly Silver Mines, which togethee have already paid over $16,- 

000,000 IN DIVIDENDS IN RECENT YEARS. 



GREAT SILVER TRUST. 

(From the New York World, Friday, October 2d, 1896.) 

Utah Committee Asks for a $500,000 Election Fund Quick. — The Official Cir- 
cular. — Exposure of the Conspiracy of the Mine-Owners Causes Much 
Anger. — Full Names of New Committee. — They Try to Belittle the Ex- 
posure, but Its Official Character and Its Purpose Not Denied. — Colossal 
Gain if it Can be Got. — The Mine-Owners' Letter, Intended to be Private, 
Admits that Every Penny of Profit Under Free-Coinage Would Go to 
Them. 

(Special to The World.) 

Salt Lake City, Utah, October 1. — Telegraphic inquiries have been pouring into 
Salt Lake City all day asking if it could possibly be true that the official secretary of 
the Silver States Bimetallic League had actually revealed the real game of the Silver 
Trust and the enormous profits which it is sure to reap if the free-silver ticket is 
elected. 

The publication in The World to-day of Secretary Thomas G. Merrill's circular 
seemed to have set all the Eastern States aflame. Its publication seems to have been 
a revelation to the East. Many persons apparently refused to believe that the mem- 
bers of the Silver Trust could brazenly admit that the triumph of free silver meant 
a clear profit to them as individuals of sixty-four cents an ounce upon the sixty mil- 
lion ounces of silver mined annually. 

The language of Secretary Merrill's circular, taken from The World, was 
telegraphed back here from New York, Philadelphia, Washington and other 
places, with inquiries whether secretary merrill really represented the big 
silver interests. 

The Circular True and Official. 

There is no doubt whatever either of the authenticity of the circular, its official 
character or the statements which it makes. It was not intended originally for pub- 
lication, but was written to be mailed to about two hundred prominent silver-mine 
owners, who were expected to contribute $500,000 in a hurry. But the arguments in 
the letter were so familiar, and of such pressing importance to the silver-ruled States, 
that the managing editor of the salt lake herald, which is owned by mr. 
Chambers, who is himself one of the silver kings, printed the circular in his 
paper. The most striking passage in the letter is here repeated verbatim: 

"The election of Mr. Bryan at this time means the immediate restoration of sil- 
ver to its full legal-tender money. In view of this fact, cannot the owners of such 
silver-producing properties as the Ontario, the Silver King, the Daly, the Daly West, 
the Mammoth, the Centennial Eureka, the Bullion-Beck, the Eureka Hill, the Ajax 
and others well afford, or, rather can they afford not to contribute at least the ad- 

6 



ditional profit they would receive for their own silver product for one month to tht 
educational work of the present campaign? 

"I appeal to Messrs. Mclntyre and Cunningham, of the Mammoth; Keith and 
Kearns, of the Silver King; Chisholm and others, of the Centennial Eureka; Ryan 
and Knox, of the Ajax; Packard, of the Eureka Hill; Daly, of the Daly West; Beck 
and associates, of the Bullion Beck; Furnsworth and Sharp, of the Horn Silver, and 
the owners of the Sioux, Ontario, Daly and other silver mines of this State who can 
well afford to assist in this cause, to figure up the average monthly silver product 
from their mines and multiply the product of one month in ounces by 64 cents, which 




WORKINQ ON SHARES. 



is the additional price they will receive for their product, all of which will be profit, 
and at once have the amount contributed and placed in the hands of the treasurer of 
the bimetallic forces to assist Mr. Bryan in the wonderful campaign he is making 
almost unaided." 

Money Will Makb Victoey Subb. 
"If we can secuee the additional peofits of one month's pboduct of the 
westebn silver-producing mines it will insure success in the election on no- 
VEMBER 3. If we cannot get this, and for want of it fail in this election, I believe 

THE GENTLEMEN TO WHOM THIS APPEAL IS MADE WILL SINCERELY BEGRET IN THE COM- 
ING YEARS THEIR FAILURE TO RENDER THIS ASSISTANCE.* 

* They have regretted it. THOMAS G. MERRILL." 



The Ontario and the Daly Silver Mines, which are put at the head of the above 
list, are both owned by men made rich by the Government's purchases of silver. Mr. 
Chambers is president of both mines. W. R. Hearst, who conducts the only organ 
shouting for free silver in New York City and San Francisco, is the vice-president. 
These two mines have alone paid over $16,000,000 in dividends. 

$480,000 a Month Clear Profit. 

The total output of silver from the mines named in this Silver King's circular, 
figured on the most conservative estimates, are not less than 750,000 ounces per 
month. At 64 cents an ounce "clear profit" which, the circular says, the election 
of the free-silver ticket means to these mine-owners, their increased dividends would 
be $480,000 per month. 

Millions in it. 

If these mines have been able to pay $16,000,000 in dividends within a few 
years under limited silver coinage it would be difficult to estimate how much they 
would make if the Government is compelled to buy every ounce of silver which 
they can mine at $1.29 cents an ounce — twice the market value — and if every Ameri- 
can citizen is forced to accept this 51 cents' worth of silver as one dollar. 

To-day the mine-owners took the circulation of appeals entirely out op 
Secretary Merrill's hands. They are discomfited that arguments which are heard 
every day in these mining-camp States, facts which pass without comment because 
of their obvious truth, should have made such a prodigious sensation in the East. 

Silver Fund for Election. 

The silver-mine owners have forwarded this week their first contribution to the 
Financial Committee of the National Democratic Committee. It is small — less than 
$50,000. They prefer to spend their money in their own way, through their own 
committees, for their own interests. The silver-mine owners are using the Demo- 
cratic organization for self-interest, but they have no idea of subordinating their 
interests to the Democratic party, to which nine-tenths of them have been for years 
opposed. The Populists are still more distrusted by the silver-mine owners because 
the real creed of the Populists is to have almost unlimited paper money issued by 
the Government, and so make money "less scarce." Such a policy would of course do 
away with silver altogether, and the silver-mine owners regard this cardinal doc- 
trine of the Populist faith with almost frantic fear. 

The silver-mine owners have maintained their organization for twenty-two years, 
incessantly fanning the flames of discontent in years of bad crops or hard times, 
making bargains with the Republican party for protective tariffs and bargains with 
the Democrats in the South to defeat force bills. They have passed three acts in 
twenty-four years compelling the Government to buy their silver at a fancy price and 
have actually succeeded in unloading 460,000,000 ounces of it on the Government 
at a price which has caused the Government a net loss of $146,000,000. 

Silver Trust Like Jay Gould. 

They have followed in politics the simple principle of Jay Gould when he was 
corrupting legislators and watering Erie Railway stock. He said that he had to be 
a Republican in Republican counties, a Democrat in Democratic counties, but that he 
was an Erie Railway man everywhere. 

In the same manner the Silver Trust has been Republican in these Republican 
mining-camp States; it has been Democratic in Democratic States in the Southland 
it has been Populist in the Middle Western States; but it has been for free silver 
everywhere; and its sole object has been to secure for itself a monopoly of the United 
States mints. 

Here are the names of the Finance Committee of the Silver Trust, which now 
has charge of raising funds to be expended on election day in the interest of free 
silver : 

R. C. Chambers, Joseph L. Rawlins, Thomas G. Merrill, Committee on Address; 
R. Chambers, Ontario Mine; J. J. Daly, Daly West; Joseph L. Rawlins, mine 
owner; J. Q. Paekard, Eureka Hill, Keystone and Gemini; W. S. McCormick, Bullion 
Beck Mine, banker; John Beck, Bullion Beck; C. A. Cohn, manager Delamars Gold 
Mines; Frank Knox, bank president, owner of Ajax; H. W. Lawrence, owner of silver 
mines in Utah and Nevada; Samuel Mclntyre, Mammoth Mine; James McGregor, 



Crescent} Thomas Kearns, Silver King; Dr. Hough, dentist and politician; Simon 
Balberger, Bullion Beck; J. R. Walker, Alice Mine, Montana; George L. Scott, Crys- 
tal Mine; O. J. Salisbury, owner of silver mines in Utah and Idaho; George A. Snow, 
implement dealer; E. A. Wall, Ophir Silver Mine; J. E. Banberger, Centennial 
Eureka; P. T. Farnsworth, Horn Silver; A. G. Campbell, Cave Mine; Thomas G. 
Merrill, Secretary Bimetallic League; D. C. Dunbar, politician; J. A. Cunningham, 
Mammoth; W. H. Dickson, attorney-at-law and mine owner; C. C. Goodwin, editor 
Tribune; A. F. Holden, Old Jordan and Galena; W. M. Bradley, Centennial Eureka 
Mine and attorney-at-law; C. S. Varian, attorney-at-law and mine owner; J. W. 
Donnellan, bank president; W. W. Chisholm, Centennial Eureka. 

The Treasurer, G. R. Walker, signs himself "Treasurer of the Non-Partisan 
Campaign Committee" — a correct title, as not a single member of the committee cares 
a fig either for the Republican or Democratic party or for Mr. Bryan. They are all 
working for their own private interests, definitely stated in their own official circu- 
lar "as 64 cents an ounce, all of which is profit," on all the silver that can be mined. 

A mining expert expresses the opinion that under free silver coinage the pro- 
duction of the silver States would within two years reach the stupendous product 
of 100,000,000 ounces per year. The coining value of this money would be $129,000,- 
000, and the Silver Trust, which is controlled by less than two hundred monopolistic 
mine-owners, would reap a clear profit of $64,000,000 per annum in addition to the 
profits which they now receive. 

Do these figures make Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan's bond syndicate look poor and 
weak — like an infant industry needing protection ? 



THE PROPOSED SILVER MONOPOLY. 

The letter published yesterday of Thomas G. Merrill, Secretary of the Bimetallic 
League of the Silver States, and confirmed and further explained in our special 

DESPATCH FROM SALT LAKE ClTY TO-DAY, IS AN EXTRAORDINARY DOCUMENT IN MANY 
WAYS. 

It is specially so in its candor. 

Mr. Merrill proposes without a blush that the silver-mine owners shall con- 
tribute one month's profits and buy the Presidency of the United States as a specu- 
lation. 

With all the calm assurance of a promoter offering a new trust stock, he ex- 
plains to the silver-mine owners that this will be an unusually good investment. It 
will enable them, he says, to convert their bullion into legal-tender coin at $1.29 per 
ounce, thus giving them a clear profit of 64 cents an ounce in addition to the profits 
they make now. 

That is to say, he shows them that by contributing a month's profits each they can 
probably buy the exclusive privilege of furnishing money to this country and com- 
pelling the people to give them one dollar for every 51 cents' worth of silver they 
produce. 

Mr. Merrill is entirely right. It is a good gamble. For such a monopoly, or 
even for a reasonable prospect of it, the mine-owners could well afford to pay not 
one but many months' profits. 

It looks very much like a Presidential auction sale, but a little matter like that 
will not seriously trouble speculators for scores of millions. 

If it is accomplished every dollar of the enormous profits anticipated must be 
taken in one form or another from the earnings of those who work for their living. 

What do workingmen think of the proposal ? How will they vote concerning it ? 
Will they use their ballots thus to turn over a large part of their wages to multi- 
millionaire mine-owners, or will they prefer to regard their wives and children as 
having cne first claim upon their wages ? 



BILLIONS IN SILVER. 

Becent Dividends Paid by the Big Mines; the Greatest Millionaire-Mill in 
the Wide World. — "16 to 1" Would Double the Profits. — The Mine-Owners 
Have Proved to be Omnipotent in Congress ; Will They be so at the Polls ? 
— Their Past Dividends and Their Future Hopes. — Nine-tenths of all the 
Silver Mined in Three States. — They Have, Together, Less Than Half the 
Population of New York City Alone, 

The system of book-keeping practiced by the Silver Trust for public inspection 
is a most wonderful system. On its face it bears all the marks of the most rigid 
honesty. It is a most simple system, for the lawmaking powers of the silver States 
are so entirely within the control of the trust that no laws are enacted that would 
in any way embarrass it. Occasionally it happens that the profits of some particular 




A Bid TRUST AND A LITTLE ONE— BOTH BAD. 



fragment of the trust reach such tremendous proportions that something is done to 
cover up its success. Two instances of this character will suffice. In the last re- 
turns sent to this city and published last Saturday is this item: 

"Cons. Cal. & Va. g. s., Nev.; capital stock, $21,600,000; total dividends paid, 
$3,898,800; last dividend, Feb., 18D5; amount, 25 per cent." 

In other words, the item conveys the information that the Consolidated Cali- 
fornia and Virginia Company, of Nevada, which produces both gold and silver, was 
capitalized at $21,600,000, and that it has only paid $3,898,800 in dividends, and that 
its last dividend was 25 per cent, paid in 1895. The fact is, however, that previous 
to the consolidation, which took place in August, 1884, the California had paid 
$31,320,000 in dividends, and the Virginia had paid $42,390,000. So, instead of the 
dividends amounting to only $3,898,800, they actually amounted to $77,608,800, 



COLORADO. 

Date and Amount of 
Mine. Capital 8tock. Dividends Paid. Last Dividend. 

Aspen $2,000,000 $900,000 1894 10 per cent. 

Enterprise 2,500.000 825,000 1893 25 per cent, 

Evening Star 500,000 1,437,000 1889 25 per cent. 

Gold Coin 1,000,000 80,000 1896 10 per cent. 

Iron Silver 10,000.000 2,500,000 1889 20 per cent. 

Morning Star 1,000,000 1,025,000 1891 25 per cent. 

New Guston 550,000 1,198,120 1892 25 per cent. 

Small Hopes.. 5,000,000 3,275,000 1896 10 per cent. 

Smuggler Union 5,000,000 100,000 1896 100 per cent. 

CALIFORNIA. 

Bodie 10,000,000 1,677,572 1894 25 per cent. 

Standard 10,000,000 3,771,160 1895 10 per cent. 

NEVADA. 

Consolidated 21,600,000 77,618,800 1895 25 per cent. 

Dexter 1,000,000 100,000 1893 33 per cent. 

Eureka '. 1,000,000 5,112,500 1892 25 per cent. 

MONTANA. 

Anaconda 80,000,000 750,000 1896 62V 2 per cent. 

Bald Butte 250.000 437,500 1895 3 per cent. 

Boston 3,750,000 4,475,000 1896 300 per cent. 

Elkborn ,.... 1,000,000 1.212,000 1895 6 per cent. 

Granite Mountain 10.000,000 12.120,000 1892 20 per cent. 

Hecla 1,500,000 2,130,000 1896 50 per cent. 

Hope 1,000,000 592,252 1895 10 percent. 

UTAH. 

Centennial Eureka 1,500,000 1,800,000 1896 100 per cent. 

Daly 3,000,000 2,887,500 1896 25 per cent. 

Horn-Silver 10,000,000 5,130,000 1896 12% per cent. 

Ontario 15,000,000 13,310,000 1896 10 per cent. 

Petro 1,000,000 17,500 1891 75 per cent. 

Silver King 3,000,000 750,000 1896 25 per cent. 

IDAHO. - 

De Lamar 2,000,000 2,094,100 1896 25 per cent. 

SOUTH DAKOTA. 

Deadwood-Terra .. 6,000,000 1,590,000 1896 50 per cent. 

Homestake 12,500,000 5,962,500 1896 25 per cent. 

In studying the profits of these mines It should be remembered that more than half the silver pro- 
duct of the country last year came from lead, copper and gold mines. Many so-called lead and cop- 
per mines derive their big profits from silver extracted from their lead and copper ores in process of 
refining. 

Here is the other case: 

According to the returns the Deadwood-Terra Company, of South Dakota, is 
capitalized at $5,000,000. It has only paid $1,240,000 in dividends, and its last 
dividend of 50 per cent, was paid in August last. Before these two interests were 
joined the Deadwood paid $275,000 in eleven dividends and the Terra had paid 
$75,000. Instead of these properties yielding only $1,240,000 in dividends, they have 
yielded $1,500,000. 

The accompanying table shows the profits of some of the great mines which pro- 
duce silver ore exclusively and silver mixed with copper and lead. 

Here are thirty mining properties that are capitalized for $171,650,000 and that 
have already yielded a profit of $154,868,504. Nearly all of them are running with 

10 



j silver selling at 66 cents an ounce and are yielding an average dividend of about 38 
(per cent. 

What would the profits be under a free and unlimited coinage law which com- 
pelled the Government to pay $1.29 an ounce for every ounce of silver mined? 

The silver kings are professing great love for the laboring man. Here is an 
extract from the las,t issue of the Engineering and Mining Journal : "The Coronado 
is one of the mines owned by the Small Hopes Consolidation, which had secured 
some men willing to work at the lower wage." 

The Small Hopes is a silver mine located in Colorado. It is capitalized at 
$5,000,000 and has paid $3,275,000 in dividends. In March last it declared a divi- 
dend of 10 per cent. It could not have been poverty, therefore, that caused this com- 
pany to lower the wages of its employes. 

"Silver mining," said Dr. S. A. Robinson, who has given thorough investigation 
to the subject, "is the greatest millionaire-mill the world has ever known, and its 
successful pursuit requires less brain power, less intellect, less of the better and 
refined qualities of human nature than any other important calling. And the enor- 
mous profits of silver-mining in the past are not to be taken as a guide to the pos- 
sible profits under free silver coinage in the future. Recent inventions, and especially 
the development of electricity, have made it possible to operate mines far more 
easily and cheaply than by the old methods. A turbine water-wheel can be put in a 
canyon twenty miles away and the power carried to a mine of higher altitude by an 
electric wire. Should free coinage compel the American people to accept the miner's 
output as standard money the world would be astonished af~the flood of silver that 
would roll from the mines to the mints." 

The United States Mint Director's report for 1894 estimates that 145 mines pro- 
duce more than half the world's product of silver — $226,000,000 worth last year — and 
that the average cost of mining it, exclusive of interest on capital, is 52 cents per 
ounce fine. The present market price is 63 cents. The free-coinage campaign is to 
force the people to pay $1.29. 



MEANS $400,000 A YEAR TO HEARST. 

Substantial Reasons fob His Fbee-Silveb Organ's Advocacy of Unlimited Sil- 
ver Coinage. 

(From the San Francisco Call.) 

If the free-coinage of silver is adopted as the policy of the Government it will 
be worth to William R. Hearst, proprietor of the free-silver organs of New York City 
and San Francisco, not less than $400,000 a year. This is the estimate placed on 
Mr. Hearst's ''winnings," as they say, on the appreciation of the value of the product 
of his silver mines. 

Mr. Hearst owns a third of the stock of the Ontario Mining Company, 32,281 
shares, appraised at the time of his father's death as worth $1,226,678. He owns of 
the Daly Mining Company stock 27,633 1-5 shares, appraised at the same time as 
worth $525,030.80. 

The Daly mine is a sister vein of the Ontario mine — practically the same mine. 
The Ontario mine is rated among mining properties as just the best silver mine in 
the long list of silver mines in this country, if not in the world. It has paid in 
dividends alone no less than $9,000,000. When the price of silver was at its best the 
Ontario mine was yielding to its stockholders $75,000 a month. It is now yielding 
but $10,000 a month. That is to say, the value of the product — not the quantity — 
has depreciated to less than one-seventh what it was when the price of silver was up. 

The whole argument of the free-silver men is that the free and unlimited coin- 
age of silver at 16 to 1 would not only lift, but would maintain, the price of silver 
at that ratio to gold. That is to say, it would cause silver to be worth $1.29 an ounce, 
and the product of the Ontario mine would leap from $10,000 a month to $75,000 
in net value. 

To account for this difference in the value of the product, as compared with 
the anticipated advance in the price of silver, it must be remembered that the ex- 
penses of working the mine remain the same, whether the price is up or down. The 
fact is that if silver were to go up to $1.29 it would be worth just $65,000 a month, 



or $780,000 a year, to the stockholders of the Ontario mine. As Mr. Hearst owns ft 
third of the stock of that mine you can figure out his share yourself. It would be 
$260,000 — it would be worth that much more, you understand, than he is getting 
out of the property now. The same increases in values would result on the Daly 
mine, which is a sister vein equally rich, and of which Mr. Hearst owns considerably 
over $500..000 worth of stock. 

Mr. Hearst is the owner of the only paper in San Francisco that advocates 
this free coinage. He is the owner of the only paper in New York City that advocates 
it. They have both been advocating it loudly and clamorously. 



A CAMPAIGN OF CHAOS AND CUPIDITY. 

{Editorial, New York World, October 3d } 1S96.) 

The character of the free-silver campaign is now fully revealed. The Merrill clr 
cular calling upon silver-mine owners to contribute a month's earnings each, upon the 
direct plea that success would give them an unearned profit of 64 cents an ounce on 
their product, leaves no shadow of doubt as to what this campaign means. 

It is a campaign for "boodle." It is sustained by the millionaire owners of silver 
mines for the express purpose of compelling the people to coin their product at about 
double its market value, every dollar of the tribute to be taken, directly or indirectly, 
from the earnings of those who toil. 

Behind the movement stand these mine-owners. They are already rich through 
their monopoly of one of nature's supply sources and through their ability to cut 
down the wages of the miners, as they have recently done. They propose by the elec- 
tion of a free-coinage President and Congress to double the price of their product and 
quadruple the value of their property. 

To that end they appeal to cupidity and all the other base passions without re- 
serve. They promise the mortgaged farm-owner that he shall be allowed to cheat the 
savings bank or life-insurance company that lent him money of half its loan. 

They appeal to class prejudice and tell the poor that this is a campaign 
against the rich. 

They seek to Marshall alt, the forces of discontent on their side, going 
even so far as to reproach college students for receiving an education at 
tneir fathers' expense. 

They appeal to ignorant sectional prejudice and seek to stir up jealousy and 
strife between the West and South on the one hand and the North and East on the 
other hand. 

They appeal even to organized disorder and promise rioters and lawbreakers 
immunity from interference by federal authority whenever they choose to 
stop the mails and blockade the commerce of the country by violence. 

What do honest and orderly citizens think of such a programme? What do in- 
telligent workingmen think of the proposal to take half their wages for the enrich- 
ment of mine-owners? What do savings-bank depositors and life-insurance policy- 
holders think of a plan to rob them of half the money they have lent upon security? 
What do honest men, law-abiding men, patriotic men, order-loving and country-loving 
men, think of this campaign for "boodle," this organization of the forces of chaos? 



(The Washington correspondent of the New York Evening Post, a crazy sheet 
about imperialism, but good authority in money matters.) 

MONEY FOR BRYAN CANVASS. 

MORE THIS YEAR THAN FOUR YEARS AGO. 
W. A. CLARK OF MONTANA ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL SOURCES — HIS AMBITION IN NA- 
TIONAL POLITICS. 

(Special dispatch to The Evening Post.) 

Washington, D. C, July 14, 1900. — The Democrats will have much more money 
fcr their coming campaign than they had four years ago. So marked has been the 

CHANGE IN THIS PARTICULAR THAT MANY ENTHUSIASTS PREDICT VICTORY OX ACCOUNT 

12 



OF IT. The chief sources of funds this time will probably be William A, Clark of 

Montana and the Anti-Imperialists. No man in the United States is more likely to 
distinguish himself by the size of his campaign contributions than Mr. Clark. He 
wants to be the national character ; politics seems to be the remaining field in which 
he desires distinction. His ejection feom the United States Senate afteb hav- 
ing PAID SO HEAVILY, ACCORDING TO THE TESTIMONY SUBMITTED BEFORE THE INVESTI- 
GATING COMMITTEE, HAS ONLY WHETTED HIS APPETITE FOR MORE SUCCESSFUL CON- 
QUESTS. What is more, the Kansas City Convention "recognized" him by seating his 
delegates instead of those supposed to be controlled by Mr. Daly. This committed 
the national organization to the Clark side of the fight in Montana, just as the Repub- 
lican national organization has been committed to Addicks in Delaware. The re- 
port promptly spread that Mr. Clark intended to give a million dollars to the Bryan 
campaign fund. When questioned on this point, he simply said, in that heroic spirit 
of self-sacrifice which characterizes all his utterances: "I will do my duty." Inas- 
much as he is the owner of large mining properties in which silver is to some extent 
a by-product," it is quite likely that he might see "duty" in the proposed opening of 
the American mints to the free coinage of silver, as well as finding in the Bryan 
cause an opportunity to become a national character. At all events, Mr. Clark's con- 
tribution will, be a large one. He is exceedingly close on money matters except in 
those things in which his personal pride and ambition are aroused, but this is evident- 
ly one of them. 

The Anti : Imperialists who go to the extreme for supporting Bryan are in many 
cases so intense in their convictions that they purpose to contribute in cash towards 
the cause. Among the old-line Democrats who for one reason or another have made 
their way back into the party this year, there is also a disposition to lay down some 
cash by way of penance and as a guarantee of their sincere allegiance to the party 
now. This is said to be, by Democratic collectors now in the field, not a bad source 
of revenue. Then, agencies have been at work for the last four years to collect money 
in small sums for the free-silver cause, and in one way or another a goodly fund is in 
prospect, so that it is commonly considered an even race between the parties so far as 
financial sources are concerned; for the Republicans, it is generally believed, will not 
be able to raise so much as they did four years ago. 

This change in the condition of the Democratic cash-box will have a notable effect 
upon the methods of campaign management. In 1896 a great deal of the Democratic 
work was done "on shares," so to speak, of the harvest which it was* proposed to reap 
in the event of Bryan's election. Many persons did clerical work at headquarters 
with practically no compensation other than the enrolment of their names among 
those who had so assisted, this testimony being supposed to be good for a Federal 
position if Bryan were elected. The spoils plank of 1896, reaffirmed at Kansas City 
with the rest of the Chicago platform, made such a tacit understanding easy, and se- 
cured a great deal of clerical aid without financial cost. While this will also figure 
in the pending campaign the Democrats will have the money to pay for printing & and 
advertising and the other things which a prospect of office could not well secure. 



The British owners of the American silver mines were not moved to contribute 
the modest three millions asked for to elect Bryan, the exact and urgent request being 

that one month's profits — profits — were specifically and strenuously requested to 

elect Bryan with; and the statement has been largely circulated on apparently excel- 
lent authority, and generally believed, that the whole sum given by the members of 
the Silver Trust for Bryan's canvassing expenses in the year 1896 was only about 
$S00,000.00. Even that is a tolerably tidy sum for revenue reformers to employ, and 
it is supposed this was largely spent in abusing the Honorable Marcus A. Hanna for 
his "plutocratic" principles and his alleged pecuniary methods in politics. Tha 
reason why the Silver Trust didn't give more than the moderate but somewhat con- 
siderable sum of $800,000.00, is that they (the Trust) did not believe in the rise of 
silver Mr. Bryan proclaimed, prophesied, and reduced several thousand times to 

13 



positive phrase, while he apparently assiduously neglected simple arithmetic. Ac- 
cording to Mr. Bryan's speeches, from his Madison Square Garden speech all the way 
down to the last gasp before the returns were in, his orations all offered the Silver 
Trust something, from thirty-five to thirty-eight millions of dollars a year, if they 
would buy the office of President of the United States for him, as in that case, and 
Congress to go along with him, having the power to reorganize the Supreme Court of 
the United States, he could, according to his methods or presentation (and he was 
very plain about it), double the price in the market of all the silver in the world. 
The truth is, the British thought this proposition so big, that they didn't believe the 
rise in silver would be so great; and they excused themselves from excessive contribu- 
tion because in their untutored understanding, as silver rose the production would be 
stimulated by the move, because lower grades of ore could be worked to advantage, 
unprofitable mines could be made profitable, and the increase of silver on the market 
(according to the British capitalists), would prevent the rise in silver; and at that 
time Mr. Bryan hadn't got so far along as to talk about the fall of gold with sufficient 
force and profusion to make an impression. If Mr. Bryan's argument in America 
could have been credited in London, where the owners of the silver properties reside — 
that is, the owners of a majority of the stock in the silver properties that are profita- 
ble, reside there — why no doubt they would have contributed several millions. They 
could have afforded to have given a year's profit; and with the increase of the product 
of silver and of the price; and as all advances were going to be pure velvet, it would 
have been worth forty millions of dollars at least per annum, to the Trust, to have 
had Mr. Bryan elected. Was ever before so grand a game spread out for the people? 
And this was done by the very fellows whose bellowings about trusts have gone on in- 
creasing year after year. 

We have stated that the appeal to the Silver Trust was for one month's profits 
only. The figures given above need not be repeated; as to the price of silver and the 
quantity of it mined, and the difference between the mint value and market value of 
the white metal, the statistics have not been questioned. The New York World, after 
giving the documents and cartoons and editorials we reproduce, somewhat suddenly 
and singularly dropped the subject, omitted further attentions to the Tremendous 
Theme and did not persevere to the bitter end in the indictment of the trust, so that 
the whole subject passed without the analytical attention that would and surely should 
have given the people the measurement of the scheme to buy the Presidency of the 
United States by an organized trust abroad of silver mine owners and speculators. 
There was a reason why in this country there was not as much said on this subject 
as one would naturally suppose. It was regarded as a personal attack by mb. 
Joseph Pulitzer, proprietor of the New York World, upon Mr. William R. 
Hearst, the proprietor of the New York Journal, and was discounted there- 
fore, AS RATHER A PERSONAL MATTER. So IT WAS, IN A SENSE, A PERSONAL MATTER, 
BUT THE FACTS IN THE CASE WERE NOT EXAGGERATED ; THEY WERE GIVEN TO THE COUN- 
TRY WITH ALL THAT POWER OF WHICH RALPH WALDO EMERSON SPEAKS, OF UNDER- 
STATEMENT OF the truth; the truth was a bigger thing than was told, and there is 
no doubt as to the general facts. No denial of them has been made or is likely to be 
presented to the public. The idea is to be dead quiet about it. 

14 



It is probable nothing could be done to double the market price of all the silver 
in the world, but free coinage of silver would cause a rise, and a large one, if made 
on the terms that Mr. Bryan presents with such a facile and fascinating overflow of 
language. His free silver means silver forced upon the nations. If that rise should 
be only one-fotjkth what the Democratic and Disorderly candidate, now for the sec- 
ond time before the country, claims, the net profit — the pure velvet of it would ex- 
ceed eight millions of dollars annually. That would be a considerable donation by 
the American people from their own industries to the capitalists at the seat of the 
British Empire, and the money center of the world, where the awful gold standard 
rears its yellow head and the Silver Trust basks in the golden rays, and turns silver 
to gold by the magic of the market. 

It was not known in 1896 that the owners of our most profitable silver mines 
were capitalists in London. That very interesting circumstance was revealed two 
years later. 

Mr. Bryan was peremptory that the silver 16 to 1 plank of 1896 should be en- 
thusiastically, peremptorily, and in exaggerated form inserted in the Kansas City 
platform, and it is there, but he does not propose to say so much about silver as in the 
"First Battle." There is, however, to be great goings-on about imperialism, and an 
awful and insistent row, even by the Ice Trust itself, of Tammany, the citadel of 
American Democracy, about trusts ; and we, the people, are to be told all the time, of 
the subordination the gold standard imposes upon our country — subordination to Eng- 
land. That is what Mr. Bryan is most particular and powerful about. He feels the 
necessity of appealing somewhere to the vanity of the American people, and his way 
of doing it is to tell Americans if they use gold just the same as the British do, and 
have rather more of it than the British have, that they are in a state of servility to 
the money power in London! He wouldn't mind that, however, if his interest in the 
white metal would cause the contribution of some millions of dollars by the Silver 
Trust of London to elect him president of the United States. When Mr. Bryan was 
running for the Presidency four years ago — we publish the full story from the New 
York World — which is rantankerously Democratic, we believe, to-day — has had a 
horrid time in its mind about imperialism and is suffering pangs when Carl Schurz 
denounces imperialism, and thinks the thing the Americans should have done when 
they conquered the Philippines was to run away and hide themselves and allow the 
Spanish gunboats that were left of the Spanish squadron to destroy American com- 
merce in Asiatic waters — that would have prevented our being in a position to go 
to the help of Americans who are in the hands of persecutors in China — this conserva- 
tive sheet, the New York World, told the country four years ago all about this Silver 
Trust, told them how Mr. Hearst of the Journal, now the great leader of the Demo- 
cratic party press, and maker of Democratic doctrine day by day, was making mon- 
strous sums out of his various mines, and if Mr. Bryan were elected, would heap 
money mountain upon money mountain, piling his riches to the clouds, converting 
red copper and white silver to yellow gold. There is to be a care this year that the 
operations of the Silver Trust shall not be made known. The leak in 1896 was 
through the indiscretion that presented the appeal to the silver men who were in this 
country, to the columns of the Salt Lake newspaper instead of sending Bryan men to 
find meaey in England. An intelligent and enterprising young man telegraphed it to 

15 



the New York World, and we give it above. It is not probable there will be such 
a give-away this time, but there has been a noise like a roll of drums and the blasting 
sounds of brass instruments, going on among the silver cohorts of the Reverberator 
Bryan, to the effect that this year there would be an ample supply of money for him. 
They pretend that they will get it from capitalists who object to imperialism, but the 
place where they are going for it is to that British Silver Trust in London. 

It should be taken into account that American silver is counted in British gold 
when it gets to London, and the bids of the Silver Trust for the Presidency of Bryan 
are in gold coin, British sovereigns. The silver promoters four years ago, appealed 
to the Silver Trust to buy the great office for that remarkable political economist, 
W. J. Bryan, and they are at it again, with all the advantages of experience, including 
London as a hiding place. The Trust is a foreign organization; it would be difficult 
for us to inquire into it if we should want to do so, and the repeated effort to pur- 
chase the Presidency by the Silver Trust, with British gold gained in mining Ameri- 
can silver, imprecisely the picturesque logic of the downfall into hideous degeneracy 
of the Democratic party, which appears in the abandonment of the old pride of the 
party that it expanded the country, and the boast of Thomas H. Benon favoring the 
presence of gold in the pockets of American farmers, and goes in for all that is be- 
littling, fraudulent and scandalous in national life, proposing again, unquestionably 
to bring to bear upon the capitalists of England, who own the silver mines of the 
United States that pay the best and the most, and holding up to them for sale the 
office of chief magistrate of the American republic for cash in hand and beforehand. 

MURAT HALSTEAD. 



This means work and wag* 1 ?; and work and wages mean happy homes and happy firesides. 

—William McKinlbt. 



AN ERA OF 



Progress and Prosperity 

UNDER 

President McKinley's Administration. 



COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 

Increase in our Foreign and Domestic 
Trade, and in Manufacturing. 



It is an interesting fact that twice in the recent history of the United States the 
declared intention to maintain the integrity of its currency has been followed promptly 
by a pronounced revival in industrial and commercial activity, and the speedy r< siora- 
tion of a prosperity that had long been delayed. The opening up of two of the most 
prosperous periods in our history has attended the efforts of the American people to 
make every dollar of their circulating medium the equivalent of a gold dollar. Xo 
mere coincidence was this concurrence of events, or else the axioms of political 
economy are meaningless dogmas. 

On January 1, 1879, the Government undertook to make good its solemn pledge 
to return to specie payments. To many the task seemed impossible. There was a 
scarcity of both gold and silver, and the "farce" of resuming was ridiculed in press 
and platforms. But the Government resumed, and specie payments have contin- 
ued during the twenty years since. In the year of resumption, gold to the amount 
of $75,000,000 was received from abroad, and in the three years following January 1, 
1879, the country gained by import more than $200,000,000 of gold. The predicted 
gold famine did not occur. For nearly four years the country rejoiced in the utmost 
prosperity. The depression which followed the panic of 1873 was forgotten, and 
from 1879 to 1882 industry thrived and wealth accumulated. 

And now we find history repeating itself, but with more vigorous arguments 
than those of the "resumption" era. As to causes that have brought about a condi- 
tion of prosperity unparalleled in the records of the past history of the country, 
there will be honest differences of opinion. One cause, however, must be acknowl- 
edged as potent wherever good faith is recognized as the touchstone of credit. The 
decision of the American people four years ago to raise their currency to the very 
highest standard of value, undoubtedly has had very much to do with stimulating 
confidence, which in business becomes credit. Without an expansion in credit there 
would have been no such awakening into activity of industries, dormant in stagna- 
tion a few years ago, as that which we now behold. 

SUBSTANTIAL EVIDENCE OF PROSPERITY. 

Is the country really prosperous? Are its business and industrial and financial 
interests thriving? It is doubted if ever before an affirmative to such a question 
could be given with so little mental reservation as now. The first answer to this 
question will be taken from the records of the clearing houses of the country. It 
was about the middle of 1897 that these first began to show substantial gains. 



The clearing houses in fifty cities, located in thirty-one different States, in tne 
three and a half years from January 1, 1893, to July 1, 1896, had exchanges aggregat- 
ing about $176,000,000,000. 

In the corresponding period ending July 1, 1900, they amounted to nearly $259,- 
000,000,000, an increase of $83,000,000,000 or 47.2 per cent. 

Only one city of the fifty, New Orleans, shows a decrease, and it has maae gains 
during the latter part of the period. The percentages of gain range from four per 
cent for Milwaukee, to 141.2 per cent for Seattle. Among the cities showing extra- 
ordinary gains are: New York, 58.8 percent; Pittsburg, 70.5 percent; Baltimore, 
69.8 per cent; Cleveland, 55.9 per cent; Indianapolis, 86.9 per, cent; Chicago, 45.5 per 
cent; Minneapolis, 41.5 per cent; St. Joseph, 72.2 per cent; Savannah, 31.8 per cent; 
Birmingham, 54 per cent; Los Angeles, 56.6 per cent; Salt Lake City, 59.7 per cent; 
Portland, Ore., 41.5 per cent; Spokane, 130.7 per cent, and Tacoma, 33.8 per cent. 

The clearing house records speak for all classes of business. They reflect the 
activity of all lines of trade and industry and testify of general conditions. The 
reports of the banks throughout the country also furnish an index of the situation. 
The latest returns for all classes of banks come down no further than 1899, and, from 
the following, comparative summary of deposits, loans and resources is made: 

BANK DEPOSITS, LOANS AND RESOURCES 



Bank 


Deposits 


Loans 


Resources 


1896 


1899 


1896 


18S9 


1896 


1899 


State 

Loan & Trust Co.. 

Savines 

Private 


$ 695 700.000 

586,500.000 

1,935.500.000 

59,100.000 

1,668,400.000 


$1,164,000,000 

835 500.1 '00 

2,182.000.000 

65.000.000 

2,522 2C0,000 


i '61-7.200 000 

462,000.000 

1,054.8 000 

58,700.000 

1.971,600,000 


$ 909,000.000 

599 000.000 

1,098 600 000 

53. 300. Oft 

2,492,200,000 


$1,107.200 000 

855,300,000 

2,143,300 000 

94.300 000 

3,353,800.000 


$1,636,000,000 

1,071,500,000 

2,400.800.000 

87,800.000 


National 


4,708,800 000 


Total 


$4,945 200,000 


$6,768,700,000 


$4,244,300,000 


$5 152,100,000 


$7,553,900,000 


$9,904,900,000 





The returns of 9,469 banks in 1896 and 9,732 banks in 1899 are included in the 
foregoing table. The deposits increased in three years $1,823,000,000, or more than 
37 per cent. These are individual deposits, and do not include deposits made by one 
bank with another, or the deposits made by the Government. The increase indicates 
in part a growth in the wealth of the country. The deposits average about $90 per 
capita. Loans increased in the three years $908,000,000, or more than 21 per cent, 
and bank resources increased $2, 351,000,00' '—over 31 per cent. Thelprosperity of the 
banks has depended upon the prosperity of the country. 

GAINS IN THE IRON TRADE. 

For many years it has been a maxim that as the iron trade is, so is the general 
trade of the country. A reading of this barometer confirms the most optimistic 
views concerning the prosperity of the country. The output of pig iron has reached 
proportions far exceeding all previous records. 

In the six months ended June 30 this year, the production was 7,642,569 tons, 
exceeding by more than 2,000,0u0 tons the largest total for any six months' period 
prior to 1898. The output for the year ended June 30, 1900, was 14,974,105 tons— 
the largest ever known. For three successive years the output of pig iron has 
exceeded the total of all previous years, the a^gregrate being 38,2.S6,410 tons as com- 
pared with 23.641, 51^ tons in the three years ended June 30, 1896. The following 
table shows the production of pig iron yearly for the past eleven years: 



Year Ended June 30 


Year Ended J 


UNE 30 


Y 


EAR 


Ended J 


UNE 30 


Tons 
1890 8,502 552 


1894 

1895 ... 


'J'OtiS 

... 5 278.567 
8,026.963 


1898 . . . 
899 .. . 
1900... 

Thre 






Tons 
...11,118,907 
...12,193,398 


1891 8,010,297 


1892 9 6*1.446 


J 896 


. 10,334 9*6 


. . .14,974,105 


1893 8,950,235 


1897 

Four years 


.. 8,050,367 


e yes 




38 286 410 


Four years 35,144.530 


.. 31 691.883 







The production of pi*/ iron for the last three years exceeded that of the previous 
four yt-ars by nearly 6,000,000 tons. Since October 1, 1*90, there has been almost a 
continuous increase in the output. On that date there were 130 furnaces in blast 
with a weekly capacity of 112.782 tons. On February 1, 1900, there were 296 fur- 
naces in blast, producing 298,014 tons weekly, which were reduced on July 1 to 284 
t'urr.a'-es. with a capacity of 283,413 tons, making the present rate of production 
nearly 15.000,000 tons a year. 



NUMBER AND COMPENSATION OF RAILWAY EMPLOYE^ 

Iron and steel enter so largely into structural building that the iron trade is less 
dependent upon railroad construction than it was a number of years ago. Increased 
building of railroads has, however, had a favorable influence upon the iron industry, 
while it also indicates that the railroads and the business of the country generally 
have been experiencing a revival in activity. It is estimated that over 2,100 miles 
of new railroad were built in the United States in the first six months of 1900, and 
that the total for the calendar year will probably approximate 6,000 miles. Such an 
addition to the railroad mileage of the country will exceed the total for any previous 
year since 1888. The railroad mileage in operation and increase each year since 1888 
are shown in the following table: 



MILEAGE OF AMERICAN RAILROADS. 



Year 


2.8 

3 ^ 




Year 




ST? 


Year 


Miles in 
Operation 


Increase 
in Miles 


1889 


161,276 
166,654 
170.729 
175,170 


5.162 
5,378 
4,075 
4,441 


1893 

1894 

1895 

1896 

i Tofl4yrs. 


177,516 
179,415 
181,065 

182 769 


2,346 
1,899 
1,650 
1.704 


1897 


184,591 
186,810 
191.310 
193,410 


1.822 


1890 


1898 


2,219 


1891 


1899 


4,500 
2.100 


1892 


1900* 

Incr.3 l ' 2 yrs. 


Total 4 years 


19 056 


7.599 


10.641 



* First six months. 

During the year and a half — January 1, 1899, to July 1, 1900— the mileage of 
new railroad cons' ructed falls but little below the total for the four years, 1893 to 
1896, inclusive. A more convincing evidence of general improvement as regards the 
condition of the railroads need not be sought. 

The increased prosperity of the railroads is reflected in the larger number of 
employes engaged in the service of the railways and the larger compensation that 
they are receiving. The latest complete statistics are for the year ended June 30, 
1899, only recently published by the Inter-State Commerce Commission. These 
show that on that date there were 928,924 persons in the employ of the railways, an 
average of 495 per 100 miles of line. Their aggregate annual compensation was 
$522,967,896. The share railway employes obtained in prosperity is suggested in 
the following comparative statement: 





Year Ended June 30 


Total Number 

l 


Per 100 
Miles op Line 


Total Yearly 
Compensation 


1895. 
1896. 




785,034 

826.620 
823,476 
874.558 
928.924 


441 
4-4 
449 
474 
495 


$445,5*8 261 

468 *24 531 


1897. 




465,601,581 
495,055 618 


1898. 




1899. 




522.967 896 









Comparing 1899 with 1895 there has been an increase of 143,890 in the number 
of persons employed, while the number per 100 miles of line has increased fifty four. 
The yearly compensation has increased $77,000,000 since 1895. When the results of 
the year ended June 30, 1900, shall have been compiled, the employes will be 
found to number very nearlv 1.000,000, and their annual compensation to exceed 
$550,000,000. 

SILVER AND THE PRICE OF COMMODITIES. 



The theory that the price of silver influenced the price of commodities, which 
had many advocates four years ago, has been demonstrated to be not infallible, even 
if not an out-and-out fallacy. Since 1896 there has been a decided parting of the 
ways between silver and other commodities. The price of silver has gone lower, 
while the prices of general merchandise and of labor have moved upward. The 
yearly range of silver in the London market during the past eight years was as 
follows: 



LONDON PRICKS OF SILVEfi 



Yeah Enoed 
June 30 


riiG.'i! 9T 


; r,w EST 


PuiCE 

June SO 


j ^ KAi; I. 


NDEI) 
30 


„„„.,„, 


Pence. 


Prn r 


1893 

1894 

1895 


Pence 

wx 

37 % 
SO r a 

• :l 16 


Pence 

30 J _; 

27 

*• 10 

30 


Pence 

334 
28 ?i 
30,4 
31 4 


Ii897 .;. . 

! 18798 .... 
1 1899 .... 




Pence 
31 K 

27?i 
28-8 
28i 9 e 


Pen re 
0- '•» 

-' 16 

27 1 .. 
2734 


1896 


!9f0 


« M 



Although silver had fallen fron 40£$ per ounce in July, 1S93, to 27'Z in Mv J c», 
1894, and was as >»>w as 3 d in 1>> cember, 1895, it went still lower until, in August,, 
1&97, it touched the lowest price ever reached, 2X%d. 

At no lime in the last three ypars and a half lias the rjrice of silver b- en as h : uh 
as the lowest pri< e ncorded in 13'Hi. If then the price of commodities were in fad 
dependent upon the price of silver, general market values should be nearly the lowest 
ever known. Tint such is not the case is plain to everyone. The following table 
gives Bradstrcet's review of* that period: 

SILVER AND AVERAGE PRICES 



Jan. 1, 1801 
Apr. 1, 1891. 
July 1, 18V. 1. 
Oct. 1, li-91. 
Jan. 1, 1-92. 
Apr. 1, 1892. 
July 1. 1892. 
Oct. 1, 1892. 
Jan. 1, 1893. 
Apr. 1, 813. 
July 1, 1893. 
Oct. 1. 1893. 
Jan. 1, 1&94. 



Price of Average 
Silver I Pricks 



PerOunce 
Pence 



45 

46% 

45 

434 

39?^ 

40 3-16 

P8y 8 

384 
384 
334 
3.4i/ 8 
314 



Index 
No. 



Pt,2 8 
96.9 
91,633 
83.826 

87.7, l J 
83,676 
>0.6J9 
82 & 9 
85.2*7 
85,995 
79,6: 9 
78.6 7 
7.">. 991 







Price of 


Average 






Silver 


Prices 


PerOunce 


Judex 






Pence 


No. 


Apr. 


. 1894.. 


2-, 


73, 1C0 


Julv 


.. 1894.. 


24i 


72,27- • 


O'cl. 


, 11-94 


29 3-lfl 


72.366 


Jan. 


. 1895 . 


27 7-16 


75.570 


Apr: 


t 1895 . 


3(;u 


66,872 


July 


, 1 895. . 


30', 


71, bin 


Oct. 


. 1895.. 


mi 


72,941 


Jan 


. 1896 


3; -4 


70,576 


A-i r. 


, 1896 . 


314 


66,191 


Julv 


. 1896.. 


Rl.i . 


65.952 


Oct. 


. urn . 


30 5-16 


66,012 


Jan. 


, 1897.. 


29 13-16 


69/ (n 


Apr. 


, 18^7. 


28 7- (5 


68.760 







Price of 


A v e HA G K 






blLVER 


Irk:, 




PerOunce 


lnd-x 






Pence 


No. 


Julv 1 


1897 


27 9-16 


65.937 


net. 1 


189 


26 


%', .277 


Jan. 1 


1898 


26% 


71.184 


A i r. 1 


189.- 


25 11-16 


7 •.!">! 6 


July 1 


189* 


274 


75.570 


Oct. 1 


1898 


28 3-16 


76, 5( 2 


Jan. 1 


1899 


2754 


77,819 


Apr. 1 


1899 


27 7-16 


79.080 


July 1 


1899 


273£ 


80.8IH 


Oct. 1 


1899 


2615-16 


86 796 


Jan. 1 


19! 


27 3-10 


90.971 


A 1 r. 1 


1900 


274 


91.175 


July 1 


1900 


28H 


86.815 



ADVANCE IN PRICES OF FARM PRODUCTS. 

A complete list of the commodities which have advanced in price since l fl 96 would 
include about all of the articles produced in the United States. Wheat which soid in 
New York on July 1, 1896, at C+i cents p«r bushel, sold at considerably above S 1 . 0* * 
per bushel during several months of 1898, and at 88f on July 1, 1900. Corn which 
sold at 2<5 cents per bushel in 1806. sold above 48 cents in 1900. Cotton, for a long 
time under the handicap of over-production, failed to advance, and was quoted at 4| 
per pound in New Orleans in Nove'i ber, 1-08. as against 6J-| on July 1, 1896. It 
began to advance in the autumn of 18°0, and the Npw Orleans price was close to 9| 
cents in June, 1900. The advance that has occurred in some of the leading products 
is shown in the following statement of wh ilesale prices at New York on or about 
July 1, in the last six \ ears: 

WHOLESALE PRICES AT NEW YORK 





Wheat per 
"Bushel 


Corn per 
Bushel 


Oats pf»r 
Bushel 


Lard per 
Pound 


B^ef per 
Barrel 


Pork per 
Barrel 


0) 

2% 



"SSL 

91 D C 

.2* 


July 1 

1895 

1896 

1897 

1898 


Cents 

64^ @ 65J4 
81 %@ 82 

89 @90 

79 @ 804 
884® 924 


Cents 
49y 2 ® 50% 
334 (in 3:4 « 
284 ® 287 8 
36^® 

39 ® :■ 94 

464 ® 474 


Cents 

28 © 284 
21 ©214 
2\K 0~r 214 
274® 
304 ® 
284 ® 


Cents 
6 65 ® 6.70 
4.20® 4.25 
4.25 @ 4.30 

5 70® 5.75 
5.20 ® 

6 90 © 6 924 


Dollars 
10 50® 1 5.50 
7.50© 8.50 
8.50® 9.50 
11.50© 12.00 
9.50®, 10 50 
10 50® 12.00 


Dollars 
13 25® 14.00 
8,00® 8.75 
8 25® 8.75 
10.00® 10 50 
8 75® 9.00 
11 75® 12.50 


Centsl Cents 

74 i >* 
77.«r-j \r 

64 i 28 


1899 

1900 


5 y-..t'i 2~ 

94 -•> 









* Price at New Orleans 



FARMERS SHARE IN THE PROSPERITY. 

The farmer has had good reason to rejoice because of the change which has 
occurred since 1896. The difference to him in dollars has been very great indeed. 
He has been receiving more for his wheat and for his corn and other products, and 
his material condition has been greatly improved. The farm value of wheat and 
corn produced in the last six years is shown as follows: 

FARM VALUES OF WHEAT AND CORN 





Wheat 


Corn 




Yield in 
Bushels 


Farm 
Values 


Average 
Price 
per 

Bushel 


Yield in 
Bushels 


Farm 
Values 


Average 

Price 

per 

Bushel 


1894 


460,267,416 
467,102,947 
427.684,346 


$ 225,902,025 
237,938,998 
310,602,539 


CTS. 

49.1 
50.9 
72.6 


1,212,770,052 
2,151,138,580 
2.283,875,165 


$ 554,719,162 
544,985,531 
491.006,967 


CTS. 

4->.7 


1895 , 


25.3 


1896 


21.5 


3 Years 


1,355,054,709 


$ 774,443,562 


57.1 


5,647,783,797 


$1,590,711,663 


'■8.1 


1897 

1898 


530,149,168 

675,148,705 
547,303,846 


$ 428,527,121 
392,770,320 
319,545,259 


80.8 

58.2 
58.4 


1,902,967,933 
1,924,184,660 
2.078 143.933 


$ 501,072,952 
552,023,428 
629.210,110 


28.7 


1899 


30.3 




1,752,601,719 


$1,140,862,700 


65.1 


5,905,296,526 


$1,682,306,490 


28.5 







The aggregate value of wheat increased $366,000,000 in the three years, and of 
corn, $91,0o0,000. Similarly the value of the oats crop increased nearly $22,000,000. 
The gain on the three crops was nearly $480,000,000. 

With the exception of 1892, the exports of wheat and wheat flour in each of the 
years 1898 and 1899 were the largest reported for any year. The exports of con in 
each of the last four years were larger than in any year prior to 1897. The greatest 
cotton export years in the history of the country were 1898 and 1899. Wheat exports, 
in the three years ending June 30, 1900, exceeded in value those of the three years 
ending June 30, 1897, by $180,000,000; wheat flour exports bv $50,000,000;' corn 
exports by $121,000,000, and cotton exports by $56,000,000— a total of $407,000,000 for 
these four products alone. It is a showing which may well bring content to the 
American farmer. 

DECREASE IN BUSINESS FAILURES. 

Evidence of the improved condition of business is afforded in the record of fail- 
ures as reported by "Dun's Review." Not in years have the failures been so few in 
number or involved so small liabilities as in each of the last two years. The follow- 
ing table shows the failures yearly in the last nine fiscal years : 

FAILURES IN THE UNITED STATES 



Year 


Number 


Liabilities 


1 Year 

l 


Number 


Liabilities 


Year 


Number 


Liabilities 


1892 

1893 

1894 


11,702 
11,242 
15.879 


$1^9,728.051 
220.650,026 
S 79.633,656 


1895 

1896 

1897 

| 3 Years. 


13.504 
13.566 

14.883 


$160,099,494 
182,225,798 
219.919,939 


1898... 
1899... 
1900... 


13,248 
10,321 
9.816 


$130,083,923 
105,2*1,19'. 
123.564,408 


3 Years.. 


38,823 


£660 (09,033 


41,953 


$562,245,231 


| 3 Years 


33,385 


$^58.9^9.521 



Years ago it was observed that one of the surest signs of prosperity was a large 
immigration, while a falling off in number of immigrants indicated depression. Read 
by that index the conclusion as to the conditions now existing must be favorable 
There were 448,551 immigrants brought to our ports in the year ended June 30, 1900, 
as compared with 230, S32 in 1897, and 229,233 in 1898. 

IMPROVEMENT IN GOVERNMENT FINANCES. 

A most favorable change is to be noted in the finances of the Government, and 
one which evidences the splendid resources of the country. 

It is not difficult to recall the depressing conditions which existed a few years 
aero. The United States Treasury was rapidly reaching a condition of bankruptcy. 
Not onlv was the gold reserve almost exhau c ted — twice it went below $50,000,000, 
roaching $44,700,000 in January, 1895, and $49,800,000 in January, 1896— but the 
total cash balance dropped to $84,000,000 in January, 1894. 

Two loans of $50,000,000 each were raised in February and November, 1894, 
another of $02,315,000 in February, 1895, and a fourth of $100,000,000 in February, 



1896. Notwithstanding the sale of $202,000,000 bonds, realizing to the Government 
$293,000,000, the cash balance in the Treasury on January 31, 1897, was only 
$215,000,000, only $98,000,000 more than in June, 1893. 

In the three years from July 1, 1893, to June 30, 1896, the Government revenues 
were nearly $138,000,000 less than the expenditures, while the entire cash balance in 
the Treasury on July 1, 1893, was only $122,000,000, not enough to offset the deficit 
of the three succeeding years. The Government was forced to borrow in order to 
meet its current expenditures. 

A very different and more gratifying showing is made for the last three years, 
a period during which the expenditures of the government were increased for war 
purposes nearly $400,000,000. The Government revenues in that period were within 
$98,000,000 of enough to meet all expenditures, excluding the amount paid to extin- 
guish the Pacific railroad bonds, and the $20,000,000 paid to Spain for the Philippine 
Islands. 

GOVERNMENT REVENUES AND DISBURSEMENTS 



Revenues 


3 Years Ended 
July 1, 1896 


3 Years Ended 
July 1, 1900 


Disbursements 


3 Years Ended 
July 2, 1896 


5 Years Ended 
July 1,1900 




$443,998,900 
137, 2%. 769 
56,793,625 


$589,561,503 

740 637,192 

83,522 671 


Civil and Miscel.. 

War 

Navy 


$282,439,849 
157,2o3.610 
87,616.822 
32,398.764 
422.006 515 
94.204.464 


$296,959,146 

426,487,254 

178,856.071 

33,966 511 

427 723 290 


Internal Revenue. 






Total receipts. 
Deficit 


$938,088,294 
137,811,730 


$1,413,721,366 
97,929.200 




Interest 


117.658 295 








Total Disb'm'ts, 


$1,075,000,024 


$1,511,650,566 



The deficit of the last three years was nearly $40,000,000 less than in the three 
years ended June 30, 1896, although the expenditures for war and navy purposes 
were $635,000,000, as against less than $245,000,000 in the earlier period. 

In the fiscal year 1809-1900 there was a surplus of $81, 000,000 as compared with 
a deficit in 1895-i>96 of $25,000,000. 

The only issue of bonds for the purpose of raising money since 1896 was that of 
August, 1898, when $198,792,640 of three per cent bonds were sold. This issue was 
to prosecute the war with Spain. Another issue of bonds was issued this year for 
the purpose of refunding the debt at two per cent, and $307,000,000 of these bonds 
had been issued on June 30, 1900. The effect of that issue is not to increase the 
debt, but to reduce the annual interest charge. The changes in the public debt since 
1893 are indicated in the following statement : 

THE PUBLIC DEBT AND INTEREST CHARGE i 





June 30, 1893 


June 30, 1896 


June 30, 1900 


Twos of 1891 

Fours of 1907 


$ 25.364,500 
559.672,600 


$ 25,364,500 
559,683,990 
100,000,000 
162,315,400 


$ 21,979,850 
355,563,820 
47,651,200 
162,315,400 
128,843 240 


Fives of 1904 


Fours of 1925 




Threes of 1908 




Twos of 1930 






307,125,350 


Total bonded debt 


$585,037,100 


$847.3f,3.890 


#1. 023,478.860 


Annual interest charge 


22.894,194 


34.387,265 


33,545,130 



While the bonded debt was increased $262,000,000 between June 30, 1893, and 
June 30, 1896, it was increased only $176,000,000 since 1896 The annual interest 
charge was increased $11,500,000 prior to 1896 and was reduced nearly $1,000,000 
since 1896. The improved condition of the Government finances is further indicated 
in the following comparison : 

NET DEBT AND TREASURY BALANCES. 



June 30 


1893 


1896 


1897 


1900 


Total debt 


$961,431,766 
122 462.290 


$1 222,729.350 
267 432 096 


$1 226.793,712 
240,137.626 


$1,413,416,912 
305,705,654 






Net debt 


$838,969,476 
95.485,414 


$955,297,254 
101.699 605 


$986,656,086 
140.790 738 


$1,107,711,258 


Gold balance 


220,557,185 



From 1893 to 18°6 the net public debt, after deducting cash in the Treasury, was 
increased $116,000,000. That was in time of peace, when the current revenues 
should have provided for current expenses. In the corresponding three years from 



1897 to 1900, the net debt was increased $121,000,000. an amount far less than a 
single year's increase in war expenditures, made necessary by our conflict with 
Spain. The improved position of the Treasury is shown in the large increase in the 
cash balance and in the proportion that is in gold. The balance now is nearly $306,- 
000,000, and more than 7o per cent is in gold. 

INCREASE OF HONEY IN CIRCULATION. 

Coming to the changes that have occurred in the circulating medium of the 
country since 18'»6, it does not seem possible that the same arguments which were 
urged in entire good faith four years ago in support of the free coinage of silver at 
the ratio of sixteen to one can be brought forward now. 

The money supply instead of diminishing has increased at a rate far in excess of 
that recorded in any corresponding period. From #1,509,000,000 on Julv 1, 1896, the 
circulation increased to $2,062,000,000 on July 1, 1900, a gain of $553,000,000. In 
these four years, while the population of the country increased nearly 6,500,000, 
the circulation per capita increased from $21.10 to $26.50, an increase of $5.40 for 
each man, woman and child in the country. 

The fear of a gold famine, which disturbed many people four years ago, has 
been pretty well dissipated by this time. The supply of gold for monetary uses 
never was as great as it is now. It is $317,000,000 more than on July 1, 1896, $21 1,- 
000,000 more than on January 31, 1894, and $310,000,000 more than on July 1, 1890. 

Nearly forty per cent of the total circulation is now in gold as compared with 
only thirty-three per cent, in 1896, and about thirty-five per cent in 1890 and 1894. 

The gold in our currency now exceeds silver and treasury notes of 1890 by $189,- 
000,000. In 1896 the latter exceeded gold by $40,000,000. 

Not only has our circulating medium increased in volume, but it has been put 
on a sounder basis. — From The Bankers' Magazine. 



COMMERCIAL EXPANSION, 



INCREASE IN OUR FOREIGN AND DOriESTIC TRADE UNDER 
THE McKINLEY ADfllNISTRATION. 



No administration since that of Lincoln has been so fruitful of great events as 
that of William McKinley, and no feature of the administration of William McKinley 
has been more remarkable than the expansion of our commerce which has 
accompanied it. 

In products of the field, the factory, the mine, the forest, the fisheries — in even 
branch of production and industry the development of our commerce, national and 
international, has been phenomenal. Never before have our manufacturers 
demanded such supplies of raw material from abroad, and this is an evidence that 
they were never before so busy, and that their army of employes was never before 
so well able to buy the products of the farm, the forest or the mine. 

INCREASE IN MANUFACTURES AND CONSUMPTION. 

The consuming power of the population of the United States varies greatly 
with the activity or silence of its mills and workshops. When manufacturers are 
busy and the millions dependent upon them are occupied at profitable rates of wages 
the consumption of goods almost doubles. 

The consumption of wheat, for instance, runs three and a fraction bushels per 
capita in times of depression such as existed from 1893 to 1897; in times of prosperity 
and activity in manufacturing it runs above six bushels per capita. 

GROWTH IN INTERNAL COMMERCE. 

In internal commerce there has been an enormous increase during the three 
prosperous years under President McKinley. This is evidenced by the fact that 
railway freights carried in 1898 amounted to 912,978,858 tons, against 674,714,747 in 
1894, the year in which the Wilson low tariff was enacted; and that coal production 
in 1899 was fifty per cent more than in 1894. 

EXPANSION OF FOREIGN COMMERCE. 

Three distinct features characterize the commerce of the United States under 
the McKinley administration, First, a reduction in imports of manufactures; Second. 
an increase in importations of manufacturers' materials; and Third, an enormou , 
increase in exportations of finished manufactures. 



For the first time in our history we are exporting more manufactures than we 
import. 

In 189G, under the Wilson free trade tariff, imports of manufactures exceeded 
exports of manufactures by more than $100,000,000. In 1898, the first year under 
the Dingley tariff, exports of manufactures for the first time exceeded imports of 
manufactures, the excess of exports over imports in manufactures alone being in that 
year more than $60,<0>>,0v>0. In the fiscal year of 1900 exports of manufactures ex- 
ceeded imports of manufactures bv more than $100,000,000. 

IN THE THREE YEARS'" OPERATIONS OF THE WILSON TARIFF 
LAW IMPORTS OF MANUFACTURES EXCEEDED EXPORTS OF MANU- 
FACTURES BY $284,067,912; IN THREE YEARS' OPERATIONS OF THE 
DINGLE Y LAW EXPORTS OF MANUFACTURES EXCEEDED IMPORTS OF 
MANUFACTURES BY $247,489,551. 

Notwithstanding the increased prosperity of the United States and consequent 
increased purchasing power of the people, the importations of manufactures in the 
three years under the Dingley law fell $158,435,915 below those under the Wilson 
law in the corresponding number of years, while the exports of manufactures during 
the three years under the Dins-ley law exceeded those of the corresponding years 
under the Wils >n law by the enormous sum of $373,121,554. 

MANUFACTURERS' OUTPUT INCREASED. 

Thus our manufacturers, under the three years' operations of the Dingley law, 
supplied to the consumers of the United States the $158,435,915 worth of manufac- 
tures excluded by the operations of the Dingley Act, and exported $373,121,554 worth 
of manufactures in excess of the amount exported in the corresponding years under 
the Wilson law, showing that their product in these two directions was $531,557,469 
greater in the first three years under the Dingley law than in the three years under 
the Wilson law In addition to this, it must be remembered that the home market, 
with the general increase in prosperity and consequent increased purchasing power, 
enlarged greatly, and it is safe to estimate that the value of the output of American 
manufactures during the three years' operations of the Dingley law has exceeded by 
more than one billion dollars that during the three years' operations of the Wilson 
law. 

MORE MATERIAL FOR HANUFACTURERS. 

Another evidence of the activity of the manufacturers under the Dingley law is 
found in the importations of raw materials. Many of the articles required for use 
in manufacturing are not produced in the United States, such, for instance, as fibers, 
silk, India rubber, tin for use in manufacturing tin plate, and certain chemicals; 
while in hides and skins, cabinet woods, furs and fur skins and Egyptian cotton, 
there is a rapidly increasing importation. 

Notwithstanding the claims of the friends of the Wilson law that its chief object 
was to furnish free raw materials to manufacturers, the fact that this privilege was 
accompanied by heavy reductions in the duties on manufactured goods so reduced 
the field for American manufacturers that their imports of raw materials during its 
operations were far less than under the Dingley law. 

The average importation of raw materials under the Wilson law was about 
$200,000,000 per annum. In the fiscal year, just ended, it was $302,264,106, an increase 
of 50 per cent over the average under the Wilson law. 

During the three years' operation of the Wilson law, raw materials for use of 
manufacturers formed but 27 per cent of the total importations. In the three years' 
operation or the Dingley law they formed more than 33 per cent, and in the year 1900 
more than 35 per cent. 

In the three years under the Wilson law imports "f fibers for use in manufactur- 
ing averaged less than $13,000,000 per annum. In 1899, under the Dingley law, they 
exceeded $20,000,000, and in in 1900 were more than $26,000,000. 

Imports of raw silk averaged but $23,000,000 per annum under the Wilson law, 
but increased to $32,000,000 in 1898, the first year under the Dingley law, and in i«0G| 
amounted to over $45,00<>,000, or double the average under the Wilson law. 

Imports of India rubber and gutta percha averaged $17,000,000 per annum during 
the three years' operation of the Wilson law, and increased to $25,000,000 in 1898, 
the first year under the Dingley law, and to $31,000,000 in 1899 and 1900. 

Imports of chemicals, which are largely used in manufacturing, averaged 
$45,000,000 per annum under the Wilson law, and in the year 1900 amounted to over 
$53,000,000. 

Imports of pig tin for use in manufacturing tin plate averaged $6,500,000 per 
annum in the three years under the Wilson law, and increased to $8,500,000 in 1898, 
the first year under the Dingley law, to more than $11,500,000 in 1899, and to 
$19,098,005 in 1900. 

j TRADES f « COUNCIL fe 1 04 



The President's Position in Regard to 
"TRUSTS." 



[From PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S MESSAGE to CONGRESS, DECEMBER 5, 1899.] 

Combinations of capital organized into trusts to control the conditions 
of trade among our citizens, to stifle competition, limit production, and 
determine the prices of products used and consumed by the people, are 
justly provoking public discussion, and should early claim the attention 
of the Congress. 

The Industrial Commission, created by the act of the Congress of 
June 18, 1898, has been engaged in extended kearings upon the disputed 
questions involved in the subject of combinations in restraint of trade and 
competition. They have not yet completed their investigation of this sub- 
ject, and the conclusions and recommendations at which they may arrive 
are undetermined. 

The subject is one giving rise to many divergent views as to the 
nature and variety or cause and extent of the injuries to the public which 
may result from large combinations concentrating more or less numerous 
enterprises and establishments, which previously to the formation of the 
combination were carried on separately. 

It is universally conceded that combinations which engross or control 
the market of any particular kind of merchandise or commodity necessary 
to the general community, by suppressing natural and ordinary compe- 
tition, whereby prices are unduly enhanced to the general consumer, are 
obnoxious not only to the common law but also to the public welfare. 
There must be a remedy for the evils' involved in such organizations. If 
the present law can be extended more certainly to control or check these 
monopolies or trusts, it should be done without delay. Whatever power 
the Congress possesses over this most important subject should be prompt- 
ly ascertained and asserted. 

President Harrison, in his Annual Message of December 3, 1889, 
says : 

Earnest attention should be given by Congress to a consideration of the ques- 
tion how far the restraint of those combinations of capital commonly called ''trusts" 
is matter of Federal jurisdiction. When organized, as they often are, to crush out 
all healthy competition and to monopolize the production or sale of an article of 
commerce and general necessity, they are dangerous conspiracies against the public 
good, and should be made the subject of prohibitory and even penal legislation. 

An act to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints and 
monopolies was passed by Congress on the 2d of July, 1890. The pro- 
visions of this statute are comprehensive and stringent. It declares every 
contract or combination, in the form of a trust or otherwise, or conspiracy 
in the restraint of trade or commerce among the several States or with 
foreign nations, to be unlawful. It denominates as a criminal every per- 
son who makes any such contract or engages in any such combination or 
conspiracy, and provides a punishment by fine or imprisonment. It in- 
vests the several Circuit Courts of the United States with jurisdiction to 
pi event and restrain violations of the act, and makes it the duty of the sev- 
eral United States district attorneys, under the direction of the Attorney- 
General, to institute proceedings in equity to prevent and restrain such 
violations. It further confers upon any person who shall be injured in his 
business or property bv any other person or corporation by reason of any- 



thing forbidden or declared to be unlawful by the act the power to sue 
therefor in any Circuit Court of the United States without respect to the 
amount in controversy, and to recover threefold the damages by him sus- 
tained and the costs of the suit, including reasonable attorney fees. It will 
be perceived that the act is aimed at every kind of combination in the 
nature of a trust or monopoly in restraint of interstate or international 
commerce. 

The prosecution by the United States of offenses under the act of 1890 
has been frequently resorted to in the Federal courts, and notable efforts in 
the restraint of interstate commerce, such as the Trans-Missouri Freight 
Association and the Joint Traffic Association, have been successfully op- 
posed and suppressed. 

President Cleveland in his Annual Message of December 7, 1896 

more than six years subsequent to the enactment of this law — after stating 
the evils of these trust combinations, says : 

Though Congress has attempted to deal with this matter by legislation, the 
laws passed for that purpose thus far have proved ineffective, not because of any 
lack of disposition or attempt to enforce them, but simply because the laws them- 
selves as interpreted by the courts do not reach the difficulty. If the insufficiencies 
of existing laws can be remedied by further legislation, it should be done. The 
fact must be recognized, however, that all Federal legislation on this subject may 
fall short of its purpose because of inherent obstacles, and also because of the com- 
plex character of our governmental system, which, while making the Federal au- 
thority supreme within its sphere, has carefully limited that sphere by metes and 
bounds which can not be transgressed. The decision of our highest court on this 
precise question renders it quite doubtful whether the evils of trusts and monopolies 
can be adequately treated through Federal action, unless they seek directly and 
purposely to include in their objects transportation or intercourse between States 
or between the United States and foreign countries. 

It does not follow, however, that this is the limit of the remedy that may be 
applied. Even though it may be found that Federal authority is not broad enough 
to fully reach the case, there can be no doubt of the power of the several States to 
act effectively in the premises, and there should be no reason to doubt their willing- 
ness to judiciously exercise such power. 

The State legislation to which President Cleveland looked for relief 
from the evils of trusts has failed to accomplish fully that object. This is 
probably due to a great extent to the fact that different States take differ- 
ent views as to the proper way to discriminate between evil and injurious 
combinations and those associations which are beneficial and necessary to 
the business prosperity of the country. The great diversity of treatment 
in different States arising from this cause and the intimate relations of all 
parts of the country to each other without regarding State lines in the con- 
duct of business have made the enforcement of State laws difficult. 

It is apparent that uniformity of legislation upon this subject in the 
several States is much to be desired. It is to be hoped that such uni- 
formity founded in a wise and just discrimination between what is injuri- 
ous and what is useful and necessary in business operations may be ob- 
tained and that means may be found for the Congress within the limita- 
tions of its constitutional power so to supplement an effective code of State 
legislation as to make a complete system of laws throughout the United 
States adequate to compel a general observance of the salutary rules to 
which I have referred. 

The whole question is so important and far-reaching that I am sure 
no part of it will be lightly considered, but every phase of it will have the 
studied deliberation of the Congress, resulting in wise and judicious action. 



GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT 



Accepts the Nomination of the 

Republican Party to the Office 

of Vice-President 



Gov. Theodore Roosevelt completed the formal acceptance of the re- 
publican nomination for vice-president in a letter directed to Senator Ed- 
ward O. Wolcott of the notification committee. It reads: 

"Oyster Bay, New York, Sept. 15, 1900. 

"To Edward O. Wolcott, Chairman Committee on Notification of Vice- 
President — Sir: I accept the nomination as vice-president of the United 
States, tendered me by the republican national convention, with a very 
deep sense of the honor conferred upon me and with an infinitely deeper 
sense of the vital importance to the whole country of securing the re- 
election of President McKinley. 

"The nation's welfare is at stake.. We must continue the work which 
has been so well begun during the present administration. We must show 
in fashion incapable of being misunderstood that the American people, 
at the beginning of the twentieth century, face their duties in a calm and 
serious spirit; that they have no intention of permitting folly or lawless- 
ness to mar the extraordinary material well-being which they have at- 
tained at home, nor yet of permitting their flag to be dishonored abroad. 

FEARS DISASTER IF THE DEMOCRATS WIN. 

"I feel that this contest is by no means one merely between republicans 
and democrats. We have a right to appeal to all good citizens who are 
far-sighted enough to see what the honor and the interest of the nation 
demand. 

"To put into practice the principles embodied in the Kansas City plat- 
form would mean grave disaster to the nation; for that platform stands 
for reaction and disorder; for an upsetting of our financial system which 
would mean not only great suffering but the abandonment of the nation's 
good faith; and for a policy abroad which would imply the dishonor of the 
flag and unworthy surrender of our national rights. Its success would 
mean unspeakable humiliation to men proud of their country, jealous 
of their country's good name, and desirous of securing the welfare of their 
fellow-citizens. Therefore, we have a right to appeal to all good men, 



north and south, east and west, whatever their politics may have been in 
the past, to stand with us, because we stand for the prosperity of the 
country and for the renown of the American flag. 

PROSPERITY IS THE GREAT ISSUE. 

"The most important of all problems is, of course, that of securing 
good government and moral and material well-being within our own bor- 
ders. Great though the need is that the nation should do its work well 
abroad, even this comes second to the thorough performance of duty at 
home. Under the administration of President McKinley this country has 
been blessed with a degree of prosperity absolutely unparalleled, even in 
its previous prosperous history. 

"While it is, of course, true that no legislation and no administration 
can bring success to those who are not stout of heart, cool of head and 
ready of hand, yet it is no less true that the individual capacity of each 
man to get good results for himself can be absolutely destroyed by bad 
legislation or bad administration, while under the reverse conditions the 
power of the individual to do good work is assured and stimulated. This 
is what has been done under the administration of President McKinley. 
Thanks to his actions and to the wise legislation of congress on the tariff 
and finance, the conditions of our industrial life have been rendered more 
favorable than ever before, and they have been taken advantage of to the 
full by American thrift, industry and enterprise. Order has been ob- 
served, the courts upheld and the fullest liberty secured to all citizens. The 
merchant and manufacturer, but above all the farmer and the wage-worker 
have profited by this state of things. 

DEPENDENT ON THE FINANCIAL QUESTION. 

"Fundamentally and primarily the present contest is a contest for the 
continuance of the conditions which have told in fctvor of our material 
welfare and of our civil and political integrity. If this nation is to retain 
either its well-being or its self-respect it cannot afford to plunge into 
financial and economic chaos; it cannot afford to indorse governmental 
theories which would unsettle the standard of national honesty and destroy 
the integrity of our system of justice. 

"The policy of the free-coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1 is a policy 
fraught with destruction to every home in the land. It means untold 
misery to the head of every household, and, above all, to the women and 
children of every home. 

THE DEMOCRATIC VIEW ON SILVER. 

"When our opponents champion free silver at 16 to 1 they are either 
insincere or sincere in their attitude. If insincere in their championship 
they, of course, forfeit all right to belief or support on any ground. If 
sincere, then they are a menace to the welfare of the country. Whether 
they shout their sinister purpose or merely whisper it makes but little 
difference, save as it reflects their own honesty. No issue can be para- 
mount to the issue they thus make, for the paramountcy of such an issue 
is to be determined not by the dictum of any man or body of men, but 
by the fact that it vitally affects the well-being of every home in the land. 



"The financial question is always of such far-reaching and tremendous 
importance to the national welfare that it can never be raised in good 
aith unless this tremendous importance is not merely conceded but in- 
sted on. Men who are not willing to make such an issue paramount have 
no possible justification for raising it at all, for under such circumstances 
their act cannot under any conceivable circumstances do aught but grave 
harm. 

SAYS THE GOLD BASIS MUST STAND. 

"The success of the party representing the principles embodied in the 
Kansas City platform would bring about the destruction of all the con- 
ditions necessary to the continuance of our prosperity. It would also un- 
settle our whole governmental system, and would therefore disarrange 
all the vast and delicate machinery of our complex industrial life. Above 
all, the effect would be ruinous to our finances. If we are to prosper, the 
currency of this country must be based upon the gold dollar worth 100 
cents. 

"The stability of our currency has been greatly increased by the ex- 
cellent financial act passed by the last congress. But no law can secure 
our finances against the effect of unwise and disastrous management in the 
hands of unfriendly administrators. No party can safely be intrusted with 
the management of our national affairs unless it accepts as axiomatic the 
truths recognized in all progressive countries as essential to a sound and 
proper system of finance. In their essence these must be the same for all 
great civilized people. 

A VITAL QUESTION FOR WAGE-EARNERS. 

"In different stages of development different countries face varying 
economic conditions, but at every stage and under all circumstances the 
most important element in securing their economic well-being is sound 
finance, honest money. So intimate is the connection between industrial 
prosperity and a sound currency that the former is jeopardized not merely 
by unsound finance, but by the very threat of unsound finance. 

"The business man and the farmer are vitally interested in this ques- 
tion; but no man's interest is so great as that of the wage-worker. A de- 
preciated currency means loss and disaster to the business man; but it 
means grim suffering to the wage-worker. The capitalist will lose much 
of his capital and will suffer wearing anxiety and the loss of many com- 
forts; but the wage-worker who loses his wages must suffer and see his 
wife and children suffer for the actual necessities of life. The one abso- 
lutely vital need of our whole industrial system is sound money. 

"One of the serious problems with which we are confronted under the 
conditions of our modern industrial civilization is that presented by the 
great business combinations which are generally known under the name 
of trusts. 

ATTACKS ON OUR INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM. 

"The problem is an exceedingly difficult one and the difficulty is im- 
mensely aggravated both by honest but wrong-headed attacks on our whole 
industrial system in the effort to remove some of the* evils connected with 
it, and by the mischievous advice of men who either think crookedly or 



Who advance remedies knowing them to be ineffective, but deeming that 
they may, by darkening counsel, achieve for themselves a spurious repu- 
tation for wisdom; 

"No good whatever is subserved by indiscriminate denunciation of Cor- 
porations generally and of all forms of industrial combination in par- 
ticular; and when this public denunciation is accompanied by private 
membership in the great corporations denounced, the effect is, of course, 
to give an air of insincerity to the whole movement. Nevertheless, there 
are real abuses, and there is ample reason for striving to remedy these 
abuses. A crude or ill-considered effort to remedy them would either.be 
absolutely without effect or else would simply do damage. 

PLAN FOR FEDERAL INTERFERENCE. 

"The first thing to do is to find out the facts; and for this purpose 
publicity as to capitalization, profits and all else of. importance to the 
public, is the most useful measure. The mere fact of this publicity would 
in itself remedy certain evils, and, as to the others, it would in some cases 
point out the remedies, and would at least enable us to tell whether or not 
certain proposed remedies would be useful. The state acting in its col- 
lective capacity would thus first find out the facts and then be able to take 
such measures as wisdom dictated. Much can be done by taxation. Even 
more can be done by regulation, by close supervision and the unsparing 
excision of all unhealthy, destructive and anti-social elements. 

"The separate state governments can do a great deal; and where they 
decline to co-operate the national government must step in. 

HOW HE DEALS WITH EXPANSION. 

"While paying heed to the necessity of keeping our house in order at 
home, the American people cannot, if they wish to retain their self-respect, 
refrain from doing their duty as a great nation in the world. 

"The history of the nation is in large part the history of the nation's 
expansion. When the first continental congress met in Liberty hall and 
the thirteen original states declared themselves a nation, the westward 
limit of the country was marked by the Alleghany mountains. Even during 
the revolutionary war the work of expansion went on. Kentucky, Ten- 
nessee and the great northwest, then known as the Illinois country, were 
conquered from our white and Indian foes during the revolutionary 
struggle, and were confirmed to us by the treaty of peace in 1783. 

"Yet the land thus confirmed was not then given to us. It was held 
by an alien foe until the army under Gen. Anthony Wayne freed Ohio from 
the red man, while the treaties of Jay and Pinckney secured from the Span- 
ish and British Natchez and Detroit. 

LOUISIANA PURCHASE AND THE PHILIPPINES. 

"In 1803, under President Jefferson, the greatest single stride in expan- 
sion that we ever took was taken by the purchase of the Louisiana terri- 
tory. This so-called Louisiana, which included what are now the states of 
Arkansas, Missouri, Louisiana, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, North 
and South Dakota, Idaho, Montana and a large part of Colorado and Utah, 
was acquired by treaty and purchase under President Jefferson exactly and 
precisely as the Philippines have been acquired by treaty and purchase 
under President McKinley. 

"The doctrine of 'the consent of the governed,' the doctrine previously 
enunciated by Jefferson in the declaration of independence, was not held by 
him or by any other sane man to apply to the Indian tribes in the Louisi-. 
ana territory which he thus acquired, and there was no vote taken even of 
the white inhabitants, not to speak of the negroes and Indians, as to 
whether they were willing that their territory should be annexed. The 
great majority of the inhabitants, white and colored alike, were bitterly op- 
posed to the transfer. 



SAYS JEFFERSON FORCED SUBJUGATION. 

"An armed force of United States soldiers had to be hastily sent into 
the territory to prevent insurrection, President Jefferson sending these 
troops to Louisiana for exactly the same reasons and with exactly the same 
purpose that President McKinley has sent troops to the Philippines. 

"Jefferson distinctly stated that the Louisianians were 'not fit or ready 
for self-government,' and years elapsed before they were given self-govern- 
ment, Jefferson appointing the governor and other officials, without any 
consultation with the inhabitants of the newly acquired territory. The 
doctrine that the 'constitution follows the flag' was not then even considered 
either by Jefferson or by any other serious party leader, for it never en- 
tered their heads that a new territory should be governed other than in the 
way in which the territories of Ohio and Illinois had already been governed 
under Washington and the elder Adams; the theory known by this utterly 
false and misleading phrase was only struck out in political controversy at 
a much later date for the sole purpose of justifying the extension of slavery 
into the territories. 

CONSENT NOT HELD NECESSARY. 

"The parallel between what Jefferson did with Louisiana and what is 
now being done in the Philippines is exact. Jefferson, the author of the 
declaration of independence, and of the 'consent of the governed' doctrine, 
saw no incongruity between this and the establishment of a government 
on common-sense grounds in the new territory; and he railed at the stick- 
lers for an impossible application of his principle, saying in language which 
at the present day applies to the situation in the Philippines without the 
change of a word, 'though it is acknowledged that our new fellow-citizens 
are as yet as incapable of self-government as children, yet some cannot 
bring themselves to suspend its principles for a single moment.' He in- 
tended that ultimately self-government should be introduced throughout 
the territory, but only as the different parts became fit for it and no sooner. 
This is just the policy that has been pursued. 

FILIPINOS ON THE BASIS OF INDIANS. 

"In no part of the Louisiana purchase was complete self-government 
introduced for a number of years; in one part of it, the Indian territory, it 
has not yet been introduced, although nearly a century has elapsed. Over 
enormous tracts of it, including the various Indian reservations, with a 
territory in the aggregate as large as that of the Philippines, the constitu- 
tion has never yet 'followed the flag'; the army officer and the civilian 
agent still exercise authority, without asking the 'consent of the governed.' 
We must proceed in the Philippines with the same wise caution, taking 
each successive step as it becomes desirable, and accommodating the details 
of our policy to the peculiar needs of the situation. But as soon as the 
present revolt is put down and order established, it will undoubtedly be 
possible to give to the islands a larger measure of self-government than 
Jefferson originally gave Louisiana. 

FLORIDA ACQUIRED LIKE THE PHILIPPINES. 

"The next great step in expansion was the acquisition of Florida. This 
was partly acquired by conquest and partly by purchase, Andrew Jackson 
being the most prominent figure in the acquisition. It was taken under 
President Monroe, the aftertime President John Quincy Adams being active 
in securing the purchase. As in the case of the Philippines, Florida was 
acquired by purchase from Spain, and in Florida the Seminoles, who had 
not been consulted in the sale, rebelled and waged war exactly as some of 
the Tagals have rebelled and waged war in the Philippines. The Seminole 



war lasted for many years, but Presidents Monroe, Adams and Jackson 
declined for a moment to consider the question of abandoning Florida to the 
Seminoles, or to treat their non-consent to the government of the United 
States as a valid reason for turning over the territory to them. 

HOW TEXAS AND ALASKA WERE ACQUIRED. 

"Our next acquisition of territory was that of Texas, secured by treaty 
after it had been wrested from the Mexicans by the Texans themselves. 
Then came the acquisition of California, New Mexico, Arizona, > T 
and parts of Colorado and Utah as the result of the Mexican war, . 
mented five year plater by the Gadsden purchase. 

"The next', ^uisition was that of Alaska, secured from E"^' 
treaty and rr: dse. Alaska was full of natives, some of them 
vanced wel '^ond the stage of savagery and were Christians. \ 
not consulted about the purchase nor was their acquiescence ~eq 
purchase was made by the men who had just put through a triun^ 
to restore the union and free the slave; but none of them 
sary to push the doctrine of the 'consent of the governed' t< 
fa '"astic as to necessitate the turning over of AI. L o r / 

theTnf"'^,n and the Aleut. For thirty years the ETni*"*' 
militar Md civil, exercised the supreme a" tv.ority in a trac 
times larger than the Philippines, in which rt r did not seem h 
would ever be any considerable body ° W, i inhabit- 

SAYS HAWAII DISPROVES THE DANGER iDlji 

"Nearly thirty years passed before the next instance 
curred, which was over the island of Hawaii. An effort o 
end of President Harrison's administration to secure the 7$^ 
Hawa'"'. The effort was unsuccessful. .. , 

''."'bate in congress on Feb. 2, 18b,, -* the leaders n. 

the i 'on of the islands stated: 'TI gfto Viands are more ^u,u 

miles \1 ~nt from our extreme western bo^x. idry. We have a st io T 
problen' now in our country and I am not in favor of adding tin c 
mestic xbric a mongrel population (of this character). Our cons'' 
makes o provisions for a colonial establishment. Any territorial 
ment we might establish would necessarily, because of the population an 
oligarchy, which would have to be supported by armed soldiers.' 

"Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and her de- agates, have sat in the 
national conventions of the two great parties. The f ea* j then expressed in 
relation to an 'oligarchy' and 'armed soldiers' are not now seriously enter- 
trained by any human being; yet they are precisely the objections urged 
against the acquisition of the Philippines at this very moment. 

DENIES THAT MILITARISM IS INVOLVED. 

"We are making no new departure. We are not taking a single step 
which in any way affects our institutions or our traditional policies. From 
the beginning we have given widely varying degrees of self-government to 
the different territories, according to their needs. 

"The simple truth is that there is nothing even remotely resembling 
'imperialism' or 'militarism' involved in the present development of that 
policy of expansion which has been part of the history of America from the 
day when she became a nation. The words mean absolutely nothing as 
applied to our present policy in the Philippines; for this policy is only im- 
perialistic in the sense that Jefferson's policy in Louisiana was imperial- 
istic; only military in the sense that Jackson's policy toward the Seminoles 
or Custer's toward the Sioux embodied militarism; and there is no more 
danger of its producing evil results at home now than there was of its 
interfering with freedom under Jefferson or Jackson, or in the days of the 

6 




Indian wars on the plains. Our army is relatively not as large as it was 
in the days of Wayne; we have not one regular for every 1,000 inhabitants. 
There is no more danger of a draft than there is of the re-introduction of 
slavery. 

OUR RIGHT TO SUPPRESS THE REBELS. 

"When we expanded over New Mexico and California we secured free 
government to these territories and prevented their falling under the 'mili- 
tarism' of a dictatorship like that of Santa Ana, or the 'imperialism' of a 
->pire in the days of Maximilian. We put a stop to imperialism in 
us soon as the civil war closed. We made a great anti-imperialistic 
when we drove the Spaniards from Porto Rico an" he Philippines 
6*seby made ready the ground in these islands for i gradually in- 
ci neasure of self-government for which their populc ' are sever- 

7 wa ! Cuba is being helped along the path to independent as rapidly 

unc topitizrtis are content that she should go. 

fal~' arse the presence of troops in the Philippines during the Tagal 
a muci_ no mc >*e to do with militarism or imperialism than had 

into the i ''the Dak^tas, Minnesota and Wyoming during the ma^v 

of the final outbreaks of the Sioux were d^^nit „ 

no more militarism or imperialism in ga r oning 
fejK is restored ri>r ^n there was imperialism in ser ig sol- 
"Th .Jakota in 1890, ^" ; ing the Ogallalla outbreak. The reason- 

now bc>>v ? having .nade ^r against Sitting Bui also justifies 

declare- - - the outbreaks ^ Aguinaldo and his "ollowers, di- 

saw c r Mfcre, against Filipino and American alike, 

on cor 

lere « TTACKS THE ARGUMENT FOR WITHDRAWAL. 

at + 

cna ' mly certain way of rendering it necessary for our repubMc to 

areer of 'militarism would be to abandon the Phil^ = to 

orfbes, /nd at '/" ^ time either to guarantee a sta! rn- 

Jf" n^_ these tribe's or t~ * I'antee them against outside in. ace. 

rr r army would be reqnired to carry out any such poL. t than 

x eL, aired to secure order under the American flag; while ii 'pres- 

"ihis flag on the Islands is really the only possible security i r ainst 

; ggreosion. 

I whole argument against President McKinley's policy in the Phil- 
* mines oecomes absurd when it is conceded that we should, to quote the 
language of the Kansa c City platform, 'give to the Philippines first a stable 
form, of "government-:"' If they are now entitled to independence, they are 
also entitled to decide f£r themselves whether their government shall be 
stable or unstable, civilized or savage, or whether they shall have any gov- 
ernment at all; while it is, of course, equally evident that under such con- 
ditions we have no right whatever to guarantee them against outside inter- 
ference any more than we have to make such a guaranty in the case of the 
Boxers (who are merely the Chinese analogues of Aguinaldo's followers). 

"If we have a right to establish a stable government in the islands it 
necessarily follows that it is not only our right but our duty to support that 
government until the natives gradually grow fit to sustain it themselves. 
How else will it be stable? The minute we leave it, it ceases to be stable. 

NOW A QUESTION OF CONTRACTION. 

"Properly speaking, the question is now not whether we shall expand — 
for we have already expanded— but whether we shall contract. The Phil- 
ippines are now part of American territory. To surrender them would be to 
surrender American territory. They must, of course, be governed primarily 
in the interests of their own citizens. Our first care must be for the people 
of the islands which have come under our guardianship as a result of the 



most righteous foreign war that has been waged within the memory of the 
present generation. They must be administered in the interests of their 
inhabitants, and that necessarily means that any question of personal or 
partisan politics in their administration must be entirely eliminated. 

"We must continue to put at the heads of affairs in the different 
islands such men as General Wood, Governor Allen and Judge Taft; and' 
it is a -most fortunate thing that we are able to illustrate what ought to 
be done in the way of sending officers thither by pointing out what 
actually has been done. The minor places in their administration, where 
it is impossible to fill them by natives, must be filled by the strictest 
application of the merit system. 

EQUAL CHANCES AND FAIR PLAY FOR ALL. 

"It is very important that in our own home administration the merely 
ministerial and administrative offices, where the duties are entirely non- 
political, shall be filled absolutely without reference to partisan affilia- 
tions; but this is many times more important in the newly acquired 
islands. The merit system is in its essence as democratic as our com- 
mon-school system, for it simply means equal chances and fair play for all. 

"It must be remembered always that governing these islands in the 
interest of the inhabitants may not necessarily be to govern them as the 
inhabitants at the moment prefer. To grant self-government to Luzon 
under Aguinaldo would be like granting self-government to an Apache 
reservation under some local chief; and this is no more altered by the 
fact that the Filipinos fought the Spaniards than it would be by the fact 
that Apaches have long been trained and employed in the United States 
army and have rendered signal service therein; just as the Pawnees did 
under the administration of President Grant; just as the Stockbridge 
Indians did in the days of General Washington, and the friendly tribes 
of the six nations in the days of President Madison. 

"There are now in the United States communities of Indians which 
have advanced so far that it has been possible to embody them as a 
whole in our political system, all the members of the tribe becoming 
United States citizens. There are other communities where the bulk 
of the tribe are still too wild for it to be possible to take such a step. 
There are individuals among the Apaches, Pawness, Iroquois, Sioux and 
other tribes who are now United States citizens and who are entitled to 
stand, and do stand, on an absolute equality with all our citizens of pure 
white blood. Men of Indian blood are now serving in the army and navy 
and in congress and occupy high position both in the business and the 
political world. 

FILIPINO'S HOPE OF LIBERTY. 

"There is every reason why as rapidly as an Indian, or any body of 
Indians, becomes fit for self-government, he or it should be granted the 
fullest equality with the whites; but there would be no justification 
whatever in treating this fact as a reason for abandoning the wild tribes 
to work out their own destruction. Exactly the same reasoning applies in 
the case' of the Philippines. To turn over the islands to Aguinaldo and his 
followers would not be to give self-government to the islanders; under no 
circumstances would the majority thus gain self-government. They would 
simply be put at the mercy of a syndicate of Chinese half-breeds, under 
whom corruption would flourish far more freely than ever it flourished 
under Tweed, while tyrannical oppression would obtain to a degree only 
possible under such an oligarchy. Yours truly, 

"THEODORE ROOSEVELT-." 



DOCUMENT No. 116. 



Theodore Roosevelt. 



BY JACOB A. RMS. 



I am asked to tell what I know of Theodore 
Roosevelt, being his friend, and why he should 
be elected to the high office his countrymen have 
thrust upon him. But before I do that, let me, 
as a citizen of his State, record my protest 
against his being taken from us before he was 
half done with his work as governor of New 
York, and get my mind freed on the subject. 
We cannot spare him at all. Whatever we shall 
do with the factory law, which was just from a 
dead-letter becoming an active force; with the 
tenement-house problem, which means life, liber- 
ty, and the pursuit of happiness to a million wage- 
earners ; with the franchises and the trusts, 
whom he gave the cold shivers by proposing to 
deal justly by them — whatever the bosses will do 
with us when he is gone who dealt justly by them 
also, I don't know. I know what happened in 
the police department when he was gone. May 
it help us to understand that the Roosevelts and 
the Warings of our day are sent to set the rest 
of us to work, and that for us to stand by and 
see them do it, merely applauding and calling 
them good fellows, is not the meaning of it and 
not sense. Only when we grasp that is their 
real work done, and we need have no further 
fear of the bosses. There ! I have said it ; and, 
having said it, shall do what it is the business of 
every good New Yorker and every good citizen 
anywhere to do: take of my coat and help put 
Theodore Roosevelt where the mass of his coun- 
trymen want him, even though I have to give him 
up. As I understand it, that is the American 
plan. 

I remember well when we first ran across each 
other. Seen him I had before, heading an in- 
vestigation committee that came down from 
Albany with true instinct to poke up the police 
department. I had followed his trial in the legis- 
lature, always exposing jobbery, fighting boss 
rule, much to the amazement of the politicians 
who beheld this silk-stocking youngster, barely 
out of college, rattling dry bones they had 
thought safely buried out of the reach of even 
old hands at that business. They comforted 
themselves with the belief that it was a fad and 
would blow over. It did not blow over. They 
lived to rue the day, some of them, when they 
" picked him up " as a handy man in a faction 
fight. They got rather more fight out of him 
than they bargained for. But they might have 



spared themselves their self-reproaches. They 
were not to blame. 

He came to the Evening Sun office one day 
looking for me. I was out, but he left his card 
with the simple message that he had read my book, 
"How the Other Half Lives," and "had come to 
help." That was the introduction. It seems only a 
little while ago, and measured by years it is not 
long; but what has he not helped with in New York 
since? We needed to have the police made 
decent, and he pulled it out of the slough of 
blackmail it was in. It did not stay out, but 
that was not his fault. He showed that it could 
be done with honest purpose. While he was 
there it was decent ; and, by the way, let me say 
right here that there is a much larger percentage 
of policemen than many imagine who look back 
to that time as the golden age of the department, 
when every man had a show on his merits, and 
whose votes are quietly cast on election day for 
the things "Teddy" stands for. 

We had been trying for forty years to achieve 
a system of dealing decently with our homeless 
poor. Twoscore years before the surgeons of 
the police department had pointed out that herd- 
ing them in the cellars or over the prison of 
police stations in festering heaps, and turning 
them out hungry at daybreak to beg their way 
from door to door, was indecent and inhuman. 
Since then grand juries, academies of medicine, 
committees of philanthropic citizens, had attacked 
the foul disgrace, but to no purpose. Pestilence 
ravaged the prison lodgings, but still they stayed. 
I know what that fight meant; for I was one of 
a committee that waged it year after year, and 
suffered defeat every time, until Teddy Roose- 
velt came and destroyed the nuisance in a night. 
I remember the caricatures of tramps shivering 
in the cold with which the yellow newspapers 
pursued him at the time, labelling him the "poor 
man's foe." 

The poor man's foe! Why the poor man never 
had a better friend than Theodore Roosevelt. 
We had gone through a season of excitement 
over our tenement-houses. The awful exhibits 
of the Gilder Committee had crowded remedial 
laws through the legislature — laws that permitted 
the destruction of tenement-house property on 
the showing that it was bad. Bad meant mur- 
derous. The death records showed that the 
worst rear-tenements killed one in five of the 



babies born in them. The Tenement-House Com- 
mittee called them "infant slaughter-houses." 
They stood condemned, but still they stood. A 
whole year was the -law a dead-letter, until, as 
president of the police board, Roosevelt became 
also a member of the health board that was 
charged with the enforcement of the statute. 
Then they went, and quickly. A hundred of them 
were seized, and most of them destroyed. In 
the June number of the Review of Reviews I 
gave the result in the case of a single row, the 
Barracks in Mott street, which Mr. Roosevelt 
and I personally inspected and marked for seiz- 
ure.* The death-rate came down from 39.56 in 
the thousand of the living to 16.28 — less than 
the general death-rate of the whole city! 

That work stopped too. They are seizing no 
more rear-tenements since Tammany came back. 
It has been too busy putting up the price of ice, 
that means life in these hot summer months to 
the poor man's babies, whether in front or rear- 
tenement. I should have liked to see Theodore 
Roosevelt run on his record in our State this fall 
against the ice-"trust conspiracy — the man who 
saved the poor man's babies against the villains 
who would see them perish with indifference, so 
long as it paid them a profit. It would have 
been instructive — mightily! 

It was human that some of the labor men should 
misinterpret Mr. Roosevelt's motives when, as 
president of the police board, he sent word that he 
wanted to meet them and talk strike troubles 
over with them. They got it into their heads, I 
suppose, that he had come to crawl; but they 
were speedily undeceived. I can see his face 
now, as he checked the first one who hinted at 
trouble. I fancy that man can see it, too — in 
his dreams. 

"Gentlemen," said Mr. Roosevelt, "I have come 
to get your point of view, and see if we can't 
agree to help each other out. But we want to 
make it clear to ourselves at the start that the 
greatest damage any working man can do to his 
cause is to counsel violence. Order must be 
maintained; and, make no mistake, I will main- 
tain it." 

I tingled with pride when they cheered him to 
the echo. They had come to meet a politician. 
They met a man, and they knew him at sight. 

It was after midnight when we plodded home 
from that meeting through snow two feet deep. 
Mr. Roosevelt was pleased and proud — proud of 
his fellow-citizens. "They are all right," he said. 
"We understand each other, and we shall get 
along." And they did get along, with perfect 
confidence on both sides. 

I read a story when I was a boy about a man 
who, pursued by relentless enemy, dwelt in se- 
curity because of his belief that his plotting 



*I was, at that time, executive officer of the 
Good-Government Clubs. 



could not hurt an honest man. Mr. Roosevelt 
constantly made me think of him. He spoke of 
it only once, but I saw him act out that belief 
a hundred times. Mulberry street could never 
have been made to take any stock in it. When 
it failed to awe Roosevelt, it tried to catch him. 
Jobs innumerable were put up to discredit the 
president of the board and inveigle him into 
awkward positions. Probably he never knew 
of one-tenth of them. I often made them out 
long after they were scattered to the winds. 
Mr. Roosevelt walked through them with perfect 
unconcern, kicking aside the snares that were 
set so elaborately to catch him. The politicians 
who saw him walk apparently blindly into a trap 
and beheld him emerge with damage to the 
trap only, could not understand it. They con- 
cluded it was his luck. It was not. It was his 
sense. He told me once after such a time that 
it was a matter of conviction with him that no 
frank and honest man could be in the long rnn 
entangled by the snares of plotters, whatever 
appearances might for the moment indicate. So 
he walked unharmed in it all. Bismarck con- 
founded the councils of Europe at times by prac- 
tising Roosevelt's plan as a trick. He spoke the 
truth bluntly when the plotters expected him to 
lie, and rounded them up easily. 

One charge his enemies made against him in 
which there was truth. It summed itself all up 
in that with a heat that was virtual acknowledg- 
ment of its being the whole arraignment: that 
there was always a fight where he was. 
"Always trouble," said the peace-at-any-price 
men, who counseled surrender when Roosevelt 
was fighting for a decent Sunday through the 
enforcement of the law compelling the saloons 
to close. " Never any rest. " No ! There was 
never any rest for the lawbreakers when he was 
around, nor for those who would avoid " trouble " 
by weakly surrendering to them. Roosevelt 
gauged New York exactly right when he set 
about his turbulent programme of enforcement 
of law. The scandal was not that we were be- 
ing robbed by political cutthroats, but that we 
submitted tamely. The formula we heard so 
often from his lips in the years that followed — 
honesty, manhood, courage — was the exact pre- 
scription we needed. We in the metropolis are 
abundantly able to run the robbers out of town 
and keep them out by just following the road 
he made for us when he ran them out of the police 
department. But he made it, fighting. It was 
true that there never was any rest while he was 
at it, night or day. When he had battled all day in 
Mulberry street, he would sometimes get up at 
two o'clock in the morning and go out on patrol 
to find out the policemen who were stealing the 
city's time. It became suddenly possible to find a 
policeman anywhere at any hour of the night in 
New York. Within a year after the old Tammany 
regime had come back, an epidemic of night fires 



that cost many lives brought from the firemen 
the loud protest that policemen were not awake, 
and the chief found it necessary to transfer half 
the force of a precinct for sleeping on post. 

No; there was never any rest when Roosevelt 
was around. There was none in Congress during 
the six years he was a civil-service commissioner 
under Harrison and Cleveland; and as a result, 
where there had been 14,000 places under the 
merit and capacity rules of the commission when 
he came in, there were 40,000 when he went out. 
To that extent spoils politics had been robbed of 
its sting. There was even less repose in the 
navy department when he went there as assistant 
secretary, fresh from the fight in Mulberry 
street, to sharpen the tools of war. It had a 
familiar sound to us in New York, when we 
heard the cry go up that Roosevelt wanted a 
row, and didn't care what it cost. He was ask- 
ing, if I remember rightly, for something less 
than $1,000,000 for target practice on the big 
ships. The only notice he took of it was to de- 
mand another $500,000 about the time he got 
Dewey sent to the East. I was in Washington at 
the time, and I remember asking him about that. 
Commodore Dewey was sometimes spoken of in 
those days as if he were a kind of fashion plate. 
And I remember his answer, as we were walking 
up Connecticut avenue: 

"Dewey is all right," he said. "He has a lion 
heart. He is the man for that place." 

Not many of us will quarrel with him about 
that now, or about the wisdom of shooting away 
that million in target practice. It made "the 
man behind the gun," of whom we are all so 
proud. The fact is that Roosevelt, so far from 
being a hasty man given to snap judgments, is 
one of the most far-sighted statesmen of any 
day. He has shown it in everything he has taken 
hold of. It was in Washington as it was in New 
York. The thing that beclouds the judgment of 
his critics is the man's amazing capacity for 
work. He can weigh the pros and cons of a case 
and get at the meat of it in less time than it 
takes most of us to state the mere proposition. 
And he is surprisingly thorough. Nothing 
escapes him. His judgment comes sometimes as 
a shock to the man of slower ways. He does 
not stop at conventionalities. If a thing is 
right, it is to be done — and right away. It was 
notably so with the round-robin in Cuba asking 
the Government to recall the perishing army 
when it had won the fight. People shook their 
heads, and talked of precedents. Precedents! 
It has been Roosevelt's business to make them 
most of his time. But is there any one to-day 
who thinks he set that one wrong? Certainly 
no one who with me saw the army come home. 
It did not come a day too soon. 

When he had done his work for the ships and 
resigned his oflBce to take the field, the croakers 
shouted that at last he had made the mistake of 



his life; — all to get into a scrap. His men didn't 
think so when he lay with them in the trenches 
before Santiago, sharing his last biscuit with 
them. They got to know him there, and to love 
him. I know what it cost him to leave his sick 
wife and his babies. I wanted to keep him at 
home, but I saw him go with pride, because I 
knew he went at the call of duty. He thought 
the war just and right. He had done what he 
could to bring it on as the only means of stop- 
ping the murder in Cuba, and he went to do his 
share of the fighting as a matter of right and of 
example to the young men to whom he was a 
type of the citizen and the patriot. As that type 
when he came home, we made him our governor 
in New York State. We ran him on the pledge 
of his record — the pledge of honesty, manhood, 
and courage; and he kept the pledge. I shall 
let some one else tell the story of that. Just let 
me recall the last trip we took together, because 
it was so much like the old days in Mulberry 
street. There had arisen a contention as to 
whether the factory inspector did his duty by 
the sweat-shops or not, and from the testimony 
he was unaWe to decide. So he came down from 
Albany to see for himself. It was a sweltering 
hot day when we made a tour of the stewing 
tenements on the down-town east side. I doubt 
if any other governor that ever was would at- 
tempt it. I know that none ever did. But he 
never shirked one of the twenty houses we had 
marked out for exploration. He examined the 
evidence in each, while the tenants wondered 
who the stranger was who took so much interest 
in their affairs; and as the result he was able to 
mark out a course for the factory inspector that 
ought to double and treble the efficiency of his 
office and bring untold relief to a hundred thou- 
sand tenement-house workers — if it is followed 
when Roosevelt is no longer in Albany. That 
will be our end of it: to see to it that he did not 
labor in vain. 

That is Roosevelt as I saw him daily during 
those good years when things we had hoped for 
were done. There stands upon my shelves a 
row of books, more than a dozen in number, 
beginning with the "Naval War of 1812," written 
when he was scarcely out of college, and yet 
ranking as an authority, both here and abroad, 
including the four stout volumes of " The Win- 
ning of the West, " and ending with his " Rough- 
riders," the picturesque account of that pictur- 
esque regiment in the last war, which testify to 
his untiring energy as a recorder as well as a 
maker of history. The secret of that is the story 
of the police force and the sweatshops pver 
again: his enjoyment of the work. If I were to 
sum the man and his achievements up in a sen- 
tence, I think I should put it that way. But that 
would not mean an accident of the Dutch and 
Huguenot and Irish blood that go to make up his 
heredity. It would mean of itself an achieve- 



ment. Theodore Roosevelt was born a puny child. 
He could not keep up with the play of other 
children, or learn so easily as they. He had to 
make himself what he is, and with the indomit- 
able will that characterized the boy as it does 
• the man, he set about it. He became at once an 
athlete and a student. When he joins the two, 
he is at his best. His accounts of life on the 
Western plains, of hunting in the Bad Lands of 
Dakota, where he built his ranch on the banks of 
the Little Missouri, are written out of the man's 
heart. 

Mr. Roosevelt's recent protest against the im- 
pertinent intrusion of the camera fiend upon the 
seclusion of his home life at Oyster Bay was per- 
fectly characteristic of him, and of his way of 
saying the right thing at the right time. The 
whole country applauded it. In his home Mr. 
Roosevelt ceases to be governor of the Empire 
State, and becomes husband and father, the com- 
panion of his children, who treat him like their 
big, overgrown brother. His love for children, 
especially for those who have not so good a time 
as some others, is as instinctive as his champion- 
ship of all that needs a lift. I doTtbt if he is 
aware of it himself. He does not recognize as 
real sympathy what he feels rather as a sense of 
duty. Yet I have seen him, when school children 
crowded around the rear platform of the train 
from which he had been making campaign 
speeches, to shake hands, catch the eye of a poor 
little crippled girl in a patched frock, who was 
making frantic but hopeless efforts to reach him 
in the outskirts of the crowd, and, pushing aside 
all the rest, make a way for her to the great 
amazement of the curled darlings in the front 
row. And on the trip home, on the last night of 
the canvass of 1898, when we were at dinner in 
his private car, busy reckoning up majorities, I 
saw him get up to greet the engineer of the train, 
who came in his overalls and blouse to shake 
hands, with such pleasure as I had not seen him 
show in the biggest meeting we had had. It was 
a coincidence and an omen that the name of the 
engineer of that victorious trip was Dewey. 

That bent of his is easily enough explained. 
There hangs in his study at Oyster Bay, apart 
from the many trophies of the chase, the picture 
of a man with a strong, bearded face. 

" That is my father," said Mr. Roosevelt. " He 
was the finest man I ever knew. He was a mer- 
chant, well-to-do, drove his four-in-hand through 
the park, and enjoyed life immensely. He had 
such a good time, and with cause, for he was a 
good man. I remember seeing him going down 
Broadway, staid and respectable business man 



that he was, with a poor little sick kitten in his 
coat-pocket, which he had picked up in the 
street."' 

The elder Theodore Roosevelt was a man with 
the same sane and practical interest in his fel- 
low-man that his son has shown. He was the 
backer of Charles Loring Brace in his work of 
gathering the forgotten waifs from the city's 
streets, and of every other sensible charity in 
his day. Dr. Henry Field told me once that he 
always, occupied as he was with the management 
of a successful business, on principle gave one 
day of the six to visiting the poor in their homes. 
Apparently the analogy between father and son 
might be carried farther, to include even the 
famous round-robin ; for, upon the same author- 
ity, it was the elder Theodore Roosevelt who 
went to Washington after the first Bull Run and 
warned President Lincoln that he must get rid of 
Simon Cameron as secretary of war, with the 
result that Mr. Stanton, the "Organizer of Vic- 
tory," took his place. When the war was fairly 
under way, it was Theodore Roosevelt who 
organized the allotment plan, which saved to the 
families of 80,000 soldiers of New York State 
more than $5,000,000 of their pay; and when 
the war was over he protected, the soldiers 
against the sharks that lay in wait for them, and 
saw to it that they got employment. 

That was the father. I have told you what the 
son is like. A man with red blood in his veins; a 
healthy patriot, with no clap-trap jingoism about 
him, but a rugged belief in America and its mis- 
sion; an intense lover of country and flag, a vig- 
orous optimist, a believer in men, who looks for 
the good in them and finds it. Practical in parti- 
sanship; loyal, trusting, and gentle as a friend; 
unselfish, modest as a woman, clean-handed and 
clean-hearted, and honest to the core. In the 
splendid vigor of his young manhood he is the 
knightliest figure in American politics to-day, the 
fittest exponent of his country's idea, and the 
model for its young sons who are coming to take 
up the task he set them. For their sake I am 
willing to give him up and set him where they 
can all see and strive to be like him. So we shall 
have little need of bothering about boss rule and 
misrule hereafter. We shall farm out the job of 
running the machine no longer; we shall be able 
to run it ourselves. 

When it comes to that, the Vice-Presidency is 
not going to kill Theodore Roosevelt. It will 
take a good deal more than that to do it. — 
Reprinted by permission from the American 
Monthly Review of Reviews for August, 1900. 
Copyright by the Review of Reviews Co., 1900. 



PUBLISHED BY 

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE, 

NEW YORK. 



GOVERNMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. JOHN C. SPOONER, 

of Wisconsin, 



:n the 



SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 



May 2, 23 and 24, 1900. 



WASHINGTON, 
1900. 



SPEECH 
HON. JOHN C. SPOONER, 

May 22, 23, and 24, /goo. 



Tuesday, May 22, igoo. 

The Senate having under consideration the bill (S. 2355) in relation to the 
suppression of insurrection in, and to the government of, the Philippine Isl- 
ands, ceded by Spain to the United States by the treaty concluded at Paris 
on the 10th day of December, 1S9S— 

Mr. SPOONER said: 

Mr. President: I have not recovered from the ailment which de- 
tained me from the Senate yesterday, and I am anxious to be through 
at the earliest possible moment. I ask leave of the Senate to have'in- 
corporated, without reading, in my remarks, some extracts from 
official documents, which will save me and save the Senate time. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wisconsin asks 
permission, as he proceeds with his speech, to incorporate in it, with- 
out reading, extracts from official documents, which will be stated 
by him at the time. Is there objection? The Chair hears none. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, I am impelled to address the 
Senate upon this measure, which is the unfinished business, partly be- 
cause I took the responsibility of introducing it, and owe it to myself 
to state with frankness the reasons which led me to do so. 

The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] has addressed the 
Senate upon it in a speech which was very masterful and very elo- 
quent and beautiful, with most of which I agree. I wish to consider 
the subject upon somewhat different and in some respects less radical 
lines. 

I suppose, Mr. President, it will be admitted that had there been 
no war with Spain and she had tendered to us "without money and 
without price" a cession of the Philippine Archipelago and a treaty 
accepting that cession had been transmitted to the Senate for its 
action, it would have received hardly a vote in this body and would 
have proved entirely unattractive to the great body of our people. 
The suggestion in advocacy of it tnat we are "Trustee" to lead the 
nations of the earth in the work of civilization would not have been at 
all persuasive. 

The quick and sufficient answer to that would have been that, 
while this is a missionary people, this is not and cannot become a 
missionary Government, and that it is not our function, philanthropic 
as we may be and as this people is, that their Government shall police 
the world, seeking for people oppressed, living in the darkness of ig- 
norance and half civilization in order to uplift them. 

It would have been said that we have problems of our own to 
solve, some of them complicated, all of them important, and that the 
first duty of this Government, trustee of our people, is to subserve the 
interests of our people, to develop the illimitable resources of this 
continent, to spread the blessings of education among the people, to 
give to the country equal laws, and to lift up as far as may be all 
here who are oppressed. If it had been said that the islands are full 



of mineral wealth, of untold richness in soil, and of unspeakable 
beauty, that would have produced no effect in this Chamber. 

Our people would not have harbored the thought of going into 
distant seas and taking archipelagoes of alien people because of the 
richness of the islands. I can conceive of no argument in favor of 
the acceptance of such a proposition which would have found much, 
if any, favor here or in the countrv. 

There would have been found no lust of empire among us; nor is 
there now, in my opinion, in the sense in which that term is now 
used in this body and in the country by certain distinguished gentle- 
men. • - 

But. Mr. President, when the treaty of Paris was sent to the 
Senate, containing, as it did, a cession of the Philippine Archipelago 
to us, it came, not as a simple proposition of purchase in time of 
peace, but it came to us environed by the complications of war and 
as one of the fruits of war. The debate did not ignore that. We 
had gone to war with Spain, a war the like of which in its inspira- 
tion the whole world never befoie saw. 

No people ever can give to the world higher evidence, Mr. Presi- 
dent, of devotion to liberty than the people of the United States gave 
when they demanded the withdrawal of Spain from Cuba, and 
resorted to war to enforce that demand. Admiral Dewey, long be- 
fore that treaty of cession came to us, had destroyed the Spanish 
fleet in Manila Bay, and had made for himself in a day a fame 
which can never fade. Our troops in Cuba, bearing themselves with 
the utmost heroism, had forced the capitulation of Santiago, and 
Sampson and Schley had sent to the bottom the prize fleet of Spain 
under command of Cervera. 

Something more had happened, Mr. President. Admiral Dewey 
had called for troops to be sent to Manila, and they had been sent. 
They were not sent to defend the fleet and everyone knew it. They 
were sent to capture and hold Manila, and everyone knew it. Ad- 
miral Dewey could have forced in a day the surrender of Manila, 
but he had not the troops with which to hold it. There are men 
who have regretted that troops were sent to Manila. Was any voice 
raised m this Chamber or in this country against the sending of 
soldiers to Manila? 

I remember very well some criticism of the President that they 
were not sent with sufficient alacrity; but I never heard a lisp of 
objection to 'their being sent to Manila. When the Paris treaty came 
before us for ratification, Manila had been captured with 13,000 Span- 
ish troop's and their arms, and the soldiers of the United States held 
that city and its suburbs. 

I did not myself take at all kindly to the acquisition under its pro- 
visions of the Philippine Archipelago. There was a time when, if it 
had come to a vote, I would not have been willing to vote for it. 

I stated to the Senate while that treaty was pending, and I restate 
it now, in a word, that, facing each of the alternatives which pre- 
sented themselves to the President, I could not see how he could 
have done any other thing than to demand the incorporation in that 
treaty of a cession to us of the Philippine Archipelago. Sev- 
eral alternatives were open to us. I shall not spend much time 
upon this. One was to leave the Philippine Archipelago with 
Spain; to omit it from the treaty. I felt obliged to reject that al- 
ternative. 

I could not see. then, nor have I ever been able to see since, how 
•the President could have concluded, under the circumstances, a treaty 
of peace with Spain which did not contain a cession of the Philip- 
ippine Archipelago. All with whom I have spoken upon the subject 



have said to me — and it was the sentiment of our country, and it 
had no lust of empire in it — whatever else is done about the Philip- 
pine Archipelago, that people must not be left under the tyranny 
of Spain. That sentiment pervaded this entire people. Am 1 wrong 
about that? 

Mr. President, our people had been inexpressibly shocked by the 
unspeakable cruelties perpetrated by Spain in Cuba. No one will 
soon forget the black days of the reconcentrado period. No one 
will soon forget the stories, not overtold — impossible to overtell— - 
of the tyranny, the wickedness, and the awful savagery of Spain in 
Cuba. Our people, not choosing to consider a cause of war exist- 
ing in their own behalf, sustained the Congress and sustained the 
President in going into a war to snatch the island of Cuba and 
her people from that thraldom. 

It was hardly to be expected, Mr. President, after our Navy had 
broken the power of Spain in both seas, and after Spain had applied 
for a suspension of hostilities with a view to a treaty of peace, that 
a people who, without cause of war which it chose to enforce on 
its own behalf, had poured out its treasure and the blood of its- 
sons for the liberty of another people alien to them, because of cruel- 
ty and oppression which could not longer be tolerated, would be 
willing that in the end of that struggle another people, vastly greater 
in number, who had also been subject to the same tyranny, should 
be left in the hands of Spain. By the fortunes of war we were there. 

It would have seemed to the world, many of us thought, that we 
had carried our flag of liberty to the mountain top, where all the 
world could see it, and then, afraid to meet responsibility, shudder- 
ing from duty, had incontinently run with it into the valley below, 
where no man could see it or would wish to see it. 
: It has been thought that if all mention of the Philippines had 
been omitted from the treaty, Spain never could have retaken those 
islands. Mr. President, I have never believed that. I have had no 
doubt myself that Spain would have resumed her sway in the Phil- 
ippine Archipelago. I have nev^r seen any reason to doubt it. 
First, it must be remembered that we had sent back to Spain 142,- 
000 soldiers, with their arms. Spain, no longer involved in Cuba 
or in Porto Rico ; Spain, vanquished bv us, but proud and haughty, 
would not have been willing to abandon the last of her possessions 
— that one in the Pacific seas. 

We would have been obliged in honor to march our troops out of 
Manila and to allow the troops of Spain, in such numbers as she 
chose, to occupy the city. Spain then had a navy free. Many of 
the nations of the world sympathized with her. The-y all would have 
preferred her retention of the Philippines to strife among them- 
selves for their possession, as there would have been. 

The holders of Spanish bonds all ov^r Europe, based upon a hy- 
pothecation of the revenues of Cuba, Porto Rico, and possibly the 
Philippines, would have been eager to furnish the .money, for ob- 
vious reasons, to enable Spain to retain her great Pacific possessions, 
and with her fleet and her troops she would, with comparative ease, 
have resumed her sway in the Philippines. 

We could not do that, we thought; and there was not a man in 
the Senate then, nor is there one here now, I take it, who would 
have been willing that all mention of the Philippines should have 
been omitted from that treaty. 

Even Aguinaldo contemplated the possibility that the treaty 
might leave the Philippines with Spain, and the certainty that Spain 
would attempt to resume her sovereignty there. In his letter of 
August 21. 1898, to the commanding officer of our forces, in reply 



to the demand that he withdraw his forces from Manila, he stated 
thus one of the conditions of sucn withdrawal: 

They also (referring to trie Filipinos) desire that if in consequence of the 
treaty of peace which may be concluded between the United States of America 
and Spain the Philippines should continue under the domination of the latter, 
the American forces : should give up all the suburbs to the Filipinos, in con- 
sideration of the cooperation lent by the latter in the capture of Manila. 

In reply to this he was informed that in the event of the United 
States withdrawing from these islands care would be taken to leave 
him in as advantageous position as he was found by the forces of 
the Government. 

It has been said that we should have demanded of Spain that she 
relinquish sovereignty over the Philippines, as she did over Cuba. 
That could not be expected of her. It would have been a demand 
to which Spain, even in her. overthrow and in her poverty, could not 
have yielded. 

Spain might very well say to us, "We relinquish our title to Cuba; 
that was the cause of the war ; that was your demand at the outset, 
coupled with a declaration that you would not acquire Cuba ; we will 
cede to you Porto Rico; and while we will, if it is exacted, cede to 
you the Philippines, you have no right to demand of us, you not 
wanting them, you not willing to take the burden of them, you not 
willing to safeguard them, that we quitclaim them to the world, 
purely in the interest of your philanthropy and of your vaunted love 
of liberty." 

She would have said to us, ''You have no interest in the Philip- 
pines ; you have never been in the Philippines except during this war; 
Philippines or their people had no relation to the inception of the 
war; you are there only by the accident of war; you have no prop 
ertv interests there ; you allege no violated treaties with reference to 
the Philippines, and you have no foundation upon which a nation, 
victorious in war, dealing justly with a defeated antagonist, can de- 
mand, simply for reasons of sentimentality, our relinquishment of 
title and sovereignty over this last great possession, as we agreed 
in the protocol and agree in the treaty to do as to Cuba." 

Mr. President, it was thought by many, too, that that would have 
left them, if Spain had been willing to relinquish the Philippines, 
we not taking them, to a. strife among the nations for their posses- 
sion ; and, more than that, to an internecine strife among the many 
tribes of different characteristics, of different grades of civilization, 
which would have shocked the world. 

So I thought that the treaty ought to be ratified. I voted for its 
ratification,, containing, as it did, the cession of Porto Rico and of 
the Philippine Archipelago to the United States. I said at the time, 
Mr. President,; that if, in my judgment, it committed the country tt) 
permanent domnion in the Philippines, I would not vote for its 
ratification. ;i 

Mr. President, it was, and is still, insisted and eloquently argued 
that the treaty should have been so amended that by its terms we 
should sustain the same relation to the Philippines which we do as 
to Cuba. If Spain could have been brought to consent to it, which 
there is no good reason to believe, subsequent events have made 
plain the absolute impossibility of our successfully sustaining the 
same relation to the Filipinos that we sustain as to Cuba. 

Cuba is near at hand, with a small population, comparatively, who 
knew us, believed in us, and were grateful to us. Spain had surren- 
dered Cuba and her cities to us, and we were military occupants. 

The Philippines are 7,000 miles away, with a population of eight or 
ten millions of ; many tribes, strangers to us, easily prejudiced 
against us, with an alleged government really hostile to us. as I 



will show. Even under cession of title and sovereignty .we nave not 
been able to avert attack and hostility begun before ratification of 

the treaty. . 

It is idle now to suppose that Aguinaldo would have consented 
to our doing in the Philippines what we are doing and will do in 
Cuba in the way of establishing a stable government. With no ces- 
sion of the archipelago, and with the hostility of the Tagalos, we 
should have been obliged to use force, without even claim of title or 
sovereignty ; remain only in Manila, or withdraw from the islands. 
What many of us thought then has been abundantly demonstrated 
since. 

W T e had taken Manila. That was a complication not to be over- 
looked. The Spaniards had gone back to the mother country, and 
when we drove the Spaniards out of Manila, when our soldiers 
marched into that city and the flag of the United States floated over 
it, what did it mean? It meant that we had driven out the power 
which protected the inhabitants of that city, and had taken upon our- 
selves the duty of protecting its inhabitants ; and there has never been 
a day since the 13th day of August, when Manila was captured — and 
I say it without fear of successful contradiction — when the United 
States, without cowardice, and absolute dishonor, could have with- 
drawn her troops from Manila and sailed away. 

Many of us thought so when we voted upon the treaty. We know 
it now, Mr. President. The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. 
Lodge] referred to it in his speech. Aguinaldo's secretary of the 
interior, who was also a member of his staff, issued a proclamation or 
order calling on the Filipinos in Manila and elsewhere to join in 
the massacre of every foreigner. It was dated February 15, 1899. 

Here is the second clause of the order. Mr. President. Men who 
talk about civilization over there, who draw parallels between the 
greatest leaders for liberty in history and some of the half-caste 
leaders in the Philippines, who have seemed to exult sometimes in 
coupling with the name of Aguinaldo the name of Washington, can 
find no comfort in this production : 

2. Philippine families only will be respected. They should not be molested; 
but all other individuals of whatever race they may be will be exterminated 
without any compassion after the extermination of the army of occupation. 

That is not simply the father. It is the mother, the wife, the sons, 
and the daughters. It is those of mature years and the little ones — 
the family. 

Was ever anything worse than that? And who made this order? 
Teodoro Sandico. Who was he? One of the men closest to Aguin- 
aldo: a member of the junta in Hongkong, present at the meeting 
of the junta on May 5, and largely governing its deliberations by his 
ability and his will ; one of the thirteen chosen by Aguinaldo to ac- 
company him to Manila; secretary cf the interior, and a staff officer; 
one of the three men whom one of our consuls mentioned in his cor- 
respondence — Aguinaldo. Agoncillo, and Sandico — as men of great 
ability who would be leaders anywhere, in any affair. 

And when Senators introduce the proposition to withdraw our 
army now from Manila, with Englishmen there, with Germans 
there, with Spaniards there, with Hollanders there, with Frenchmen 
there, and Americans there, with their wives and their children, and 
their property, and with friendly Filipinos there, against whom ven- 
geance has been sworn, Mr. President, they make a proposition which 
in the end they themselves would hesitate to adopt. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I should like to ask the Senator what proof 
he has of the verity of this order? 

Mr. SPOONER. What proof has the Senator of the verity of 



8 

the immense number of things he has uttered on the floor of the 
Senate? I have the same. It was sent here. Where did the Sena- 
tor from Massachusetts get this? 

Mr. LODGE. It is in the official report of General Otis. It was 
published. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I say now that Sandico never issued the 
order, and that they can not produce any proof of it, and that it was 
got up for the purpose of influencing the people of this country. 

Mr. DAVIS. I should like to say that I applied to the War De- 
partment six months ago for a copy of that order, having read about 
it in the papers, and received that as an authenticated verity. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I say to the Senate Sandico never issued it. 

Mr. DAVIS. How do you know? 

Mr. SPOONER. Did Sandico tell you? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. When an order of that sort is produced 
here, some proof of it ought to be produced. What I say is this : 
My proof is good as to that. That order was issued by the parties 
in Manila who are in the habit of issuing orders of that sort, even 
under Spanish rule, for the purpose of prejudicing the case of the 
insurgents, and that no proof of it can be produced that it ema- 
nated from Sandico. The simple fact that it was sent here from the 
War Department is no evidence. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have seen a cablegram to Manila asking who 
issued this order and one replying that it was Teodoro Sandico. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That is no proof that Sandico issued it. I 
deny it and I dispute it, and you can not bring the proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. The trouble with the Senator is that everybody 
is a liar who does not help make a case against this Government. 
[Applause in the galleries.] 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That will not answer. Until the proof is 
produced that Sandico issued that order it has no business here, 
and there is no such proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, it is here and it will stay here. [Ap- 
plause in the galleries.] 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wisconsin will 
suspend for a moment. There must not be applause in the galleries. 

Mr. ALLEN. I ask that the rules of the Senate be enforced, and 
that if manifestations of approval or disapproval are repeated, the 
galleries be cleared. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The rules of the Senate require 
that. there shall be no applause in the galleries, and if it is insisted 
on the galleries must be cleared. The Chair trusts that the rules will 
be observed. 

Mr. SPOONER. I shall read extracts from a number of papers. 
If the Senator calls upon me for what in court would be evidence 
of authenticity, I can not give it, any more than I suppose the Sen- 
ator can make original proof of many of the statements which he 
has made here and which undoubtedly he believes. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will say that so far as the statements I 
made are concerned I brought the proof from the official record. 

Mr. SPOONER. What record? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Document 62, transmitted to us by the 
President. 

Mr. SPOONER. What proof? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That was good proof as against the Ad- 
ministration, but it is not good proof as against the insurgents, 
where there is no other evidence.. Simply the transmission of the 
statement is not good proof. 



Mr. SPOONER. I had supposed until now that an official re- 
port of General Otis was an official document. Am I wrong about 
that? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Does the Senator ask me the question ? 

Mr. SPOONER. Any way. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. It would be Otis's official report, but then 
when Otis undertakes to say that somebody else did something, he 
may believe it, but that is not proof that the other person did it. 

Mr. SPOONER. No? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That is the point. 

Mr. SPOONER. That is on the basis of the man 

Mr. PETTIGREW. But further than that, in General Otis's re- 
ports we get fragments of the truth, a censored press, withheld in- 
formation, which gives a false coloring to the facts; and for 
proof of that I refer to the statement signed by the Associated Press 
correspondents and the correspondents of all the newspapers last 
year, which is conclusive. It has not been denied. 

Mr. SPOONER. Conclusive of what? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Conclusive that Otis did not give us the 
full facts ; that the reports do not cover the whole ground, and 
that they are garbled statements of the truth. 

Mr. SPOONER. That was a very interesting observation the 
first time I heard it, for I have heard the Senator say that a great 
many times. 

I think that Gen. Otis in command over there would have very much 
better facilities for ascertaining accurately the truth than the Senator 
from South Dakota, and, so far as I am concerned in this discussion, 
I take as prima facie established statements in the official documents 
of this Government, and when Gen. Otis embodies this order in a 
report of his and when upon a cablegram he furnishes the name of 
its author, I take the liberty of believing it and of asserting it. The 
fact that this is official puts the burden of proof upon the Senator. 
His facilities for obtaining accurate information over there may be 
better than those of Gen. Otis, but I think not. 

Ail I read that order for is to show that when men glibly talk about 
withdrawing our army from the Philippines they forget that we have 
a solemn duty to discharge there in the protection of the people of 
that city, and they make a proposition which even in the heat of a 
Presidential election can nev'er meet the commendation of the Ameri- 
can people when they stop to consider it. 

Mr. President, I do not intend to spend time in discussing the 
power of this Government to accept the cession of the Philippines, 
I discussed that in the speech which I submitted upon the treaty. 
That we have the power to make war and to make peace is admitted. 
That we have the power in making a treaty of peace, to accept as 
indemnity from a conquered government territory, inhabited or un- 
inhabited, has been settled by the Supreme Court of the United 
States and has been established by the practice of the Government 
from the beginning. 

If it were otherwise, if there were no such provision in the Con- 
stitution as the war-making, the treaty-making power, the fact that 
the framers of this Government created a nation carries with it all 
the elements of sovereignty and all of the elements of national 
power which inhere in national sovereignty anywhere, unless by 
some part of our Constitution it is apparent that those powers were 
intended not to exist. I certainly do not find the limitations con- 
tended for. 

It has been said that this was not a conquest, and a letter from 
Judge Day, written to some person last fall, was cited by one Sen- 



10 

ator, in which it was stated that it was not a conquest, but was a 
purchase. Mr. President, if anything could be plain in the use of 
the English language it is plain from the protocols, printed and 
laid before the Senate, that the United States demanded a cession 
of the Philippines, and that it was yielded to by Spain under protest 
as a conquered power. 

I have the profoumdest respect for Judge Day. He is a man of 
very great ability, a man whose opportunities for accurate knowledge 
upon the subject are better than mine, ot course, but I can read the 
protocols ; I know the history so far as the world knows it ; I know 
the attitude of some of his confreres ; and I am not willing to accept 
the proposition that the acquisition of the Philippines was a mere 
purchase, just as if we had not emerged from a war, and as if this 
were a treaty of purchase instead of being a treaty of peace. Spain 
did not willingly part with that last jewel in her crown which had 
shone there for three hundred and fifty years. It was exacted as 
indemnity, as California was. and became a "ceded conauest." 

Mr. President, it has been said and argued with much of spirit and 
elaboration that we had no power to take the Philippine Archipelago 
without the consent of the inhabitants. If anything is settled in in- 
ternational law, I think it is settled and must be settled that the 
doctrine of " the consent of the governed" can not be made appli- 
cable to inhabited territory exacted from a conquered power at the 
end of a war. 

Mr. Hall, who is one of the ablest writers on international law, 
says: 

The principle that the wishes of the population are to be consulted when the 
territory which they inhabit is ceded has not yet been adopted into interna- 
tional law, and can not be adopted into it until title by conquest has disap- 
peared. 

If that were not true, no Territorial indemnity could ever be ex- 
acted at the end of a war, if it were inhabited, without first obtaining 
the consent of the inhabitants, subjects of the conquered power, 
bound to them by association and ties of different kinds. It would 
be very easy to defeat the demand for indemnity if the inhabitants 
were induced to object. No other government ever has held to that 
doctrine, nor has ours ; and I maintain that the founders of this Gov- 
ernment did not intend that in the essential matter of national and in- 
ternational power it should be below the other governments of the 
earth. 

Much has been said about the Declaration of Independence, especial 
reference being had to these phrases : 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure 
these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers 
from the consent of the governed. 

Veneration for the Declaration is universal in this country. Our 
people have been taught from boyhood to revere it. I am not wil- 
ling that those of us who do not find in anything there written ob- 
struction to the performance of what we consider a national duty 
should be charged, without denial, with abandonment of its prin- 
ciples. I can not spend much time upon it. Certainly no phrase in 
it is of more importance than the assertion that "All men are created 
equal." 

That this is abstractly true I do not deny. That it ever has been 
capable in any country, under any government, of literal application 
or fulfillment no one will assert. That it were universally true all 
good men wish. That it ever will be universally true under gov- 
ernment conducted by men the most optimistic dare not hope. In 
few countries has it been less true than in this Republic. In some 



11 

countries it is quite as true in the practical affairs of life and gov- 
ernment as it is in our own. 

It is not easy to forget that the man who penned those words 
was at the time he wrote them himself the owner of men and 
women and children. True, his mind revolted against the owner- 
ship of human beings by human beings, and later he rranumitted 
his slaves. By his own conduct he construed this declaration as we 
all believe it, but he could not enforce his construction of it among 
his countrymen. 

Some of the men who adopted the Declaration of Independence 
with that clause in it framed the Constitution of the United States, 
and in that Constitution was a recognition of human slavery; not 
only that, b*ut a clause the purpose of which was solely to protect 
human slavery, a clause which the Supreme Court of the United 
States held to sustain the fugitive-slave law, making slave hunters 
of men whose souls revolted not only from that function but from 
the institution itself : a Constitution under the operation of which 
for seventy-five years millions of people — and I do not utter this in 
any spirit of partisanship — were held in shackles; every tie which 
binds a man to wife, to child, to home, possible to be broken ; the 
wife sold away from the husband, the husband sold away from the 
wife ; the daughter, the pet and pride of the cabin, sold to the arms 
of a brute; the little toddling infant the idol of the mother's heart, 
the light of the little plain home, no right there, there by the suffer- 
ance of an owner; and all that was lawful under the Constitution 
of the United States interpreted by the Declaration of Independence. 

To enlarge the application of the declared equality among men 
required at the end of three-quarters of a century, a dreadful strife 
between brothers and friends, an immeasurable sacrifice of life and 
happiness and treasure, and all in violation, as they thought, of that 
■clause of the Declaration. "Governments * * * instituted among 
men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." 

For, Mr. President, I think the Senator from South Dakota [Mr. 
McCumber] was accurate in his statement the other day that the 
rebellion against the Federal Government was necessarily based pri- 
marily upon this doctrine, "the consent of the governed," involving, 
also, secondarily, the question whether the people of the revolting 
States had not disabled themselves from withdrawing from a Union 
to whose government they objected, that they might establish one 
for themselves which would "derive its just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed." 

Mr. TILLMAN. I had always supposed that the civil war grew 
out of the difference of construction as to whether the Constitution 
was a compact between confederated states or whether it was a 
Union of States that was inseparable under any conditions ; in 
other words, whether we were a confederacy or a nation. 

Mr. SPOONER. In one way that was ii.volved in it. 

Mr. TILLMAN Was not that the only issue involved? 

Mr. SPOONER. No, sir. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Of course slavery 

Mr. SPOONER. If we had been governing you with your con- 
sent, the question never would have arisen. It was because the South 
thought — most of them thought — that there was a purpose on the 
part of the people of the North to invade the rights of the States, 
to interfere with your domestic affairs, which justified you in rev- 
olution, which led your people to say, "We can not be governed 
und^r this Constitution or as members of the Union any more." 



12 

Then arose the question whether the Constitution stood in the way' 
of your assertion of that right of revolution — in other words, of your 
withdrawal of a consent to be governed any longer under the Con- 
stitution by the Federal Government. 

Mr. TILLMAN. The seed of war was sown with the Constitu- 
tion when it was adopted, for the reason that the contention on the 
part of the South of the rights of the States had led to nullifica- 
tion thirty years before the war in the assertion of the right of a 
State not to be governed against its will in certain things by the 
Federal Government. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, Mr. President, the seed of war was sown 
in the Constitution. I am not disposed to disagree with the Senator" 
about that. It was sown in the Constitution, I have always thought, 
when political power was given to the owners of human property, 
and when there was put into the hearts and purpose of a part of our' 
people the motive to enlarge the ownership of that property, to in- 
crease it, and to multiply it, thereby under the Constitution acquir- 
ing greater power in the electoral college and in the House of Rep^ 
resentatives. 

Mr. TILLMAN. This is a bootless discussion 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. 

Mr. TILLMAN. And I would not have entered into it but for 
the fact that the Senator turned to me and in a manner somewhat" 
personal made some allusion. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not think the Senator ought to blame me 
for turning to him. He is a very attractive man. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I thank the Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. But I did not 

Mr. TILLMAN. Just one other thought, and then I will get our: 
of the Senator's way, if he objects. There never would have been' 
any Constitution or any Union of States but for the recognition of 
those very things which the Senator says were put in there for other" 
purposes. The Southern States, after they had gained their inde- 
pendence from Great Britain, never would have consented to ratify' 
the Constitution or to join the Union but for the recognition of 
that property which had been sent South by the Northern people' 
after it had become of very little use there. We will not go back to- 
those old matters, though. 

Mr. SPOONER. I want to have an understanding with the Sen- 
ator from South Carolina that when I look at him accidentally it does 
not involve a challenge. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Well, if the Senator would not allude to some- 
thing I have already discussed here somewhat — I would say to the 
displeasure of the Senator from Wisconsin — I would not have en- 
tered into this matter at all. I know that is useless for us to go 
over all those old questions. We are face to face with what we 
are to do in t^e Philippines and how wt are to get rid of this war. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is a fact, Mr. President, that by a long and 
bloody war we forced them to remain under a government against 
their consent, to which, thank God, now, I believe, they give uni- 
versal consent, as they give unquestioned loyalty. 

These abstract propositions of the Declaration, as I have said on 
another occasion, were asserted as justification for revolution, and it 
has often happened, and will often happen, that their wider and 
juster application in the practical affairs of this world can only be 
brought about and secured through years of agitation and unrest 
and sometimes through years of bloodshed and strife. But I can 
not dwell longer upon this. 



13 

Time has shown that the President was right, I think, in not 
contenting himself in negotiating the treaty, as I thought at one 
.time he should have been, with taking a cession of Manila. It has 
tbeen abundantly demonstrated that we could not have held Manila 
without great trouble, it being the capital of the, Philippine Archi- 
(pelago, dependent upon the islands for its domestic supplies and its 
commerce. Time and events have afforded abundant justification for 
that. Nor could we have held — I think it has been demonstrated — 
'Luzon alone. In a wor^, I think the judgment of the President and 
'his commissioners that we should take all or none has been over- 
whelmingly vindicated for obvious reasons. 

But it is stoutly contended that Spain, even if we had the power to 
acquire the archipelago, had no power to convey it to us, because she 
,did not possess it. It is said that hers was only a naked legal title, 
so to speak, a paper title, and that the treaty therefore conveyed to 
us no property and only a right of soveieignty; in other words, that 
•it convened to us only people and a few public buildings and works, 
and that while we may acquire territory and exercise sovereignty 
over it incidental to ownership, we can not acquire mere sovereignty. 
'We did not acquire much but sovereignty when we acquired Porto 
Rico, which still is without criticism. 

I am told, Mr. President — and it comes from Mr. MacArthur, who 
was secretary of the Philippine Commission — that by the cession of 
the Philippines we did in fact acquire, as nearly as it can be ascer- 
tained now, crown lands covering about one-third of that vast area. 
Had Spain a title to convey to us? The foundation of the speeches 
of this day upon the Philippine question is the assertion that she had 
not. She had when the war broke out, did she not, Mr. President? 
Will anyone challenge the title and sovereignty of Spain upon the 
first day of May, when Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet? 

Spain held Manila. Spain held by her troops all of the seacoast and 
■the seaports. Spain held and carried on the municipal governments. 
Spain, everywhere, Mr. President, was in absolute control throughout 
the archipelago as fully as she ever had been. It is vain for any man 
to assert that when the war broke out there was from any stand- 
point any defect in the title and ownership of Spain to the Philippine 
Archipelago. She had it by prescription, and she had it by virtue of 
her possession and her control of it. Even Aguinaldo, in his "True 
'Version, " which contains a number of interesting statements (I hope 
they will not be challenged by my friend from South Dakota [Mr. 
Pettigrew] upon the ground that they are not official), says: 

Spain maintained control of the Philippine Islands for more than three 
centuries and a half, during which period the tyranny, misconduct and abuses 
of the Friars and the civil and military administration exhausted the patience 
of the natives and caused them to make a desperate effort to shake off the un- 
bearable galling yoke on the 26th and 31st of August, 1896, then commencing 
the revolution in the provinces of Manila and Cavite. 

Spain's title had been recognized by the world, including our- 
selves, up to that time. Mere dissatisfaction with the government, 
as suggested by a distinguished Senator here the other day, does not 
work a change of sovereignty; and although Spain had been tyran- 
nical beyond expression, although there had many times been revolts, 
although the people had become desperate in their oppression, every 
revolt had been suppressed, sometimes accompanied by promises of 
reforms and sometimes accompanied by reforms. 

Mr. STEWART. And sometimes by bribery. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes; sometimes, perhaps, by bribery. It has 
p been said that the insurrection of 1896 was in progress when Dewey 
destroyed the Spanish fleet, and much has been made of a statement 
.contained in a telegram from Mr. Williams, the consul at Manila, 



14 

as to battles, organized forces of insurrectionists, one statement, 1 
remember, being that there were 5,000 armed insurrectionists in the 
vicinity of Manila. It must be remembered that Mr. Williams had 
been there, I think, only about a month. He was obliged to rely upon 
the statements of those with whom he conversed. He was evi- 
dently deceived by the characteristic exaggeration of the Spaniard! 
and the Filipino. 

Another thing, Mr. President; it is very manifest from a perusal' 
of all the documents that, however much he wished to be accurate, 
he was credulous and was led sometimes into misinformation. It is 
not possible upon the facts that there was any organized insur- 
tion in the Philippine Archipelago when the Spanish fleet was de- 
stroyed. Aguinaldo and his associates were in exile. 

When the $400,000 was paid over to Aguinaldo and his associates 
in Hongkong, under the agreement of Biak-na-Bato, by a son of 
Primo de Rivera, that night Rivera ^ave a banquet, at which Agui- 
naldo and his associates and others were present, and at the con- 
clusion of it. the host, having made complimentary allusion to Agui- 
naldo and his associates as Spanish subjects, Aguinaldo, it is stated' 
to me by one who claims to have been present, arose with a wine- 
glass in his hand and proposed a toast to the Queen of Spain as the 
fairest and noblest monarch that had ever lived, coupling the name 
of the young king. That might have been insincere. 

But they were there. Mr. President. We do not know how much' 
money was paid to Aguinaldo. We know that $400,000 were paid. 
We know that the promised payments were part of the consideration 
for which he surrendered his arms and consented to exile. I am not 
to call it a bribe, nor do I say how. much of it, if any, was appro- 
priated by Aguinaldo for purposes of his own. So far as I know, 
I feel no warrant for saying that. In answering indictments against 
the Administration, charging tyranny, with declaring and waging a 
war of subjugation upon a helpless, civilized people, it becomes nec- 
essary to look a little into the evidence upon which these allegations 
are based. One thing is very clear, that not a dollar of that money 
had been expended prior to the time Aguinaldo went to Manila in 
the purchase of arms for the insurrectionists in the archipelago. It 
rather looks as if the insurrection of 1896 was not very much of an 
insurrection in some ways. Aguinaldo speaking of it, says : 

General Polavieja advanced against the revolutionary forces with 16,000 men 
armed with Mausers and one field battery. He had scarcely reconquered half of 
Cavite Province when he resigned, owing to bad health. That was in April, 
1897. 

Polavieja was succeeded by the veteran Gen. Don Fernando Primo de 
Rivera, who had seen much active service. As soon as Rivera had taken over 
comand of the forces he personally led his army in the assault upon and 
pursuit of the revolutionary forces, and so firmly, as well as humanely, was the 
campaign qonducted, that he soon reconquered the whole of Cavite province 
and drove the insurgents into the mountains. 

Then I established my headquarters in the wild and unexplored mountain 
fastness of Biak-na-bato, where I formed the republican government — 

''Where I formed the republican government" — 

cf the Philippines at the end of May, 1897. 

He formed it, I presume, by proclamation. Then in December 
that insurrection came to an end by the agreement at Biak-na-bato. 
That agreement provided for the payment of certain moneys, for 
certain reforms, for the exile of Aguinaldo and some of his asso- 
ciates, for the surrender of all the arms of the insurrectionists ; and 
that being done, singing of the Te Deum, and after that the pay- 
ment. How many arms were to be surrendered? One thousand' 
stand of arms. Aguinaldo says: 

We, the revolutionaries, discharged our obligation to surrender our arms,. 



15 

which were over 1,000 stand, as everybody fcffows, it having been published 
m the Manila newspapers. 

They have more confidence in Manila newspapers, I think, than 
some people seem to have in newspaper statements in this country 
once in a while. They had surrendered their arms. Aguinaldo says 
so, and therefore from December, the end of the making of that 
treaty and the surrender of the "arms" under it, the Filipinos were 
practically without arms and without an organized insurrection. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I would remind the Senator that some of these 
communications 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina 
will suspend. Does the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Sen- 
ator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, yes. 

Mr. TILLMAN. In some of these official communications in 
Document 62 it is stated that Aguinaldo and those of his lieutenants 
who made that treaty were suspected of treachery, and that a large 
number of his followers did not give up their arms. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is not a question of suspicion; it is a ques- 
tion of fact. We can not get at it absolutely. All we can do is to 
approximate it as nearly as we can. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I only point 

Mr. SPOONER. There is no reason to suppose and, so far as I 
can find, there is nothing in all these papers and all the evidence at 
hand to warrant the assertion that on May 1, when Dewey destroyed 
the Spanish fleet, there was any organized insurrection of any mo- 
ment in the Philippines. There may have been parties of brigands 
and parties of insurgents, but I mean there was no organized insur- 
rection, and Admiral Dewey says in his report that ' there was no 
insurrection to speak of." 

Mr. TILLMAN. The only point, if the Senator will pardon me 
for a moment, is that although our consul, Mr. Williams, may have 
just arrived there and may have been misled, at that time we were at 
peace with Spain and had no reason to suppose we were going to 
war; and his dispatches repeatedly stated that they were fighting 
very near Manila ; that the wounded were brought in daily and all 
that sort of thing, tending to show that there was an insurrection 
going on against the Spanish government at the time when the battle 
of Manila was fought and for two or three months previously. 

Mr. SPOONER. The commission reports and Admiral Dewey 
says that at that time there was "no insurrection to speak of." 

Mr. TILLMAN. There was not near as much as we have got 
on our hands now, I acknowledge. 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, Mr. President, the only arms purchased by 
Aguinaldo for use in the Philippines, that I can find any mention of 
after the agreement of Biak-na-bato, were the 1,999 or the 2,000 which 
he purchased in Hongkong as he was about to leave for Manila; and 
no one. I think, has ground for asserting at all that when Dewey de- 
stroyed the Spanish fleet Spain's power in the Philippines had been in 
the slightest degree affected or impaired by any body of insurgents. 
Aguinaldo obtained some arms from Admiral Dewey. He proclaimed 
quickly, for I can not go into details, a dictatorship. He had some 
trouble at first, as stated by the Senator from Massachusetts and as 
shown by the evidence, in gathering people around him. 

He succeeded, however, in raising a considerable number of men 
— some put it at 30,000 and some at 15,000 — in the vicinity of Ma- 
nila, armed with a comparatively small number of rifles and a large 
number of bolos. It is, of course, impossible to ascertain with cer- 
tainty. 



16 

In "The true version of the Philippine revolution," signed by 
Aguinaldo, and dated Tarlak, September 23, 1899, he refers to three 
battles, which he regarded as "glorious triumphs.". Two hundred 
and seventy Spanish naval infantry were his antagonists in the first 
one. He says : 

The battle raged from 10 a. m. to 3 p. m., when the Spaniards ran out of 
ammunition, and surrendered, with all their arms, to the Filipino revolu- 
tionists, who took their prisoners to Cavite. (Page 24.) 

In commemoration of that "glorious achievement" he hoisted his 
national flag. He adds: 

The second triumph was effected at Binakayan, at a place known as Pol- 
vorin, where the Spanish garrison, consisting of about 250 men, was attacked 
by our raw levies, and surrendered in a few hours, their stock of ammunition 
being completely exhausted. 

Here he again availed himself "of the opportunity to hoist our 
national flag." The third and last of the victories which he chron- 
icles in detail ocurred at about the same time, at Bakoor. He says, 
page 26: 

The garrison consisted of about 300 men, who surrendered to the revolu- 
tionary army when their ammunition was exhausted. 

Not only were these troops of Spain dispirited by the destruc- 
tion of the Spanish fleet, by the war existing between the United 
States and Spain, which rendered it impossible for Spain to send 
reinforcements to them, but they were scant of ammunition, and 
Aguinaldo, moving along through the country, obtaining what arms 
he could — and he bought more later from Hongkong — armed his 
men. Some native troops who had enlisted under the Spanish ban- 
ner deserted. He sent them from place to place in the various 
provinces, not so much to capture Spaniards as to bring about in- 
surrection and revolt in those communities. 

He speaks in general terms of "triumph after triumph" following 
in quick succession, "evidencing the power, resolution and ability 
of the inhabitants of the Philippines to rid themselves of any for- 
eign yoke and exist as an independent state." 

May 24 he declared the dictatorial government and that he had 
assumed the duties and responsibilities of the head of such govern- 
ment. 

On the 12th of June, by his statement, he proclaimed the inde- 
pendence of the inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago. Later 
he proclaimed a republic. He adopted a constitution. He had, it 
is said, a congress and an army. It is easy to draft a constitution. 
It is easy for a dictator to appoint members of congress. But the 
evidence satisfies one that they were not representative men. He 
did not hold Manila. He did not hold Iloilo. On the 6th day of 
August, in a proclamation addressed to foreign governments, he 
said: 

The said revolution now rules in the provinces of Cavite, Batangas, Mindora, 
Tayabas, Laguana, Morong, Bulacan, Bataan, Pampanga, Nueva J£cija, Tarlac, 
Pangsinan, Union, Infanta, Zambales, and it holds besieged the capital of 
Manila. 

Professor Worcester says of this statement: 

In other words, he claimed to control the Tagalog provinces, and practically 
nothing more. 

It has been urged that there was a government there which we 
in honor ought to have recognized — a Philippine republic. Upon 
what theory can it be contended, on the strength of this proclama- 
tion, in which he certainly did not minimize the extent of his con- 
trol, that there was a Philippine republic, declared by its constitution 
to embrace not only the Tagalog provinces, but the Philippine Ar- 
chipelago. What were its boundaries? 



17 

What was its "government" controlling the Philippine Archipel- 
ago? Did it afford protection to life, to liberty, to property? Was 
it able to discharge the primary duties of a government or internation- 
al obligations — an ability which upon settled principles of internation- 
al law must precede recognition of independence? Can any Senator 
give to the country information going into those details which gov- 
ernments must go into upon such a question, of a government ex- 
isting in the Tagalog provinces or in the Philippines entitled to rec- 
ognition ? 

Buencamino, a former cabinet minister of Aguinaldo, says in a 
recent interview: 

In our independent government the most predominant notes were abuses 
and immoralities, the offspring of ignorance, and the inherited vices of Spain, 
by which the Filipino regime was rendered odious to our people. 

He ought to know. 

The proposition is a fantastic one. It would be a laughable one, 
Mr. President, if there were not constantly based upon it in the 
country the charge of dishonor against this Government as now 
conducted. 

On the 12th day of August the protocol was signed. The proto- 
col embodied terms of temporary peace. Up to that day the sub- 
jects of Spain in the Philippines were in law the enemies of the 
United States, except those individuals who were cooperating with 
us or acting as auxiliaries. There was no Philippine nation. The 
idea that between the last of May and the 12th of August there 
could have been organized by Aguinaldo, honest, if you choose to so 
call him — I will speak of that before I shall have finished — a gov- 
ernment capable of discharging the duties of a government, domestic 
and international, over and of a people who had never known 
any government but Spain ? who never had been permitted to par- 
ticipate in government, is too idle to seriously assert. 

By the protocol it was provided that there should be a suspension 
of hostilities, and in the treaty which was to be negotiated there 
should be settled "the control, disposition, and government of the 
Philippine Archipelago." That was a solemn covenant entered into 
between Spain and the United States. 

On the 13th day of August, in violation of the protocol so far as 
it suspended hostilities, and in ignorance of it, our troops captured 
Manila, with 13,000 Spanish soldiers and their arms. Strictly we 
would have been obliged to restore Manila to the Spanish troops, to 
restore the status quo; but as the protocol provided that we should 
hold Manila pending the negotiation and settlement of the treaty, 
we remained in the city. 

What happened after that? I am not going into the detail of it. 
Aguinaldo sent troops into different parts of Luzon and into some 
of the other islands. He starved out here and there a Spanish regi- 
ment or garrison, their spirit broken, hostilities suspended, the 
future control and government of the Philippines left an open 
question. The Spaniards still held Iloilo. They still held the coast 
cities. They still were able wherever they were in any force to 
maintain themselves against the Filipinos; and it is, to my mind, 
an idle and empty thing to say that during the months which inter- 
vened between the signing of the protocol and the execution of the 
treaty "Aguinaldo conquered the Spaniards." He "conquered" 
where there was no substantial resistance. He simply took posses- 
sion of his own people, his own kith and kin, so far as the Tagal 
provinces were concerned, stirring up insurrection wherever he 
could in other provinces. 

I will not take the time to show the character of his government. 



18 

It is abundantly established that it was not a government of law. 
It is abundantly established that it did not, if it could, and doubtless 
it could not if it would, discharge the primary duties of a govern- 
ment. Property was taken as loot. Liberty was not respected. 
Contributions were enforced everywhere, which went not into his 
treasury, if he had a treasury, but very often went to enrich the men 
who were presiding for him in the communities. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. And, Mr. President, when Iloilo surrendered, 
Iloilo did not surrender to Aguinaldo. The treaty of peace had been 
entered into, and Spain had instructed General Rios to abandon 
Iloilo and withdraw her garrison into another part of the island. 
Why? Because contingently she had parted with the Philippines, 
and because it was deemed an useless waste of blood to longer con- 
tend there, if contention might arise. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. And before they could evacuate that city and 
one or two other places the insurrectionists attacked them and were 
badly defeated. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. What is it the Senator wants to ask? 

Mr. TILLMAN. The Senator from Wisconsin is a fair man. and 
I would ask him whether there was any greater disorder in the Phil- 
ippines, as shown by the report of the naval officers traveling through 
the island of Luzon, than might have been supposed inevitable in ; a 
transition from tyranny in the case of a people just released? Nec- 
essarily there were some abuses, but not more than we have wit- 
nessed in all the South American republics. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, yes; "just released" from the tyranny of 
Spain, by whom? 

Mr. TILLMAN. Aguinaldo and those who were like him— the 
other Filipinos, of course. 

Mr. SPOONER. Released from the tyranny of Spain by Agui- 
naldo ! But for the advent of Dewey's fleet 

Mr. TILLMAN. Oh, we will not dispute about that. 

Mr. SPOONER. Aguinaldo would still have been in Hongkong 
in all- human probability. 

Mr. TILLMAN. And the Spaniards in Habana. 

Mr. SPOONER. And very likely the Spaniards in Habana. 

Mr. TILLMAN. If we had to run them out. 

Mr. SPOONER. If the Spanish fleet had not happened to be in 
Manila Harbor, but had been found by Dewey on the open sea. the 
Spaniards might not have been in Habana, and yet the Spaniards 
would have remained in the Philippines. That the Spanish fleet was 
destroyed in Manila Harbor, that it happened to be there, was one of 
the fortunes or accidents of war. 

The suggestion that the liberation of the Philippine Archipelago 
from Spain was wrought by Aguinaldo. is stated in this book by him, 
but it ought not to be stated, here. In the Philippines, .as in Cuba, 
the lion in the pathway of Spain was not the insurrectionists. • It 
was the XJnjted States ; but when the Spaniards evacuated Iloilo-. they 
did, it because we, haying conquered Spain, having destroyed the 
power of Spain practically in, the Philippines, she surrendered them 
to us. It was because of our power, not Aguinaldo's, and after the 
Spaniards had marched; out Aguinaldo marched in-. ■ ■-.• That is ;all 
there was of it. There was no conquest about it. 



19 

Men talk about our waging a war of conquest against the Philip- 
pine republic or people. We have done no such thing. We did not 
obtain the Philippines, to which I think we have a perfect title, by 
any conquest of the so-called Philippine republic, by any conquest of 
the Philippine people; but by conquest of Spain. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. And, Mr. President, I appeal to the American 
people if it be not true that the inspiration and thought which led 
the President and the Senate to take that cession, and the country to 
approve it, was that thereby we could more effectually liberate the 
Philippine people from Spain and more easily lift them up from the 
blighting and paralyzing effect of long-continued Spanish tyranny. 

What does the Senator from South Carolna want? 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Philippine people are not subjugated, and 
are not being subjugated, why have we to keep 65,000 men there, 
and why have they been fifteen months passing from point to point 
in the islands, shooting down and killing wherever they were op- 
posed, and yet to-day, in this morning's dispatches, we are told that 
our Army is withdrawing from the interior to the coast towns dur- 
ing the rainy season, of course simply because the opposition and 
hatred of the people is such that it can not be said that they are any 
thing else but rebels, fighting for their liberty, whatever that may 
mean? 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, "Rebels fighting for their liber- 
ty !" We acquired title to the Philippine Archipelago from Spain. 

Mr. TILLMAN. That is a legal question. 

Mr. SPOONER. The resolution of the Senator from Georgia 
[Mr. Bacon] recognizes that, and is based upon that. That treaty 
has been said to have been a declaration of war. Was it? If so, 
the men who are making that charge and imputing to the ratifi- 
cation of that treaty the ensuing hostilities ought not to do so. That 
treaty 

Mr. TILLMAN. The declaration of war was the proclamation 
of the President issued in December, in which he declared the pur- 
pose of this Government was to benevolently assimilate the Philippine 
Islands. 

Mr. SPOONER. The President did not issue any proclamation in 
December. 

Mr. TILLMAN. The Senator has studied the question; very 
thoroughly, but he is mistaken there. 

Mr. SPOONER. I think not. 

Mr. TILLMAN. General Otis said he took the liberty of cen- 
soring or leaving out some things in the President's proclamation 
which he thought might precipitate a conflict. 

Mr. SPOONER. General Otis never took anything out of the 
"proclamation" of the President. 

Mr. TILLMAN. General Otis says so himself. 

Mr. SPOONER. He does not say so himself, as I remember. 
The Senator is mistaken. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I can prove that he did. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, why is it that we have 65,000 
troops in the Philippines, if that is the number? Why is it that we 
have been pressing forward and forward? What is it for? To 
subjugate an independent people? No. It is to enforce the author- 
ity of the United States over territory which we acquired. 

Mr. Bacon rose. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Senator wish to interrupt me? 

Mr. BACON. Not until the Senator finishes his sentence. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have done. 



20 

Mr. BACON. I dislike to interrupt the Senator and would not 
do so except that his allusion to me has been direct, and my silence 
might be misconstrued. 

M. SPOONER. I would not misconstrue my friend's silence. 

Mr. BACON. But others might. I do not think the Senator from 
Wisconsin would. 

The Senator argued as to the title of the United States and dis- 
puted the fact that it is in any manner based upon conquest.. While 
he does not say so directly, his remark would evidently leave the 
impression, in referring to the resolution offered by myself, that 
a similar basis of title was recognized by me. I desire to say to 
the Senator — and I beg his pardon for the interruption, for I pur- 
posed not to interrupt him — that my position with regard to that 
matter is this: I do think that the Government of the United 
States now has a good title. I think that title was based also upon 
a purchase of a very imperfect title, which has since been made good 
by the United States Army by conquest. 

Mr. SPOONER. I asserted that it was a conquest from Spain. 

Mr. BACON. The Senator 

Mr. SPOONER. I am not controverting anything the Senator 
has said. 

Mr. BACON. I do not understand that reply as being intended 
for me. 

Mr. SPOONER. No. 

Mr. BACON. I could not interrupt the Senator at the time he 
made the statement, because he passed so suddenly to another point. 
I will not, however, interrupt the Senator further. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Gallinger in the chair). 
Does the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Senator from South 
Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. I hope che Senator will not interrupt me at 
this moment. 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Senator had not called in question my 
statement I would not do so. 

Mr. SPOONER. What is it the Senator desires? 

Mr. TILLMAN. I have here the report of Maj. Gen. E. S. Otis 
on the military operations and civil affairs in the Philippine Islands, 
and on page 66 he makes this statement: 

After fully considering the President's proclamation and the temper of the 
Tagalos, with whom I was daily discussing political problems and the friendly 
intentions of the United States Government toward them, I concluded that 
there were certain words and expressions therein, such as "sovereignty," 
"right of cession," and those which directed immediate occupation, etc., 
though most admirably employed and tersely expressive of actual conditions, 
might be advantageously used by the Tagalo war party to incite widespread 
hostilities among the natives. 

The ignorant classes had been taught to believe that certain words as "sov- 
ereignty," "protection," etc., had peculiar meaning disastrous to their wel- 
fare and significant of future political domination, like that from which they 
had recently been freed. It was my opinion, therefore, that I would be justi- 
fied in so amending the paper that the beneficent object of the United States 
Government would be brought clearly within the comprehension of the people, 
and this conclusion was the more readily reached because of the radical 
change of the past few days in the constitution of Aguinaldo's government, 
which could not have been understood at Washington at the time the procla- 
mation was prepared. 

********* 

The amended proclamation was thereupon prepared, and fearing that General 
Miller would give publicity to the former, copies of which, if issued, would 
be circulated soon in Luzon, I again dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Potter 
to Iloilo, both to ascertain the course of events there and to advise the com- 
manding general of the dangers threatening in Luzon, and which might be 
augmented if any action was taken which the insurgents could make use of 



21 

in furtherance of their unfriendly designs. General Miller thought his action 
in making publication of the proclamation on January 3 correct, as he had 
not been instructed to the contrary, and his opinion, he contended, was con- 
firmed by a War Department dispatch which I had directed Colonel Potter to 
deliver to him, and which he had received on January 6. He was satisfied 
that the use he had made of the proclamation was that contemplated by the 
War Department authorities, but it was not long before it was delivered at 
Malolos and was the object of venomous attack. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Senator intend to read that whole 
book? 

Mr. TILLMAN. Oh, no. I simply wish to prove what I 
stated, that General Otis amended President McKinley's proclama- 
tion; that he took out certain words and substituted others, and 
sent that amended proclamation to General Miller at Iloilo. He had 
previously sent the original document to Miller, and Miller had 
printed the document as the President had sent it to the Filipinos; 
and that is the way it got out. These are the facts. The Senator 
disputed them a moment ago. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes; and I dispute them now. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Then the lie, if there be one, rests on General 
Otis, and not on me. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, there is no lie about it. 

Mr. TILLMAN. There are the facts, taken from the official re- 
port; and if you dispute that, I will not state anything more about 
the reports of anybody. 

Mr. SPOONER. What I mean to say was this: That what is 
called a proclamation there — and the records at the War Department 
show it — was not a proclamation by the President at all, but was 
a letter of instructions issued by the President to the Secretary of 
War, which was to be sent to General Otis to govern him in the 
discharge of his duties in the Philippines. 

Mr. TILLMAN. And as outlining the policy of this Government 
toward the Filipinos. 

Mr. SPOONER. General Otis carried out the President's in- 
structions as General Otis thought best, not using in the proclama- 
tion which General Otis did issue the language of the President. 
That is all there is of that. 

Mr. TILLMAN. General Otis himself says that he amended the 
proclamation. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Caro- 
lina will please address the Chair. Does the Senator from Wiscon- 
sin yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, the paper speaks for itself; I 
have seen it at the War Office; and when the Senator examines 
it, he will see that it was not a proclamation ; that it was not in- 
tended to be a proclamation. It was nothing the President sent for 
publication to the Philippine people, but it was a letter of instruc- 
tions from the President to the Secretary of War, to be by him for- 
warded to General Otis for his government, upon which General Otis 
issued a proclamation to the people, explaining his failure to obey 
in some respects the instructions of the President. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Will the Senator be kind enough to incorporate 
the letter or proclamation or whatever it was in his speech. 

Mr. SPOONER. What proclamation? 

Mr. TILLMAN. The proclamation that General Otis issued 
after he received it from President McKinley, only taking out of it 
three or four words. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator will be incorporated in my speech 
pretty soon. [Laughter.] 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Senator dislikes my interrupting, I will 



22 

promise not to trespass any more, no matter how much he treads on 
my toes; but I simply could not sit silent here. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not ask that. 

Mr. President, we accepted the cession ; we ratified the treaty ; we 
acquired, so far as the treaty could give it to us, the Philippine 
Archipelago; Congress appropriated $20,000,000; there was fight- 
ing and has continued to be fighting in the Philippines; our troops 
were involved in contest with the Filipinos, and Congress knowing 
that tact passed a military bill providing for a vast increase in the 
Army. 

It was perfectly understood that a large part of that force, so 
much as the President might deem necessary, was to be sent to the 
Philippines. That very law mentions the Philippines as a place 
in which troops were to serve. What was the President to do but 
to send troops to the Philippines, Mr. President, and to enforce 
there the authority of the United States? Could he hesitate, under 
his oath, upon the assumption that there was any doubt as to our 
title ? 

One of the strange phases of this matter now is that men who 
voted to furnish troops for the President to send to the Philippines 
criticise him for sending them and criticise him for using them. He 
was obliged to take it as settled that we had acquired the Philip- 
pine Archipelago; that it was his duty to extend the authority of 
the United States over that archipelago; and he has done so. He 
notified Congress by his annual message that until Congress indi- 
cated a purpose otherwise he should continue to use the troops of 
the United States in enforcing the authority of this Government in 
the Philippines. Had he not done so, Mr. President, all things con- 
sidered, criticism could have been made of him which would have 
been unanswerable. 

Some one asked the other day why the President did not bring 
about a cessation of hostilities. Upon what basis could he have 
brought about a cessation of hostilities? Should he have asked 
Aguinaldo for an armistice? If so, upon what basis should he 
have requested it? What should he say to him? "Please stop this 
fighting?" "What for," Aguinaldo would say, "do you propose to 
retire?" "No." "Do you propose to grant us independence?" "No, 
not now." "Well, why, then, an armistice?" The President would 
doubtless be expected to reply: "Some distinguished gentlemen in 
the United States, members of the United States Senate, and others, 
have discovered a doubt about our right to be here at all,_ some 
doubt whether we have acquired the Philippines, some question as 
to whether we have correctly read the Declaration of Independence; 
and 1 want an armistice until we can consult and determine finally 
whether we have acquired the Philippines or not, whether we are 
violating the Declaration of Independence or not, whether we are 
trampling upon the Constitution or not." That is practically the 
proposition. 

No, Mr. President, men may say in criticism of the President 
what they choose. He has been grossly insulted in this Chamber, 
and it appears upon the record. He has gone bis way patiently, ex- 
ercising the utmost forbearance, all his acts characterized by a de- 
sire to do precisely what the Congress had placed upon him by its 
ratification of the treaty and its increase of the Army. He has 
done it in a way to impress upon the Filipinos, so far as language 
and action could do it, his desire and the desire of our people to do 
them good, to give them the largest possible measure of liberty, 
civil, religious, and individual, and to give them, as rapidly as may 
be, participation in the government out there. 



23 

He has done it all in disregard of hostile criticism, embarrass- 
ment, and complication of the situation vastly intensified and en- 
hanced here at home ; but he has done what under his oath he was 
obliged to do. He has gone forward with the Army of the United 
States and the flag of the United States to enforce the authority of 
the United States and ot/edience to it oyer territory of the United 
States, Any President of any party, if faithful to his high trust, 
could not have done otherwise. 

Wednesday, May 23, igoo. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, I regret exceedingly that it was 
impossible for me yesterday to conclude the remarks which I desire 
to submit upon this tyll, and I express again my grateful sensibility 
to the Senate for the courtesy which permits me to conclude to-day. 
No one could be more anxious than I am, for personal reasons, to 
yield the floor to others. 

I had referred to the protocol of August 12. It changed the entire 
status. What I mean by that is this : After the protocol was signed, 
agreeing to the suspension of hostilities, providing for a relinquish- 
ment of the title to Cuba and the cession of Porto Rico to the United 
States, it declared that the United States should hold and occupy 
Manila pending the negotiation of the treaty, which should define 
or settle "the control, disposition, and government of the Philip- 
pine Archipelago." We here bound ourselves by a contract with 
Spain, as solemn a covenant as one nation ever entered into with 
another. All compacts between nations rest upon honor, but this 
was of peculiar force, for the reason that a powerful nation was 
making covenant with one defeated. From the day that the pro- 
tocol was entered into we were bound to hold Manila. If we had 
not, in the absence of knowledge of the protocol by our officers, 
captured it, by the terms of it Spain would have surrendered it to 
us and our troops would have taken possession of it. 

It is not difficult, I think, to understand that Spain desired we 
should occupy Manila. It was to secure protection to Manila and to 
the people of Manila. Senators who criticise, as many have and as 
many will, the Administration and Gen. Otis for objecting to a 
joint occupation of Manila by Aguinaldo and our own troops, 
predicated upon the demand that he withdraw his troops from the 
suburbs, as an injustice to an ally forget that we could not have 
permitted an insurgent against Spain, pending the negotiation of 
that treaty, to occupy Manila and its suburbs with us without a 
breech of national faith. 

Nor is that all. It was said here the other day that the United 
States ought to have recognized, before the protocol was entered 
into, the independence of the Philippine republic, with Aguinaldo at 
its head. I will not go further into that at this time. I commented 
upon it yesterday. To me it is utterly fantastic in its folly from 
the standpoint of international law, and in this case from the stand- 
point of justice and national honor. 

Those people had already shown that they had no conception of 
what was necessary to constitute a government. Agoncillo, back in 
April, had approached one of our consuls — I do not remember which 
— as a representative of a "Philippine republic" proclaimed the year 
before at Biak-na-Bato, proffering to the United States, as war with 
Spain seemed possible at least, a treaty of alliance, offensive and 
defensive, with neither government, laws, troops, flag, seaport, nor 
any visible power under the sun. 

Mr. President. I call attention to this effect of the protocol ; no 
matter what government had been established in the Philippine 



24 

Archipelago, from the day the protocol was signed the Government 
of the United States could not without dishonor have recognized it. 
That protocol tied the hands of the United States and Hed the 
hands of Spain. Until the ratification of the treaty we could consent 
to no change of status. Spain could create no change of status. 
From the moment that international obligation, informal in a way 
as it was, had been entered into Spain could not have sold the 
Philippines to any government in the world. We could not attack a 
Spanish garrison, for hostilities had been suspended. We could rec- 
ognize no government, whatever it might be, created by insurgents 
against Spain or in any other way, for it remained an open question, 
so far as the legal effect of the protocol was concerned, whether at 
the end of the negotiations Spain might not still hold the Philip- 
pines. 

It has been said that until hostilities broke out Aguinaldo was our 
ally. Senators have treated the performances of Aguinaldo after 
'August 12, 1898, the date of the protocol, as acts done in aid of 
our cause, acts done as an ally of ours. That, Mr. President, is 
an impossibility. We could not, as I say, have fired a shot at a 
Spanish soldier or at the Spanish flag anywhere in the Philippine 
Archipelago, for by agreement hostilities were suspended. No more 
could Aguinaldo do this as an ally of ours or acting in our interest 
or by our procurement, for we could not honorably do through an- 
other what it would be a breach of honor to do ourselves. 

Aguinaldo knew of the protocol, for he was informed in writing by 
General Otis and General Anderson that the protocol had created 
international relations and obligations between Spain and ourselves 
which we must observe, and which we could not observe if we 
entered into such an agreement as he proposed. 

So it must be taken as settled, it can not be escaped, that from 
the date of the protocol, whatever Aguinaldo did against Spain in 
the archipelago he did on his own account, and not for the United 
States, and he did little. As I said yesterday, he simply marched in 
where Spain marched out in certain places, Iloilo having been aban- 
doned by order of the Spanish Government, Aguinaldo's forces 
having been unable to take it, after the demand for the cession had 
been made by our commissioners and after Spain had yielded to it:. 

Another thing about it, Mr. President. If Aguinaldo had by his 
troops, after the protocol, captured Iloilo and other cities and ex- 
tended his military power throughout the Philippines, it is very diffi- 
cult, as a matter of international law, to see that that could 
have been efficacious for him or his so-called government as against 
us. The status could not be changed there by him except in hostility 
both to Spain and to us, and the principle contended for is not to be 
admitted. 

It might be dangerous in the future to establish the principle that 
when two great powers engaged in a war with each other, have sus- 
pended hostilities pending negotiation of a treaty of peace a part of 
the citizens of one, inhabiting the territory, can take possession of the 
municipal governments which have been erected, can take possession 
of abandoned cities, starve out scattered and disheartened- garrisons, 
and then, when the treaty is concluded, defeat the power of cession 
or a power of acceptance upon the theory that in the meantime no- 
body opposing them they had created an "independent government."" 

I take it that if there had been no insurrction in Cuba and our 
people had gone to war with Spain upon, a casus belli of our own — 
if you please, the destruction of the Maine — and that war had pro- 
ceeded to an end, we had captured Santiago, and captured Habana, 
the Spanish fleet had destroyed a city or two of ours and then been 



25 

sent by our Navy to the bottom, and in treaty of peace Spain had 
ceded Cuba to the United States, and in the meantime, pending nego- 
tiation of the treaty, the inhabitants of Cuba without resistance, 
under the leadership of some chieftain, had taken possession of in- 
terior posts, had starved out here and there a Spanish garrison, had 
issued proclamation of independence and established in that way a 
government— call it a republic or call it what you choose — and then 
had insisted that Spain had lost the power of cession because of the 
existence of a government formed in this way, the United States 
would have paid no attention to it. The nations of the world never 
could allow this doctrine, for all that would be necessary to defeat 
at the end of a war a cession by way of conquest would be for the 
ceding or defeated nation to bring about such a change in the status 
pending negotiations as it is alleged came about here. 

Mr. HALE. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Piatt of Connecticut). Does 
the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Senator from Maine? 

Mr. SPOONER. I do. 

Mr. HALE. I wish to remind the Senator that precisely the sit- 
uation he has depicted has occurred time and again in history— 
that where as the result of a war a colony or an island or a de- 
pendency has been turned over to the conquering power, the con- 
quering power, rinding just the difficulties that he has cited, has 
abandoned it and been glad to wash its hands of it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Senator think in the case I have put 
we would have abandoned Cuba? 

Mr. HALE. I think if it had been the best thing final 1 y for us to 
do we would have done it. 

Mr. SPOONER. But, because it would have been the best thing, 
finally, not because we were obliged to do it. 

Mr. HALE. I think if we had found that the population in Cuba 
was as hostile to us as it had been to the power from which we had 
got the government, and if we had had the cession made to us, we 
would have abandoned it and would have been glad to get rid of it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, that is a matter of opinion. I am of the 
impression that with Cuba lying so near us, with all the trouble 
which had come to us from her proximity and the tyranny of Spain 
in Cuba, the United States in the case I have put would have taken 
Cuba and held it, giving to the people of Cuba what they never had 
had before, individual liberty and good government. 

Mr. HALE. The Senator has more confidence than I have in the 
experiment we are trying to-day of teaching to the people of Cuba 
honesty and good government and good management and good af- 
fairs. I do not sympathize with him in the belief that this people 
has gained anything thus far in what it has taught the Cubans. I 
think we would have been better off if we had not taught the Cubans 
the lesson that has been taught in the last few months. 

Mr. SPOONER. What lesson? 

Mr. HALE. The lesson of fraud, peculation, appropriation of 
revenues, cheating, stealing — a carnival in every direction of cor- 
ruption and fraud. I think it would have been very much better 
if we had not taught those people or tried to teach those people this. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is a little tiresome for me to be called upon 
on this side of the Chamber to reply to a Democratic speech. 

Mr. HALE. The Senator is not making any allusion of that kind 
to me? 

Mr. SPOONER. I made this allusion because of the very general 
language of the Senator, not to impeach his loyalty to the party, 
which is unimoeachablc. 



26 

Mr. HALE. I am as good a Republican as the Senator from Wis- 
consin. bn& 

Mr. SPOONER. I understand that. 

Mr. HALE. 1 do not recognize any line of fealty to party obliga- 
tion that compels me to consent to the proposition that everything 
has gone right in Cuba. 

Mr. SPOONER.' Nobody pretends it.: 

Mr. HALE. I think the experiment has been a failure. I would 
vote to-morrow, Republican or Democrat, to withdraw from Cuba 
and leave that people to establish and set up and maintain their own 
government. I would keep the proposition that was put into the 
declaration of war and leave the people there, and there is nothing 
that has happened since that goes to remove that impression from 
me. I do not understand that that is a question of party fealty. 

I tell the Senator that he has no right, when I get up and protest 
against things that have occurred, to declare that I am making a 
Democratic speech. I am making a Republican speech, and the time 
will come, Mr. President, when Republicans will be glad if we get 
out of this thing without worse things happening than are happen- 
ing now. In what I say I am more interested for the Republican 
party than I. am for anything else. 

Mr. SPOONER. Will the Senator allow me to interrupt him for 
a question ? 

Mr. HALE. Certainly. 

Mr. SPOONER. What does the Senator mean when he speaks 
in general terms about a carnival of fraud? 
Mr. HALE. And corruption. 
Mr. SPOONER. And corruption in Cuba. 
Mr. HALE. I mean the things disclosed. 

Mr. SPOONER. What things? I should like the Senator to file 
a bill of particulars. 

Mr. HALE. I do not need to do that ; it has been done already. 
Mr. SPOONER. That is what the Senator means then by his 
statement that under our Administration in Cuba there has been a 
carnival of fraud and corruption, is it? 

Mr. HALE. Now, Mr. President, it is not the Administration 
which is at fault. It is the natural result. There never has been 
an instance of the setting up of supreme government and uncon- 
trolled government in a colony or an outside dependency that has 
not been attended with precisely the things that we have seen in 
Cuba. 

In the early days of England in India the scenes of the days 
of Clive and of Warren Hastings were precisely, on a larger scale, 
what we have seen, and they disrupted the English Government; 
they turned out ministries and put in other ministries, because the 
English people would not allow the thing to be done. It is an inci- 
dent. We are at fault; Congress is much at fault. The Adminis- 
tration is not at fault. The Administration has selected men who 
were believed to be good men — Major Rathbone, Mr. Neely, and 
other men — but the situation is such that we are simply seeing what 
has always been, seen when this experiment has been tried. 

We went into" it with utter confidence, believing that it was an 
easy thing. I did not believe it was an easy thing. I voted against 
the treaty of peace because I believed it would lead to just these 
things. I believed that colonial dependencies and annexation would 
result in precisely what they have resulted in. I am glad to see 
that the Administration is trying to cure it, but I do not want any- 
body to say that it is an unexpected thing. 



27 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, so far as anything I said is 
concerned, the Senator's observations are, in the language of 
Shakespeare— 

But a bolt ot nothing, shot at nothing. 

I was not engaged, and am not, in the discussion of any proposi- 
tion to which the Senator's observations are pertinent. I was no 
more anxious to go into war with Spain than was the Senator. 
But when a Senator can see, looking at our relations with Guba, no 
difference between the flag of the United States in Cuba and the 
flag of England under Give in India, he is troubled, to my mind, 
in some degree with mental obliquity. What is the difference? We 
went to war to free Cuba. Have we done Cuba and the Cubans no 
kindness, Mr. President, by pouring out millions of our money and 
shedding the blood of our soldiers in order to drive Spanish tyranny 
forever from Cuba? Has the Senator any suspicion in his mind 
that the pledge made in the resolution passed by Congress as to the 
temporary character of our occupation in Cuba is not to be kept? 

Mr. HALE. I have. 

Mr. SPOONER. Kept not simply to the letter, but kept in spirit? 
Mr. HALE. I have very grave suspicion, Mr. President. I am 
glad the Senator has asked that question. 

Mr. SPOONER. Then, Mr. President, the Senator is a pessimist, 
beyond any I have ever met. 

Mr. HALE. Now, let me say to the Senator I think there are 
very powerful influences in this country ; I think they are largely 
located in New York City ; I think they are largely speculative and 
connected with money-making enterprises that are determined that 
we shall never give up Cuba. I think there is a dangerous cloud 
in the sky ; I think the time will never come, unless something ear- 
nest and drastic is done by Congress, when the last soldier of the 
United States will be withdrawn from Cuban soil. I do not think 
the President favors that. 

Mr. SPOONER. Favors what? 

Mr. HALE. Holding on to Cuba. I do not think the Secretary 
of War favors that. I discover (and the Senator has different ap- 
prehensions from mine if he does not discover) very powerful in- 
fluences — commercial, mercantile, money influences, and political 
influences — that are opposed to our ever withdrawing from Cuba. I 
take up the newspapers, as the Senator may, that are foremost in the 
large cities, in favor of the general programme ;vhich is now going 
on, and not only do I not find a single intimation or hint that we 
are to withdraw from Cuba, but I find every day intimations and 
hints that we are never to withdraw from Cuba. 

The Senator must not exclude from his enlightened ihitiH the 
things that are in the public mind. No matter whether he denies it 
or not, I am profoundly impressed and profoundly depressed Dy the 
fact that I find in hundreds of quarters a determination that we shall 
never withdraw from Cuba, but shall retain her as a possession of 
the United States. 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, Mr. President, it is hardly fair for the 
Senator to interject his speech in my remarks upon the Philippines. 

Mr. HALE. I was simply answering the proposition of the 
Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. If I were, as the Senator says he is, inclined to 
doubt for one moment that the United States Government will 
seasonably withdraw from Cuba, I should be ashamed of the Gov- 
ernment. 

Mr. HALE. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, I wish to go on. 



28 

Mr. HALE. That assurance from the Senator more than repays 
me for all that I have said. I shall count upon him in the future. 

Mr. SPOONER. To say that the Senator will count upon me 
in the future is little less than an insult. 

Mr. HALE. Oh, no. 

Mr. SPOONER. For it implies, Mr. President, that but for my 
assertion the Senator had doubt if I might not be willing to see 
violated the pledge given by the Government. 

Mr. HALE. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. He does not so mean it. 

Mr. HALE. The Senator knows 

Mr. SPOONER. I know he does not so mean it. 

Mr. HALE. He knows I do not mean it, but I was very glad to 
hear that assurance from the Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. He need not have been. 

Mr. HALE. I say it is not every man that feels that way. 

Mr. SPOONER. I hope there is no man in the United States 
who does not feel that way. 

Mr. HALE. I am glad to hear the Senator say that. 

Mr. SPOONER. This is a Government of honor, Mr. President, 
and it is a people of honor. The people of the United States did 
not go to war to free Cuba, pouring out the Mood of its sons, know- 
ing not what bitter fruitage the war might bring to them, without 
a conscience, without love of liberty; and when the Senator ex- 
presses a fear that the conscience of the people of the United States, 
their desire to keep the pledge of this Government, will be lulled 
to slumber by the power of commercialism he degrades the people 
and underestimates, in my judgment, their integrity. 

Mr. HALE. Still, I am afraid of it. 

Mr. SPOONER. What have we done for Cuba? When, since 
the morning stars first sang together in the heavens, has any peo- 
ple done for another people what we have done for Cuba? And, 
Mr. President, as rapidly as may be, in absolute good faith, not being 
hurried by demagogy, not being speeded in violation of national 
honor by insinuation and mere politics in a Presidential election, 
this Administraton will, I am certain, go forward to redeem to its 
utmost the pledge to Cuba. 

We have given the best government to the people of Cuba thus 
far it ever had. We have given to the people of Cuba a government 
the like of which they never could have had without our interven- 
tion. We have changed their criminal laws so that now a man 
can not be thrown into a dungeon and detained indefinitely without 
right of counsel. We have ameliorated in every way by military 
order conditions there in the administration of justice which were 
dreadful. We have maintained order in Cuba. Every man's life 
is safe in Cuba. Woman's honor is safe in Cuba. Tyranny and 
starvation have gone forever out of Cuba. Who is responsible for 
it? This "commercial" people who possibly may care nothing for 
its honor and its pledges ! 

Of course, Mr. President, there has been peculation in Cuba. 
Everyone regrets it ; no one more than I. Everyone is ashamed of 
it. But in no government ever instituted has that not occurred. It 
has happened in Georgia. It has happened in New Orleans. 

Mr. TILLMAN. It happened all over the South when the car- 
petbaggers had it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes; and it has happened since the carpetbag 
governments. It happens in banks. I doubt not it has happened in 
Maine. Governments must be conducted by human agencies. There 
is no company which can guarantee the honesty of purpose of em- 



29 

ployees of the Government. If the Senator had listened to the very 
able and eloquent and entirely frank speech of the Senator from 
Connecticut (Mr. Platt), I think he would have been satisfied that 
instead of there having been or being a carnival of corruption in 
Cuba there was a discovery of certain frauds in the postal service 
by the Administration, followed up by the Administration, made 
public by the Administration, and that the Administration is doing 
everything in its power to put the men who were guilty of it behind 
the bars. The government in Cuba is a military one. It rarely hap- 
pens that an officer of the Regular Army in administration any- 
where is not prudent, careful, and honest; and that administration 
ought not to be charged by general phrase, as the Senator seems to 
charge it, with permitting a general, almost universal, carnival of 
fraud in Cuba. 

No. Mr. President, no one thinks, so far as I know, of violating 
our pledge to Cuba. We were to pacify the island; and, a little 
more than that, which Spain demanded that we should put in the 
treaty, as we were to occupy Cuba, that so long as we occupied it 
or remained there as a military occupant we would discharge the 
duties imposed by international law upon a military occupant, which, 
largely stated, is the protection of life and property and liberty. 
Spain insisted upon that not out of regard solely to the insurgents, 
but to safeguard the interest and protection of the loyal Spaniards 
who had lived there, and, as the treaty puts it, of the natives who 
have remained loyal to Spain. 

Mr. Hale rose. 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, Mr. President, I beg the Senator not to 
interrupt me 

Mr. HALE. All right. 

Mr. SPOONER. For I am proceding under embarrassment; 
not any embarrassment from what the Senator has said to me, but 
physical disability. 

Keeping in mind our obligations to the people of Cuba — those 
who were insurgents and those who were Spaniards — we will see 
t© it that just as soon as it can safely be done a government is 
formed there and turned over to that peoole. I say "we" will see 
to it. I speak for no one here but myself, I can say with confidence 
that we will see to it, because of my implicit faith in the honor of 
the people of the United States. It never will turn out, my friend 
from Maine, that any man in any country can point to the Teller 
resolution and say with truth that it was a legislative lie. 

Mr. HALE. I hope so. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator need not hope so. He had better 
know so. 

Mr. HALE. I do not know. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, he ought to know. 

Mr. President, I have been beguiled by the Senator from Maine, 
is I am always beguiled by him, away from the matter which I was 
discussing. 

I return to the line of my argument when interrupted and re- 
peat, under all the circumstances and conditions in the Philippines, 
the attempted establishment of a government without substantial op- 
position by Aguinaldo after the protocol would give in international 
law no foundation for its recognition, and would create no obligation 
of recognition by us in any event. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. TILLMAN. Unless it is entirely agreeable to the Senator I 



Mr. 


TILLMAN. 


Mr. 


SPOONER. 


Mr. 


TILLMAN. 


Mr. 


SPOONER. 


Mr. 


TILLMAN. 


Mr. 


SPOONER. 


will allow me. 


Mr. 


TILLMAN. 


now. 




Mr. 


SPOONER. 


Mr. 


TILLMAN. 



30 

will not interrupt him because he is unwell, but the subject he is 

now discussing 

Mr. SPOONER. If the Senator will state what it is that he de- 
sires to know, I shall beglad to hear it. 

Mr. TILLMAN. It is in connection with the very subject upon 
which you have had the discussion with the Senator from Maine 
[Mr. Hale]. I will call the Senator's attention to the resolution to 
which he has been addressing himself. 
Mr. SPOONER. What resolution? 
Your bill, then. 

I will get to that bill presently. 
You were discussing that bill. 
I will get to that. 

But you will not get to that phase of it. 
I will get to every phase of it, if the Senator 

I hope the Senator will not shut me off just 

No. 
I wish to call the attention of the Senate and 
the Senator to the phraseology of the bill introduced by him. It 
reads : 

That when all insurrection against the sovereignty and authority of the Unit- 
ed States in the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaty con- 
cluded at Paris on the tenth day of December, eighteen hundred and ninety- 
eight, shall have been completely suppressed by the military and naval forces 
of the United States, all military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to gov- 
ern the said islands shall, until otherwise provided by Congress, be vested 
in such person and persons, and shall be exercised in such manner as the 
President of the United States shall direct for maintaining and protecting the 
inhabitants of said islands in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and 
religion. 

Now, with the Senator's permission, I will direct his attention to 
the effect of that bill if it becomes a law. We are under obligations 
in Cuba to establish a government there and turn it over to its own 
people. 

Mr. SPOONER. I am through with Cuba. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I think the Senator ought to have enough confi- 
dence in my integrity of purpose here to allow me to state my point. 

Mr. SPOONER. I cannot resist the Senator. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I was calling attention to the difference between 
Cuba and the Philippines. We are now in Cuba under military 
law, and the President is omnipotent inside the Constitution, as some 
Senators contend, and some contend that the Constitution does not 
bind him. In the Philippines the Senator proposes that the Presi- 
dent shall continue to do what he now does, except that after the 
military have suppressed all rebellion, ail resistance, then the Presi- 
dent can establish a civil government there, and appoint judicial, 
executive, and other officers to govern ten million of people over 
there — an army of carpetbaggers beside which this little squad now 
in Cuba looting the postal revenues would be but a mere awkward 
squad. 

Mr. SPOONER. If the Senator ever finds a carpetbagger in 
heaven he would prefer to go to the other place. [Laughter.] 

Mr. TILLMAN. I undoubtedly would, Mr. President [laugh- 
ter] ; and if the Senator from Wisconsin and the people of Wis- 
consin had suffered from the carpetbaggers as we in South Carolina 
have, he would feel so, too. It is against carpetbaggery in all its- 
forms that we, who are opposed to the acquisition of the Philip- 
pines and the governing of subject peoples from this country by the 
appointing of proconsuls, protest here 



31 

Mr. SPOONER. From all I can learn, I would infinitely prefer 
the carpetbaggery even of South Carolina, if I had any property, to 
the government of Aguinaldo up to date ; and when the Senator as- 
sumes and other Senators assume that there is any purpose in the 
Government to fill up Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, with 
appointees without regard to fitness, with men unfit for the dis- 
charge of the duties, I think he would do better to wait until there 
is some foundation for that suspicion. I have seen nothing of it as 
to the Philippines; and no man ever lived, Mr. President, with 
higher purpose to safeguard by the most rigid inquiry and in the 
strictest possible way the interests of these people while in our 
charge by the appointment of honest and capable men than Presi- 
dent McKinley. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Let us grant that ; I will grant it ; but it is a 
question as to whether you can by such a system of government 
ever get anything but dishonesty. 

Mr. SPOONER. There may be now and then a thief, but he 
will be punished, and under this Administration he will be ferreted 
out by Government officers and sent to prison. Over in the Philip- 
pines General Otis has arrested three men and thrown them into 
prison for embezzlement. They were tried by commission, and two 
of them found guilty and punished. They were not Americans as I 
remember it. 

The world is not growing worse, Mr. President. Almost every 
man charged with official duty wants to do the right thing, just as 
Senators want to do their duty ; and the argument which is based 
upon a universal indictment of the integrity of men who are willing 
to go to these distant places has no substantial foundation in fact. 
If Mr. Bryan should be elected President, he would have the same 
difficulties. I hope he never will be elected, but if he should be 
he would have the same difficulties. I.am willing to believe that he 
would try to select honest men, and when he found one as to whom 
he had been mistaken he would secure for that man prompt con- 
viction and punishment. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Will the Senator allow me? 

Mr. SPOONER. That is a part of the subject to which I do 
not care now to pay further attention. It is not at all pertinent. 

Mr. TILLMAN. If you do not like to be interrupted on account 
of. physical disability 

Mr. SPOONER. It is not physical disability just at this minute. 
I never felt better in my life than I do at this moment. My ob- 
jection is to being interrupted by a suggestion which is entirely im- 
pertinent to the matters which I wish to discuss. When I say "im- 
pertinent," I do not refer to the Senator, of course— I mean irrele- 
vant ; I use it in the legal sense. 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Senator will permit me, I will state that, 
so far as I can judge of the temper of the Democratic party, if Mr. 
Bryan should be elected, the difficulty of governing those people by 
carpetbaggers would not trouble anybody very much. We do not 
consider that it is a function of the United States to undertake to 
educate 10,000,000 of Asiatics, who have been taught in the Spanish 
schools, what free government is or what self-government is , **nd 
we do not propose to undertake to find enough honest men "o go 
over there and administer the affairs of those islands in a decent 
Democratic way. 

Mr. SPOONER. If you did, you would have to go into the Re- 
publican party, probably, for some of them. [Laughter.] - 

Mr. TILLMAN.. We certainly would not ask you to lend us 
Mr. Rathbone, or Mr. Neely, or Mr. Thompson, or any of that ilk. 



32 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, Thompson is in jail and Mr. Neely under 
bail. 

Mr. ALLEN. If the Senator will permit me, I trust he will not 
bring Mr. Bryan into this discussion at all. Mr. Bryan is a private 
citizen, and I think it would more comport with the dignity of the 
Senate to leave his name out of the discussion. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, Mr. President, I am willing to take les- 
sons in dignity from the Senator from Nebraska. 

Mr. TELLER. Will the Senator allow me a word? 

Mr. SPOONER. Certainly. 

Mr. TELLER. I think the Senator from Wisconsin is attempt- 
ing to discuss this question from a legal standpoint, but he has 
been drawn off by questions, which are, as he says, impertinent in a 
legal sense, and he probably has been induced to say some things that 
he would never otherwise have thought of saying. If I were on 
the floor I believe I would know how to deal with the question, 
but feeling ill, as the Senator from Wisconsin does, he is rather 
too good natured, and I appeal to the Senate to let the Senator pro- 
ceed uninterruptedly. That will be better for him and better for us. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Better for those in favor of his proposition. 

Mr. TELLER. Whether in favor of it or not, it would be better 
for the dignity and high character of this Senate. 

Mr. SPOONER. I hope I have not seriously offended my friend 
from Nebraska. 

Mr. ALLEN. Not at all. 

Mr. SPOONER. I recognize the fact that Mr. Bryan, while a 
distinguished leader, is in private life, alhough he is not a private 
citizen. 

Mr. ALLEN. Mr. Bryan's name ought not to be voluntarily 
brought into the Senate and involved in a discussion here, and I 
think it would comport more with the dignity of discussion in this 
Chamber not to do so. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not hold myself altogether responsible for 
bringing it in, but I feel entirely at liberty to do so, and I shall 
do so in a respectful way if the course of my argument requires it. 

Now, Mr. President, I do not know what real fealty to the doc- 
trine of the Declaration of Independence — and I refer to it only for 
a moment — Senators or any political party would show which would 
turn over to an oligarchy, composed of not more than one-sixth of 
the inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago, the government and 
the fate of ten million people, a vast majority of whom we think 
we have reason to know do not desire it, and a sudden withdrawal, 
as is suggested by the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Tillman], 
of our troops from the Philippines upon the theory, which I am glad 
to hear him avow, that we have no duty in the Philippines 

Mr. TILLMAN. I did not say that. 

Mr. SPOONER. Practically that, Mr. President; for I do not 
hesitate here to say that any man or any party which in the envi- 
ronment, in which this country now is in the Philippines, should 
propose that it should withdraw its forces and leave Manila and the 
Filipinos who have been friendly to us — the autonomists, as Agui- 
naldo in a proclamation of his own of June 12 last denominates 
them — and the people who have nothing in common with him, to 
a government created by him and officered by his satraps, would vio- 
late every plain duty which could grow out of a difficult and delicate 
situation. 

The resolution of the Senator from Georgia [Mr. Bacon], manly 
and straightforward as that Senator is in legislation here, is based 
upon a different proposition from that; and if we should withdraw 



33 

our troops from Manila, as suggested by the amendment of the Sena- 
tor from South Dakota [Mr. Pettigrew], and enter into negotia- 
tions for peace with a government which is destroyed, if it ever had 
any substantial existence, and that withdrawal should be followed by 
a massacre in Manila, if the "clubs" organized by Sandico and those 
who were to join in the massacre or extermination should visit their 
vengeance on the Europeans in that city, nothing, Mr. President, 
in the history of this Government or this country could ever in the 
slightest degree redeem us from the stain of that cowardly withdrawal 
and stigma thus put upon our honor. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. What is it? 

Mr. TILLMAN. I wish the Senator would allow me to state 
more fully what I would consider 

Mr. SPOONER. That is just exactly what I do not want the 
Senator to do. 

Mr. TILLMAN. But the Senator puts me in a false attitude as 
to what I wish to do in the Philippines, and then he goes on and 
argues as though he had some basis for it other than his own imag- 
ination, and I must insist that that is not fair. 

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Several Senators. No, no. 

Mr. SPOONER. Why, of course, Mr. President, I find it im- 
possible to decline to yield to Senators. 

Mr. TILLMAN. The Senator said a moment ago he never felt 
better in his life, and I am glad he is more than able to take care of 
himself in any debate on this floor. 

Mr. SPOONER. I feel well, but I am afraid that my colleagues 
do not, or will not, if I continue much longer. 

Mr. TILLMAN. It seems that some of your colleagues want to 
take care of you, when I am very sure you can take care of yourself 
better than they can take care of themselves. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not agree with the Senator in that. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I wish to say this in regard to what I con- 
sider the duty of this Government, and I am not any more than one 
Democrat : We have destroyed the only government that was ther* 
— Aguinaldo's. It may be that it was a dictatorship, and I dare say 
it was, but still it was the only government they had there. It 
had the support of the people, whether voluntarily or involuntarily, 
does not matter. Now, we have destroyed that government; we 
have got that government broken all to pieces, and we are fighting 
there for the suppression of the guerrillas, small bands, who are 
harrassing our troops. 

I think if those guerrillas would stop we would get a condition by 
which we could reestablish some government there, if we would 
simply say to those people, "We do not propose to continue to gov- 
ern you by military force or by carpetbaggers sent from the United 
States, but we will allow you to set up some sort, of a government 
of your own as soon as you are in a condition to do so, which will 
insure law and order and protection for life and property to citizens 
and foreigners there. We will leave you to deal with your own 
people in your own way, because we do not believe it is our duty 
to use force to protect you from yourselves." 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator having protected himself in the 
Record, I shall spend no time now, but I will, a little later on, on 



34 

that branch of the subject, when I come to explain what I think the 
duty of this Government is, and what I think the people of the 
United States will deem it to be. 

The men who propose to turn over, without first ascertaining their 
wish about it, the fate of ten million people to the government of 
Aguinaldo and the TagalOgs, have a different understanding from 
that which appeals to me of that part of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence which refers to the consent of the governed. 

Self-government is not a right. Self-government is a faculty. It 
does not come to a people in a day; it does not develop in a night; 
and if there is anywhere in this world where a proposition has been 
announced and carried into effect that the majority entitled by law 
to govern, but in the opinion of a minority unfit, shall not be per- 
mitted to govern, it is not in the Philippines, but it is in the United 
States. 

But, Mr. President, for the purpose of refuting the proposition 
that this Government has acted toward Aguinaldo with Punic faith 
— that is the adjective, "with Punic faith" — I am compelled briefly to 
consider the evidence upon which, in the several relations, that 
charge is made. 

First, it is said that Aguinaldo was promised independence and 
that for the Government of the United States not to accord it is 
for it to perpetrate an act of national dishonor. 

I deny, Mr. President, that there is any basis whatever for the 
assumption that Aguinaldo was promised independence or that the 
Filipinos were promised independence. 

It is claimed by Aguinaldo that he was promised independence by 
our consul at Singapore, Mr. Pratt, and at Hongkong, Mr. Wildman. 
Mr. Day, inferring from a publication in a Singapore paper that 
possibly Mr. Pratt had been indiscreet, cabled him June 16, 1898, 
to avoid unauthorized negotiations with Philippine insurgents, to 
which Mr. Pratt replied June 19 as follows : 

SECRETARY OF STATE, Washington: 
No intention negotiate; left that Dewey, who desired Aguinaldo come. 

PRATT. 

June 16, 1898, Mr. Day wrote to Mr. Pratt, among other things, 
as follows : 

If in the course of your conferences with General Aguinaldo you acted upon 
the assumption that this Government would cooperate with him for the fur- 
therance of any plan of, his own, or that in accepting bis cooperation it would 
consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which may be put 
forward, your action was unauthorized, and can not be approved. 

June 20, in reply to cable of June 16, Mr. Pratt wrote the Sec- 
retary of State as follows : 

My action in the m»tter was limited to obtaining the assurance of General 
Aguinaldo's willingness to cooperate with our forces, communicating this to 
Commodore Dewey, and, upon the latter's expressing a desire that he should 
come on as soon as possible, arranging for the General to do so. 

Under date July 28 Mr. Pratt wrote the Secretary of State as 
follows : 

I declined even to discuss with General Aguinaldo the question of the fu- 
ture policy of the United States with regard to the Philippines; that I held 
out no hopes to him of any kind, committed the Government in no way 
whatever, and in the course of our conferences never acted upon the assump- 
tion that the Government would cooperate with him— General Aguinaldo— for 
the furtherance of any plan of his own, nor that in accepting his said coopera- 
tion it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which 
he might put forward. 

The Senator from Washington some time since, in the course of 
a speech here, read from a Singapore paper what he contended indi- 
cated an admission in a public speech, by consul Pratt that he had 



35 

promised independence. That Senator omitted to state, although 
I know he would have stated it if he had known it, what I state now, 
that when Mr. John Foreman made substantially the same statements 
in the first edition of his book on the Philippines Consul Pratt filed 
a bill in equity and obtained an injunction restraining him from the 
further distribution of the edition, upon the ground that the state- 
ment was not true, and in the second edition and all subsequent edi- 
tions there is. a note at the beginning of the book correcting the 
statements and announcing the omission of the pages from the book. 
Mr. Wildman also was heard from upon the subject. Under date 
of August 8, 1898, from Hongkong, he addressed the following 
cablegram to Mr. Moore, Asssistant Secretary of State : 

Never made pledges nor discussed policy of America with Aguinaldo further 
than to try and hold him to promises before Dewey took him to Cavite, be- 
lieving it my duty, it being understood that my influence is good. If report 
contrary, I disavow. 

Could anything be more idle than to predicate a charge of dis- 
honor upon an alleged breach by the United States of a political 
promise made by a consul? Consuls are not diplomats. As the 
Senator from Minnesota [Mr. Davis] said the other day, they are 
only commercial agents. 

It has been said here that there are men learned in international 
law surrounding Aguinaldo. That is, I think, quite true; and how 
foolish it is to suppose that Aguinaldo and the junta would for one 
moment, had such promise or assurance been given, relied upon 
them. 

It is alleged that Admiral Dewey promised Aguinaldo independ- 
ence. Aguinaldo says that himself. He did not claim it, so far as 
I have been able to discover, until a short time before the outbreak 
of hostilities, and in the "True version of the Philippine revolution," 
which he published to the world. 

On May 26 the Secretary of the Navy cabled Admiral Dewey as 
follows : 

It is desirable, as far as possible, and consistent with your success and 
safety, not to have political alliances with the insurgents, or any faction in 
the islands, that would incur liability to maintain their cause in the future. 

June 6 Admiral Dewey replied to this dispatch: 

Receipt of telegram of May 26 is acknowledged, and I thank the Department 
for the expression of confidence. Have acted according to the spirit of De- 
partment instructions therein from the beginning, and I have entered into no 
alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. 

Admiral Dewey has since specifically denied it. He denied it in 
the letter over his own signature addressed to Senator Lodge; he 
denied it in his cablegram to the Secretary of the Navy; he 
denied it in a memorandum inserted in the report of the Philippine 
Commisssion, which he signed; he denied it in a statement sent to 
the Senate by the President only a day or two ago. 

No one would impute to Admiral Dewey, who conducted affairs in 
the Far East after the fall or destruction of the Spanish fleet with 
consummate ability, such ignorance as to his power and duty as 
for one moment to believe that he had pledged to this man, whom 
he had never seen before and of whom he knew nothing, independ- 
ence for a government which he was yet to establish. 

In a memorandum written for the preliminary report of the Phil- 
ippine Commission, of which Admiral Dewey was a member, he 
says, referring to his first meeting with Aguinaldo, May 19 : 

No alliance of any kind was entered into with Aguinaldo, nor was any 
promise of independence made to him, then or any other time. 

Aguinaldo, however, in what is called "the true version of the 
Philippine revolution," says on one page here — I will spend but a 



36 

moment upon it — that on one occasion Admiral Dewey, accom- < 
panied by General Anderson, visited him, and that in the presence 
of General Anderson this statement was made by Admiral Dewey : 

The Admiral continued: Documents are useless when there is no sense of 
honor on one side, as was the case in respect of the compact with the Span- 
iards, who failed to act up to what had been written and signed. 

Have faith in my word, and I assure you that the United States will rec- 
ognize the independence of the country. But I recommend you to keep a 
good deal of what we have said and agreed secret at present. I further re- 
quest you to have patience if any of our soldiers insult any Filipinos, for, 
being volunteers, they are as yet undisciplined. 

Admiral Dewey, on January 30 last, denounced this pamphlet and 
the statements, in so far as they related to him, as a tissue of false- 
hood thus : 

DEAR SENATOR LODGE: The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, recent- 
ly published in the Springfield Republican, so far as it relates to me, is a tissue 
of falsehood. I never promised him, directly or indirectly, independence for 
the Filipinos. I never treated him as an ally, except so far as to make use 
of him and his soldiers to assist me in my operations against the Spaniards. 
He never uttered the word "independence" in any conversation with me or 
my officers. The statement that I received him with military honors or sa- 
luted the Filipino flag is absolutely false. 

Sincerely yours, GEORGE DEWEY. 

It will be noticed that at the interview in which Admiral Dewey 
is alleged to have uttered the foregoing, General Anderson was 
present. General Anderson was asked by telegraph by the Adjutant- 
General, under date May 11, concerning this conversation, to which 
he replied as follows : 

Philadelphia, Pa., May 14, 1900. 
ADJUTANT-GENERAL, 

Washington, D. C. : 
Telegram received. I have Aguinaldo's pamphlet. His statement as to 
Admiral Dewey's promise of recognition and documents not being necessary, 
are not true as to any occasion wh^n I was present. I can recall onlv two 
occasions on which we saw Aguinaldo together. All his statements inaccu- 
rate, except that we were fighting a common enemy. 

ANDERSON, Brigadier-General, Retired. 

It has seemed strange to me that any American should be found 
to make the charge of dishonor upon the Government or its Admin- 
istration based upon nothing except the .statements of Aguinaldo, 
contradicted, as he is, over and over again. 

But that is not all. Some documents have been captured over 
there. Among others is a document which gives the secret pro- 
ceedings — it has been sent to the Senate — of the junta in Hongkong 
on May 5. Aguinaldo was there, Agoncillo was there, TeoJoroSandico 
was there, Lopez was there, Montenegro was there. It is signed by a 
large number of them in testimony that what transpired is faith- 
fully set down and sealed. 

Mr. STEWART. May, 1898? 

Mr. SPOONER. May 5, 1898. It says : 

The president described the negotiations which took place during his ab- 
sence in Singapore with the American consul of that English colouv; both 
agreed that the president should confer with the Admiral commanding the 
American squadron in Mir Bay, and if he should accept his propositions as 
beneficial, in his judgment, to the Filipinos, he should go in one of the 
cruisers which form the fleet and take part in the subsequent events. 

This was after the conversation with the consul. Strange, is it 
not, if the consul had promised independence to a government to be 
formed by Aguinaldo, that the thing which above all other things 
he desired, it is thought, in his communication to his associates he 
ishould have neglected to state? There is not one word in these 
proceedings which indicates that any such promise had been made ; 
that any such subject had been discussed — not one word. But there 
are statements in this paper which show that no such promise could 
have been made, or that if it was made it was not relied upon. 



37 

Aguinaldo did not wish to go. He wished to send four members 
of the junta. He gave certain reasons why he did not wish to go, 
and one of the reasons was that Admiral Dewey might call upon 
him, if he went, to enter into some agreement before cooperating — T 
do not use the language — which would control or embarrass the 
future of his country— when the guns of the Filipinos would be turn- 
ed against the Americans. 

After arguments had been made by various members of the junta 
in favor of Aguinaldo's going, the record is thus: 

Notwithstanding the previous remarks, the president (Aguinaldo) insists that 
he considers it dangerous for him to go to the Filipines without a previous 
written agreement with the Admiral, since it may happen that if he places 
himself at his orders he may make him sign or seal a document containing pro- 
posals highly prejudicial to the interests of the fatherland, from which may 
arise the following grave disadvantages: 

First. * * * 

Second. * * * These are the means, he thinks, which should be first 
employed to find out certainly what are the intentions of the United States m 
regard to that country. * * * He adds, besides, that the Admiral, there 
being no previous contract, may not divide the armament necessary to guar- 
antee the happiness of the fatherland." 

After various speeches, by Sandico and others, the document pro- 
ceeds : 

The authority to treat, which the President thinks of giving to the other 
chiefs, without reflecting at all upon their personal deserts, they do not be- 
lieve can be as effective as his personal attention to the matter, to such ser- 
ious affairs as those which are the subject of discussion. There will be no 
better occasion than the present for the expeditionary forces to land on those 
islands and to arm themselves at the expense of the Americans and assure toe 
attainment oi our legitimate aspirations against those very people. 

The Filipino people, unprovided with arms, will be the victim of the de- 
mands and exactions of the United States, but provided with arms will be 
able to oppose themselves to them and struggle for their independence, in 
which consists the true happiness of the Philippines. 

After referring to the "prestige which he (Aguinaldo) acquired in 
the last rebellion," it proceeds : 

Once the President in the Philippines, with his prestige he will be able to 
arouse those masses to combat the demands of the United States if they colo- 
nize that country, and will drive them, the Filipinos, if circumstances render 
it necessary, to a Titanic struggle for their independence, even if later they 
should succumb to the weight of the yoke of a new oppressor. 

Were they relying on a promise of independence? 

They were arranging then, before Aguinaldo and his companions 
went back to Manila, for a contingency in which, having obtained 
arms upon a promise of cooperation they should use those arn<s 
against soldiers of the United States. No man with judgment could 
find what is written in this secret proceedings consistent at all, either 
with the promise of independence or their reliance uptm a promise 
of independence. 

It is not worth spending time on at all if it were not that on this 
is based a charge of dishonor, and without warrant. I for one can 
not discuss this matter and permit that charge to go unanswered 
when the facts make a complete defense against it. 

He made no claim of any such promise until very late, and after 
he had gone to Manila he wrote to General Anderson, under date 
July 24, "I came from Hongkong to prevent my countrymen from 
making common cause with the Spanish against the North Ameri- 
cans ;" and he justified the proclamation of his dictatorship upon 
that ground, and in all the letters or proclamations in which he be- 
sought independence he never claimed until this proclamation, issued 
shortly before the outbreak of hostilities, that it had been promised 
him, and in his letter to the President, which has been so greatly 
lauded for its literary merit, he asked for independence, but he did not 
contend at all that it had been promised to him. So why charge 



38 

bad faith upon the Administration for not according to Aguinaldo's 
government or alleged government, the moment he formed it, inde- 
pendence as having been promised ? 

It is said that there was implied recognition of his government, 
and that upon that ground we have been acting in breach of faith. 
Is that true? Is it sustained? The Senator from South Dakota 
[Mr. Pettigrew] says it is sustained. He based his charge for one 
thing upon the allegation that Admiral Dewey saluted the flag of the 
Philippine Republic. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. He undoubtedly did. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, then, Admiral Dewey is published by the 
Senator before the world as a concrete liar. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Not by me. 

Mr. SPOONER. He denies it. The American people will believe 
Admiral Dewey when he says he never saluted the flag. The 
Senator claimed, I think — and I trust he will not regard me as per- 
sonal; he nodded to me, and that is why I referred to him—that 
we had recognized them by convoying one of the Philippine ships — 
was it into Subig Bay? I think it was. Am I right? 
Mr. PETTIGREW. Yes; Subig Bay. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Senator still claim that we convoy- 
ed a Philippine ship into Subig Bay? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will answer the Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. Very well. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. The insurgents attacked the Spanish forces 
in Subig Bay. They sent a vessel to Manila to ask Admiral Dewey 
to assist. Dewey received word from this vessel, and he sent the 
Raleigh and another ship to Subig Bay, captured the Spanish garri- 
son, and turned the prisoners over to Aguinaldo's forces. 

It appears from a statement of the officers of the Government that 
the vessel of Aguinaldo did not accompany our vessels, our vessels 
leaving in the night, so that the vessel which had come to ask them 
to return to their assistance was not aware of their departure. I 
said in a resolution of inquiry that it had been stated that they did 
convoy or go in company with a Philippine vessel to Subig Bay to 
secure the surrender of the Spanish troops, and I asked for the 
information. My resolution was tabled by the Senate. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes; I voted to table it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Afterwards the Administration admitted 
everything that had been said except that our vessels did not go 
back with the Filipino vessel which came to ask them for their as- 
sistance. Here was an alliance and the turning over of the prisoners 
to the allies. 

Mr. SPOONER. I voted against the Senator's resolution. I re- 
member the Senator's resolution. It was craftily drawn. I do not 
mean intentionally so, of course; but it was so drawn as that for 
the Senate to have adopted it would have been a finding of fact by 
this body that there was a Philippine Republic in the international 
sense and a Philippine flag ; and because I believed that to be un- 
true, and not as the Senator seemed to think at the time of all of 
us, that we were afraid of laying the truth before the American 
people, I voted to lay the resolution upon the table. Has not the 
Senator been of the opinion that one or more of our naval ships 
convoyed a ship of Aguinaldo's to Subig Bay? Was not that the 
Senator's opinion? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That was my opinion at the time I presented 
the resolution. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is the Senator's opinion now? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I am in doubt about it now. I never could 



39 

get all the information. We never have had it. The Administra- 
tion does not give us the full information. We never have had 
any consecutive story of this revolt and the circumstances connected 
with it. We are left to draw our conclusions and to gather our 
information from a censored press, from suppressed information. It 
is not considered compatible with the interest of the President as a 
candidate for reelection to furnish us the information, and we do 
not get it, and we have not got it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, I should think once in one session would 
be sufficient for the Senator to insult the President. The President 
has manifested no purpose whatever to withhold from the Senate any 
information, and he has been sending information here in response to 
the request of the Senate month after month during this session. 
But if the Senator has doubt about the proposition or the allegation 
of fact that one or more of our naval ships convoyed an alleged Fili- 
pino ship, with an alleged Philippine republic flag flying at its mast- 
head, to Subig Bay, he has doubt of the veracity of Captain Coghlan. 

The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] in his speech read 
the other day in the presence of the Senate the following letter : 

February i, 1900. 
MY DEAR SENATOR LODGE: 

I was in command of the expedition sent by the Admiral (Raleigh and Con- 
cord) to the mouth of Subig Bay, July 6, 1898, to capture Grande Island, then 
held by the Spaniards. I wish to affirm as strongly as human words caa 
do so that Aguinaldo's people did not accompany us, and that they took no 
part whatever in that capture. No one but the Admiral, Lieutenant Brumby, 
Captain Walker, and myself even knew where we were to go. We left at 
midnight without lights of any kind, not even signaling, as usual, for per. 
mission to get under way, and no one knew except the flagship and a vessel 
or two near us, that the vessels (Raleigh and Concord) had moved from 
their berths. It was not known until next morning that we had gone out oi 
sight of our fleet. At this very time the so-called gun-boat of Aguinaldo was 
anchored at Cavite, and did not learn of our departure until next day about 
noon. We captured Grande Island about 10.30 a. m., July 7, and no Fili- 
pino boat of any description appeared about Subig Bay until that evening 
about 7 p. m., when the boat we had left at Cavite came in and expressed 
the greatest surprise at our capture, telling us they had hoped to take part 
in the attack. So far as Aguinaldo's people having anything to do with the 
capture, after it had been done I instructed their chief at Alongapo, about 
5 miles up the bay, that his people must in no way bother with the island, and 
to prevent them I moved the Raleigh out into the bay, where the search- 
lights were used all night to see that no insurgeants went near the island. 
In my opinion, those on the island could have held out indefinitely, as they 
were well provided with everything, and the Aguinaldoites had no artillery- 
one small gun only on their so-called gunboat, and the rest of her arma- 
ment (?) consisting of pieces of 3-inch pipe stuck through chocks and holes 
in her sides to simulate guns. 

There may not be much glory arising from that capture, but on behalf of 
my naval comrades, who did it alone, I object to having any of it taken away 
by anyone attempting to falsely assign us help. 

Yours, very truly, J. B. COGHLAN, 

Captain, U. S. N. 

This charge of dishonor, based upon the allegation that we rec- 
ognized a republic over there by convoying a ship flying its flag, falls 
to the ground; and I know the Senator will not challenge the 
word of Captain Coghlan. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will say that I think the paper the Senator 
has in his hand was sent in in response to a resolution passed by 
the Senate, which I introduced on the 27th of April 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. And that resolution reads as follows in re- 
gard to the Subig Bay incident: 

The President is also requested to inform the Senate whether the flag of 
the Philippine republic was ever saluted by Admiral Dewey or any of the 
vessels of his fleet at any time since May 1, 1898. Did Admiral Dewey, at the 
request of Aguinaldo or any officer under him, send the vessels Concord and 



40 

Raleigh to Subig Bay to assist Aguinaldo's forces in the capture of the Span- 
ish garrison at that place? Did said vessels assist in the capture of the Span- 
ish garrison, and after the surrender did they turn the prisoners thus taken 
over to the Philippine forces? 

I think that paper corroborates and answers in the affirmative 
every one of those questions, except the question of saluting the flag. 
As far as that question is concerned, I will show by the executive 
officer of Admiral Dewey's own ship that he did salute the flag; I 
will show by the statement of Halstead, who was a Government 
official, that he did salute the flag; and I will show by letters from 
numerous soldiers that we saluted the Philippine flag and the Phil- 
ippine troops every time they came in the presence of our Army. I 
will then leave the question as to who is right and who is wrong 
to be fought out between these different people. I shall try to do 
this in reply to the Senator's speech. 

Mr. SPOONER. All right. Then the Senator admits that in 
response to this particular resolution of his, there was no attempt 
upon the part of the Administration to suppress information. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator will admit also that the informa- 
tion which was sent, so far as Captain Coghlan's letter covers it, 
disposed of all of his allegations of fact put in an interrogatve form, 
exceot the matter of the saluting of the flag. 

Mi-. PETTIGREW. The Senator says I will admit numerous 
things. I admit nothing of the sort. 

Mr. SPOONER. I was wrong in supposing the Senator would 
admit it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Except that the reply confirms the state- 
ment I made in every particular except in that of saluting the flag. 
That is what I said, and as I understood the Senator 

Mr. SPOONER. Did not the Senator charge that Aguinaldo's 
vessel helped in the capture of the place ? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I think not. 

Mr. SPOONER. I thought you said so a moment ago. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Not at all. I did not say so, and I do not 
remember ever to have said so. 

Mr. SPOONER. Did not the Senator charge that Aguinaldo's ves- 
assisted them in taking it? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I have just read what I said in the resolu- 
tion, and I think everything in the resolution is answered in the 
affirmative by the information received except the saluting of the 
flag, and then I made my statement in regard to that. I wrote to 
the officer to ascertain whether we did salute the flag or not, and I 
have an autograph letter to the effect that we did. 

Mr. SPOONER. I withdraw my statement that the Senator ad- 
mitted anything. I did him an injustice, and I will supplement that 
by saying that I do not expect the Senator to admit anything ex- 
cept that this Government has been dishonorable and guilty of punic 
faith in its treatment of Aguinaldo. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Yes ; I think I can prove that. 

Mr. SPOONER. I think the Senator can not prove it. In fact 
I know the Senator can not prove it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I do not think there is any doubt about it. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator can no more prove it than he can 
prove or did prove the other day that a majority of the South Da- 
kota regiment were unwilling to serve after their term expired. I 
am glad the Senator could not prove that. There never comes 
into a soldier's life any prouder thing than that after his time has- 
expired he served in battle under his flag ; and when President Mc- 
Kinley congratulated the State of South Dakota, which I marched 



41 

over as a soldier before the Senator ever saw it, and congratulated 
her people and congratulated that regiment that regardless of the ex^ 
piration of their time they had gone into battle under our flag and 
fought with great gallantry, he recognized, as the truth warranto, 
a crown upon the brow of South Dakota which no man can ever 
take from her. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. If the Senator will permit me, I read the 
statement of the surgeon of the regiment and the lieutenant- 
colonel that 90 or 95 per cent of the boys wished to be discharged. 
Some of the soldiers told me, immediately after the President made 
that statement, that it was untrue. The reason why the South Da- 
kota boys were not proud of the service in which they had been 
conscripted against their will was because they were not in sym- 
pathy with the effort to destroy the liberties of another people. 

Mr. SPOONER. I suspect the fact that some of them felt that 
way is partly attributable to the industry of the Senator, not to the 
soldiers themselves. [Laughter.] 

Mr. PETTIGREW. That is a matter of opinion, which opinion 
the Senator has a right to entertain. 

Mr. SPOONER. I say that because the discussion indicated 
that in a great many letters from the Philippine Archipelago some 
were replies to letters written by the Senator. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Not one of them. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes ; there were some of them I am quite cer- 
tain. And I say another thing, that the prompt transmission of the 
governor's insulting letter to the President to be read to the sol- 
diers there was politics — Populistic politics, not American politics — 
and may have had something to do with inciting the agitation 
among some of the soldiers. I will never believe in dishonor in 
this Government or in the Administration, Democratic or Republi- 
can, unless I am obliged to. I will not hunt for stain upon the honor 
of my own country. 

Mr. President, it is said repeatedly that Aguinaldo was an ally of 
the United States, and that in firing upon him when he attacked us 
— I use that phrase advisedly ; we were guilty of Punic faith toward 
an ally. A flimsier thing never was asserted as foundation for 
a charge in a Presidential or any other campaign against an Admin- 
istration than that. An ally in the international sense he was not 
and could not be. There was no Filipino nation. There was no 
Filipino people in the organized sense. No man could for one mo- 
ment contend that there was an organization which could enter into 
a treaty of alliance. None such was ever pretended. As I said the 
other day, the Filipinos were in law enemies of the United States, 
not friends, because they were subjects of Spain. The Senator from 
South Dakota smiles. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Yes. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does he dispute it? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Certainly. It is the most absurd proposition 
the Senator has made. 

Mr. SPOONER. There never has been a work on international 
law which does not support that proposition; it has been decided by 
the Supreme Court of the United States; it is absolutely funda- 
mental; it is stated in the most modern as well as in the most ancient 
books, that, as a matter of law and important consequences flow 
from it the subjects of a government at war with another become 
the enemies of that other. The Senator is a good lawyer, he is a 
man of ability, and if he will address his mind to that proposition 
to-night he will not denv it to-morrow. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I certainly shall. 



42 

Mr. SPOONER. -Well, I will help him. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. To deny it? 

Mr. SPOONER. No ; to find the law ; I know where to find it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I am well aware of the Senator's ability, 
and I know he is a great student, for I studied law as a boy in his 
father's office when he was just beginning to practice, and in com- 
plimenting me perhaps he had a notion of, in a measure, compli- 
menting himself. 

Mr. SPOONER. No; I did not mean to do that. What I meant 
was this, and the Senator will do me that justice, to say that I have 
examined the question, and I thought it might facilitate the Sen- 
ator's investigation, if he cared to make it, for me to give him a 
list of the authorities in which I found it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. As an abstract principle, never good in 
practice or heard of in any history on the face of the earth, perhaps 
the Senator is correct. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh! 

Mr. PETTIGREW. But to say that the Filipinos were our ene- 
mies under the circumstances is such a terrible stretching of the 
abstract principle which the Senator seeks to invoke that it has no 
application. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator would not have said that if he had 
listened longer. I said the Filipino people were in law -the enemies 
of the United States while we were at war with Spain. Aguinaldo 
and such of his confreres who individually cooperated with us 
against Spain were not, of course, our enemies. All others were ; 
and if the Senator understood me as saying that the subjects of 
Spain who entered our Army — if any should — or who aided us in 
a war with Spain, were our enemies under this proposition of law, 
he misunderstood me. But Aguinaldo himself is not to be called, 
all things considered, an ally of ours. If he was an ally of ours, he 
was a very treacherous ally of ours, and it was not many weeks after 
he reached Manila before Admiral Dewey discovered that he ceased 
to be much of an ally and was inclined to "set up" business on his 
own account ; so much so that he was disgusted with him, and, as 
one of the papers puts it, thought he had the "big- head." 

Mr. Wildman, writing Mr. Moore, Assistant Secretary of State, 
under date of August 9th, says : 

Aguinaldo had for some weeks been getting what Admiral Dewey called 
the big head, and writing me sulky, childish letters. 

He claimed he was after independence, and, as indicated by the 
secret proceedings of the junta, he was proceeding in his perform- 
ance after he reached Manila largely on his own account, of course, 
in a way aiding us — I concede that — in fighting Spain, but for 
reasons of his own and for a purpose of his own. Why, Mr. Presi- 
dent, it is stated by Mr. Whitmarsh, the special commissioner over 
there of the Outlook, that Aguinaldo had planned to attack our first 
detachment of troops when they landed at Paranaque. 

In the preliminary report of the Commissioners it is stated : 

The landing of the American troops at Paranaque on July 15 so exasperated 
the revolutionary leader that he wished to attack at once, but was deterred 
by lack of arms and ammunition. He finally decided to wait until the fall 
of Manila, enter the city with the American troops, secure the arms of the 
•Spanish soldiers if possible, and then make his attack. 

Mr. TELLER. The first one? 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes ; I believe the first one, that he had in- 
tended to attack them and prevent their landing. He permitted 
them, however, to land, but from the day General Anderson landed 
there his attitude was not the attitude of an ally ; his correspondence 



43 

was not the correspondence of an ally; his conduct was not the 
conduct of an ally. I assert, Mr. President, without fear of success- 
ful contradiction, upon all the facts which are within our reach, that 
his conduct from the day General Anderson arrived there was the 
conduct of an enemy. 

Mr. BERRY. What date was that, if the Senator will permit me? 

Mr. SPOONER. I can not give the precise date. It was in June 
or early in July. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. The Fourth of July. 

Mr. SPOONER. That we landed there. If you look at the cor- 
respondence, you will see constant complaints ; you will see a con- 
stant j ealousy ; you will see that he insisted upon maintaining his 
position ; you will find that his troops were insolent to our men. 
You will find that Aguinaldo plumed himself as being friendly rather 
than just in not cutting off from Manila, after our troops had ar- 
rived there, the water supply. He constantly wanted recognition. 
He sought in every cunning way which could be devised to secure 
some recognition from General Anderson of him as president 
of his alleged government. He prohibited the people from furnish- 
ing supplies to General Anderson. 

Was that the conduct of an ally? Anderson wanted horses; he 
wanted supplies; he had newly arrived in the country. He prof- 
fered, of course, to pay for them. The correspondence shows that he 
received no reply; that he received no supplies, and that Ander- 
son was informed upon sufficient authority that they were forbidden 
by Aguinaldo, and Professor Worcester says that witnesses swore 
before the Commission that Aguinaldo had ordered them not to 
furnish our Army with any supplies ; and they were not furnished 
until General Anderson informed him that if he did not permit the 
supplies to be furnished, things that our troops needed, he would 
pass him and take them. 

It is stated (I presume the Senator does not believe that) that as 
early as June he was in negotiation with the Spaniards against us. 
I believe it, and I have good reason to believe it. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, there is no doubt but that 
the Spaniards made offers and propositions to Aguinaldo, and 
there is no doubt but that he considered them. But he brought 
them to us and stated to us (and the conversation, I think, must be 
familiar to the Senator) that he had rejected them and refused to 
accept. their offers and propositions. He seems to have been using 
this for the purpose of trying to compel, if possible, that public recog- 
nition of his government to which he felt he was entitled. There is 
no 4oubt about that. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, on the contrary, I believe it to 
be a fact, and I believe the assertion is warranted by the evidence, 
that Aguinaldo was in treaty with the Spanish authorities to sur- 
render Manila to him and join their forces in fighting us. One 
thing is very certain: That as early as October 25, long before the 
outbreak of February 4, 1899, before the cession of the Philippine 
Archipelago to us by Spain, Aguinaldo entered into negotiations with 
the Spaniards and proved himself, if an ally to us, to be a traitor 
to us. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. When was that? What is the date? 

Mr. SPOONER. The 25th of October, 1898. The Senator evi- 
dently has not, in his search for information, found it, but the 
President sent it to the Senate some time ago — April 18. Here 
it is. It is worth reading, because men will be told all through this 
country during the coming campaign (and that is what most of 
this business is for; nobody is deceived about that) that Aguinal- 



44 

do was our ally ; that up to the time we attacked him and his forces 
at Manila he was loyal to us as an ally. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. No ; we were not loyal to him. 

Mr. SPOONER. We were loyal to him. We gave him more 
loyalty, Mr. President, than he was entitled to. We stayed there 
month after month enduring his insolence and the insolence of his 
soldiers while they endeavored to taunt, I believe by his commaad, 
our soldiers into an act of hostility, and I will prove it before I 
finish. 

But, Mr.. President, about October 25 the Spanish general at 
Iloilo was apparently willing to surrender to us. When General 
Otis sent the expedition to Iloilo he supposed that the Spanish 
would surrender to us. He had received information that they de- 
sired to do it. Am I wrong about that? But they found when they 
reached there that he had by order of the Spanish Government 
evacuated the place. Now, here is what Aguinaldo wrote to him. 
Up to this time we had occupied no position of hostility to Agui^- 
naldo, and no man living can truthfully say we had. 

This is a captured document 

[Private.] 
REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT OF THE FILIPINES, 
OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT, 
Malolos, October 25, 1898. 
The Excellent Senor General DIEGO RIOS. 

RESPECTED GENERAL: I write to you without any desire of offending 
either your dignity or your patriotism, or of interfering in your high duties in 
the present circumstances, so critical for all of us, Filipinos, Spaniards, and 
Americans. I write to you, General, actuated solely by the desire of doing 
an act of evident justice, compatible with your honor and with those high 
duties which I cite above, and especially with the hope— 

"Especially with the hope" — 
OF YET SAVING FROM THE SHIPWRECK THE SOVEREIGNTY OF 
SPAIN IN THESE ISLANDS. 

While we were righting to liberate the Filipinos from the tyran- 
ny of Spain he was hopeful "of yet saving from the shipwreck the 
sovereignty of Spain in these islands." 

Mr. LODGE. Give the signature. 

Mr. SPOONER. I will give the signature in a moment. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Will the Senator give us the date of that? 

Mr. SPOONER. It is dated Malolos, October 25, 1808. 

Mr. CULLOM. Before the cession? 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes, before the cession. 

Mr. TILLMAN.- It was while the cession was being discussed, 
however, and after the demand had been made. 

Mr. SPOONER. It was while our commissioners were negotiating 
the treaty. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. And if I recollect aright, after- 
Mr. SPOONER. As I recollect it, before even our commissioners 
had demanded cession. The cession was demanded October 31 and 
vielded November 28. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. But after Dewey had captured all his vessels 
and confiscated them. 

Mr. SPOONER. Had captured all his vessels and confiscated 
them? What an awful violence ! 

Mr. TILLMAN. How did the President get that letter? 

Mr. SPOONER. It was captured ; I do not suppose Aguinaldo's 
consent was asked. He proceeds : 

I shall explain myself, General, to see if you can understand me, and to see 
whether it will be the same as with General Augustin, who did not care to pay 
any attention to the frank warnings I gave him, with noble intentions, in my 
letter of June 9 last. 



45 

Had he not been negotiating with General Augustin, in command 
of Manila in June? That is why I said I was satisfied that as earlv 
as June this "enemy" of Spain and this "ally" of ours was in treaty 
with Spaniards in Manila against us to save "from the shipwreck the 
sovereignty of Spain in these islands." 

Mr. TILLMAN. Did the Senator ever hear the fable of the wolf 
and the lamb? 

Mr. SPOONER. I have heard pretty nearly all the fables. I 
could call one or two in mind for the benefit of the Senator if I 
wanted to, but I will not take the time. I will read this again : 

I shall explain myself, General, to see if you can understand me, and to see 
whether it will be the same as with General Augustin, who did not care to pay 
any attention to the frank warnings I gave him, with noble intentions, in my 
letter of June 9 last. Time has unfortunately justified me, and I am able to 
declare that of all the Spanish generals you alone have known how to detend 
the Spanish flag in these islands. 

"To defend the Spanish flag in these islands ;" that flag of tyr- 
anny : that flag of cruelty ; that flag of merciless and long-continued 
outrage in the islands. 

Ah! if the others had only known how to sustain it as you have, how dif- 
ferent would be to-day the sad condition of the Spanish Empire in these 
lands. * * ♦ 

Ally ! Enemy of Spain ! 

I am informed that you are considering surrendering the place to us or to 
the Americans. After six months of vigorous siege and of total abandon- 
ment, I understand how you can prefer us to the others. 

The way to make this surrender is to ioin us and proclaim the federation 
of the Filipino republic with the Spanish republic, recognizing the chieftain- 
ship of our honorable president, Senor Emilio Aguinaldo. A fraternal em- 
brace will take place between Filipino Visayans and Spaniards; there will be 
hurrahs for Spain 

Ally! 

and the Filipines united as a federal republic — 

Independence of Spain I thought was the sole object of his life — 

your troops will pass into the common army — 

What common army? You will see in a moment — 

you will be promoted to be a lieutenant-general ; the Spanish employees in the 
Visayas will be supported by us; the government will pass to cur provincial 
councils and local juntas. 

Those who want to go back to Spain will be sent back at our expense, with 
enough to pay their way to Spain, and the flags of Spain and the Filipines 
will float side by side. You will give an account of this at Madrid and es- 
pecially to Pi. Marfal; AND TN THE MEANTIME WE SHALL FIGHT 
THE AMERICANS TOGETHER. 

Ally ! 

We shall conquer, and then we shall wait and adjust our future relations. 

I will not take the time to read it all. He adds : 

Your transfer to our side does not really involve treason to Spain, since 
the moment sovereignty passes to the Americans you are free to transfer your 
allegiance. This is in accordance with the principles of national honor. On 
the other hand, if you join us you cause the following: First, liberty for all 
the 9,000 Spanish prisoners in our hands — 

He did not have them ; he never had them — 

and then it would serve as the first base of the new alliance between Spain 
and the Filipinos- 
Three hundred years of oppression forgotten, love of liberty and 
independence inspiring every thought, he negotiated for an "alliance 
between Spain and the Filipinos" — 

and then it would serve as the first base of the new alliance between Spain 
and the Filipinos, and then from both will come honor and applause for you 
as having been the one fortunate enough to effect it. This is all that I can say 
to you at present, and I hope that you will tell me that you agree with m*» 
and then I shall be able to present this to MY GOVERNMENT and obtain 



46 

from it an agreement to what I have written AS A PRIVATE INDIVID UAL- 
Your most respectful and affectionate, 1-1-9-6-1-M. 

It is signed ''1-1-9-6-1-M," written on the paper used in the private 
office of the president, and"M," the letter at the end of it, is the first 
letter in the word "Miong," and "Miong" in the Philippine cipher 
is "Emilio." Is there any warrant for my assertion that in June, as 
well as in October, before the demand, even by our commissioners, 
of a cession of the Philippines, he was in treaty with Spain for the 
purpose of fighting the Americans: 

Ally, indeed ! 

I can not go into further detail, Mr. President. You remember 
his anger, because his troops were not permitted to go into Manila 
with his army and loot the city. Somebody denies that. It was de- 
nied here the ether day ; but in the papers that complaint, or de- 
mand, is made by his commissioners, and General Otis's reply, stating 
that there is no "spoil of war" according to our code of war, ad- 
dressed to Aguinaldo himself as in reply to a demand of his. No 
repudiation of it ever came from Aguinaldo. 

For months before he attacked us his position had been one of 
hostility. His soldiers had occupied a position of hostility. 

It is said we recognized his cooperaton and he cooperated wth us 
in going in and taking Manila. I will not spend much time upon 
that except to say that one of his bitter complaints was from the be- 
ginning that he was ignored by the American commander; that our 
plans were not given to him ; and when our troops attacked Manila 
he complained that he did not even have notice of it, apparently 
which was true. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. As the Senator seems to be addressing me — 

Mr. SPOONER. That was not my purpose. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I think that I am justified in interrupting him,, 
with his permission. 

Mr. SPOONER. I always address the most intelligent man on the 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Here again, Mr. President, the Senator is 
undertaking to compliment me because he thinks my education, hav- 
ing been tinder his father and under his tutelage, will reflect great 
honor upon himself. I will release him from any further allusion. 
to that subject. 

Mr. SPOONER. It was under my father's; not under mine. My 
father taught the Senator law. I am trying to teach him patriotism. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Well, I am very glad to receive such instruc- 
tion as the Senator can give ; but it seems to me his stock is meager, 
or he would be more jealous of the honor of our flag than to defend 
the attack, under that banner, upon the liberties of another people. 

Mr. SPOONER. I love the flag. Mr. President, I would be 
ashamed of the flag if it were the flag of a Government that had ever 
attacked the liberties of a people ; and when I say to the Senator that, 
in my eye, there is no stain upon the flag — there was one once, but 
blood washed it away ; there has been none oince : there 
never will be one again — he will assume from my reply that I deny 
his statement that under our flag an attack has been made by this 
Government upon the liberties of a people. Will the Senator tell me 
where the flag of the United States has ever gone but as the flag of 
liberty, except, perhaps, to Mexico in the interest of slavery? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will answer the Senator. I presume the infor- 
mation is correct, as all the information we get from Manila is cen- 
sored. The newspapers publish a dispatch saying that our flag went 



47 

to one of those islands, and, without losing a man, we murdered 300 
of its inhabitants, and all within a month. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, censoring is necessary, 
sometimes, and I suppose it was necessary over in Manila, 
as it always is in the midst of military operations. I 
think if there had l/een a censorship here there would 
have been less insurrection and bloodshed there. I do not mean to 
say anything against free speech, but I do mean to say, and I will 
prove it, that the cable has carried from here over there in rich 
abundance an encouragement to a prolongation of insurrection and 
warfare in the Philippines. I have no criticism of any word uttered 
in debate upon the treaty, whatever its effect might be. That was a 
present duty, that was a question pending before us for debate, and 
every Senator was right to give expression to every thought which 
occurred to him for it or against it. It is not always true morally, 
even in a free country, and I can remember the time when a great 
many good men in this country wept bitter tears of heartbreaking 
sorrow over words which, in the exercise of free speech, were 
spoken, which brought death, they thought, into many a home. 

There is no reason, so far as I know, to believe that General 
Otis has kept any information from the President of the United 
States, from the Secretary of War, or from the Adjutant-General. 
He may have censored some things to the newspapers ; every gov- 
ernment in the world does that in time of war, and must do it. 

I was saying that Aguinaldo bitterly complained — and there is 
nothing in the talk about our recognizing him and dealing with him 
as an ally and recognizing his forces as the forces of the government 
— that he was not notified even of our purpose, the time, or the plan 
of our attack upon Manila. It is stated, and I think it is true, that 
a portion of his men fired upon our troops — possibly by misad- 
venture ; that fifty of our men took 150 arms from his men, which 
were afterward returned ; and all the time in correspondence, Aguin- 
aldo, so far from claiming recognition by our generals, is complain- 
ing that he did not receive it ; and over and over again he was in- 
formed by General Anderson, by General Merritt, by General Otis 
in writing that the military officers of the United States had no 
power to recognize his government or him as President. 

Thursday, May 24, 1900. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yesterday, Mr. President, before I yielded 
the floor I had called the attention of the Senate to a letter written 
by Aguinaldo to the Spanish general, Rios, in command of Iloilo, 
October 25, before the commissioners at Paris had demanded a 
cession of the Philippine Archipelago, and of course before it had 
been ceded, in which he besought the Spanish general to surrender 
to him and not to the Americans and to join him with his troops 
and the 9,000 prisoners held by Aguinaldo in fighting the Ameri- 
cans. I called attention to it because it is irrefutable evidence and 
meets many charges found in the extended propaganda which for 
months has been flooding this country against the honor of the 
United States as represented by the Administration in their treat- 
ment of Aguinaldo and his forces. 

In this book of Aguinaldo's (and I do not read it for the purpose 
of denouncing him as a man not only of bad faith, but of want of 
veracity) appears a statement which I shall read. This is addressed 
to the nations of the world, attempting to set forth the breach of 
promise made by consuls and by Admiral Dewey, stating his victories 
and the extent of his control, and appealing for recognition. He says : 

I, Emilio Aguinaldo, though the humble servant of all, am, :is presi lent "f 



48 

the Philippine republic, charged with the safeguarding of tl<e rights and in- 
dependence of the people who appointed me to such an exalted position of 
trust and responsibility — 

]t is true the people did not appoint him; he appointed himself— 

mistrusted for the first time the honor of the Americans, perceiving of course 
that this proclamation of General Otis completely exceeded the limits of pru- 
dence, and that therefore no other course was open to me but to repel with 
arms such unjust and unexpected procedure on the part of tha commander of 
friendly forces. 

This was several months after Aguinaldo had written to the 
Spanish general asking him to surrender Iloilo to him and to join 
with his forces in fighting the Americans, the hated Spanish flag and 
the beloved Philippine republic flag to float side by side, and yet he 
says that he mistrusted our honor for the first time when General 
Otis issued his proclamation January 4, 1899. 

Much has been made of the statement that we recognized Aguin- 
aldo by turning over our sick to him. It was made in the Senate 
Chamber the other day. If there is any foundation for it in the 
papers accessible I have not been able to find it. It undoubtedly 
arises out of a request made by our officers of Aguinaldo. They 
treated him with the utmost courtesy. Our commanding officer made 
request to be permitted to establish a hospital on some high ground 
in the suburbs within his lines — a simple request in the interest of 
human life that any friendly commander would immediately grant. 
He refused it, and the General in reply stated that he had upon 
investigation come to the conclusion that the establishment of such 
a hospital was not necessary. 

It is said' we recognized him by turning over our prisoners to him. 
This refers — and I will spend but a moment upon it — to the troops 
captured by our naval forces at Subig Bay without any cooperation or 
assistance from Aguinaldo, although at that time he professed to 
be friendly, and our people were treating him as friendly. As the 
Spanish soldiers would not accept parole, and as there was not room 
for them upon the war ships, and as we had no soldiers there, the 
Admiral states that he left them in charge of Aguinaldo, first ex- 
acting the pledge that they should be decently treated as prisoners 
of war. They were our prisoners of war. That is all there is of 
that. 

It has been said that the outbreak of hostilities was brought about 
by us. On the papers I denounce that as without the slightest foun- 
dation. On the contrary, I assert here, and it is susceptible of proof, 
not only that the attack upon our troops was made by the troops of 
Aguinaldo, but that it was long premeditated. Why do I say that? 
I say it, Mr. President, among other things, for this reason: I hold 
in my hand a cable dated Manila, May 7, 1900, from General Mac- 
Arthur, as gallant and chivalrous a soldier as ever served in any 
army. It refers to a paper captured the other day from Aguinaldo's 
troops in the mountains by General Funston. It throws a great light 
upon the fact which has been in contention : 

Manila, May 7, 1900. 
ADJUTANT-GENERAL, Washington : 

Referring to cable 5th instant re Aguinaldo's orders for uprising Manila. 
Order contains ever thousand words, mostly detailed instructions street fight- 
ing; involves certain acts treachery — use boiling liquids from upper windows 
by women and children. Assassination American officers implied, not posi- 
tively ordered. Paper principally valuable account date, January 9, 1899, evi- 
dencing well developed plans of offensive insurgents before outbreak. Im- 
portance full text insufficient justify expense cabling. Unless absolutely re- 
quired will not cable. Otis took original. 

MacARTHUR. 

It would have cost $2,000 to cable it. There are a thousand words 
in the order, written in the Tagalos language, with Aguinaldo's own 



49 

signature to it, dated January 7, many_, many days before the out- 
break of hostilities, which occurred on February 4. 

Ally! A man brutally attacked, the friend of liberty and our 
coadjutor, by American troops! 

That is not all, Mr. President. Without limit, evidences which can 
not be disputed are susceptible of accumulation. 

[Presidency. Personal.] 
REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT OF THE PHILIPPINES, 
Two days before the date of this order 

Malolos, January 7, 1899. 
MY DEAR DON BENITO: I write this to ask you to send to this our 
Government the photograph you have in your house, and I will pay you tor 
whatever price you may ask. Also please buy me everything which may be 
necessary to provide the said photograph. 

I beg you to leave Manila with your family and to come here to Malolos, 
but not because I wish to frighten you — I merely wish to warn you for your 
satisfaction, although it is not yet the day or the week. 
Your affectionate friend, who kisses your hands, 

EMILIO AGUINALDO. 
Sr. D. BENITO LEGARDA. 

The week fixed was the first week in February, the day fixed was 
the 5th day of February, and the outbreak came one day before it 
was intended. 

Gen. Charles King, a gallant and noble soldier of the Regular 
Army, years ago wounded in the Indian wars, and retired, but un- 
willing to remain inactive during the Spanish-American war, in 
which he was a general officer, has written to me the following letter. 

Milwaukee, Wis., May 5, 1900. 

DEAR SIR: The conditions in front of my brigade preceding the outbreak 
of February 4, 1899, were as follows: 

The line of delimitation extended along the estuaries from Pandacan Point 
on my extreme left to blockhouse 12 on my extreme right. Only one bridge 
crossed the estuary. It was directly in front of my center at blockhouse 11. 

It was distinctly prescribed that under arms, neither Americans nor insur- 
gents should cross that line. 

On December 21, insurgent guards, under arms, crossed to our side, and 
a clash with our sentries was narrowly averted. General Ricarti promised 
that it should not occur again, but on December 29, and once before, the same 
thing happened. After January 1, 1899, although the insurgents were allowed, 
unarmed, to wander at will within our lines, they ordered our officers back. By 
January 3 there were significant demonstrations. Earthworks and redoubts 
grew with every night, and up to January 8 Filipino families in great numbers 
passed out of town to the country, carrying their goods with them. The in- 
surgents increased the guard at the bridge opposite my center. From this 
time I could see their working parties flitting about the opposite fields all 
night long; reported the intrenchments rapidly growing, but we were for- 
bidden to make counter demonstration. 

After January 15 insurgent officers and men repeatedly threatened and in- 
sulted my sentries, daring them to fight, calling them cowards, flashing their 
swords in their faces. In order to do this they had to come across the bridge. 
We were ordered to pay no attention to threats or abuse, and the situation 
grew constantly more strained until the general attack made by the insur- 
gents the night of Saturday, February 4, and morning of Sunday, February 5. 

General MacArthur's report, herewith, tells of the attack north of the Pasig 
River. It was there the battle began. At 2.40 Sunday morning the insur- 
gents made a deliberate attack in force on my line south of the Pasig. It 
was provoked by no shot or demonstration on our part. Every forbearance 
was shown. 

Very respectfully, 

CHARLES KING, 
Late Brigadier-General, U. S. V. 

Hon. JOHN C. SPOONER, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Thus it appears that during those weeks, Mr. President, every 
night, the time was spent by Aguinaldo's forces in making earth- 
works and redoubts around Manila. Why were they doing this 
around Manila? Why were they adding to their fortifications? Were 
they anticipating an attack from the Spanish troops? The Spanish 
troops had surrendered months before and had been transported back 
to Spain. They were getting ready for a fight with the soldiers of 



50 

the United States. They had no reason to anticipate an> 
attack from us. The President, as the cablegrams 

show, over and over again, all the time, whenever 
word came from Manila from our officers of bad blood be- 
tween the two armies or of insult to our men, of every conceivable 
taunt and attempt to provoke a resort to violence upon our part,, 
never failed to cable there, not to resort to force; not to break the 
peace: and General Otis, only a few days before the outbreak, wrote 
the following letter to Aguinaldo: 

Permit me now briefly, General, to speak of the serious misunderstanding 
which exists between the Philippine people and the representatives of the 
United States Government, and which I hope that our Commissioners, by 
thorough discussion, may be able to dispel. I sincerely believe that all de- 
sire peace and harmony, and yet by the machinations of evil-disposed persons 
we have been influenced to think that we occupy the position of adversaries. 
The Filipinos appear to think that we meditate an attack, while I am under 
the strictest orders of the President of the United States to avoid a conflict 
in every way possible. 

The President did his duty in the interest of peace. General Otis- 
did his duty in the interest of peace in notifying Aguinaldo directly 
that he was under the strictest orders to avoid a conflict. 

My troops, witnessing the earnestness and the comparatively disturbed and 
unfriendly attitude of the revolutionary troops, and many of the citizens ot 
Manila, conclude that active hostilities have been determined upon, although 
it must be clearly within the comprehension of unprejudiced and reflecting 
minds that the welfare and happiness of the Philippine people depend upon 
the friendly protection of the United States. i lie hand of Spain was forced, 
and she has acknowledged before the world that all her claimed rights in this 
country have departed by due process of law. 

This treaty acknowledgment, with the conditions which accompany it,, 
awaits ratification by the Senate of the United States, and the action of its 
Congress must also be secured before the Executive of that Government can 
proclaim a definite policy. That policy must conform to the will of the 
people of the United States, expressed through its Representatives in Con- 
gress. For that action the Filipino people should wait, at least, before sev- 
ering their existing friendly relations. I am governed by a desire to further 
the interests of the Filipino people, and shall continue to labor with that 
end in view. There shall be no conflict of forces if 1 am able to avoid it, 
and still I shall endeavor to maintain a position to meet all emergencies. 

What more could be asked by the most critical "anti-imperialist,"" 
as some of these gentlemen call themselves ? What more toward the 
preservation of peace could the President have done or could our 
generals have done? Nothing more. It was the farthest from our 
thought, the farthest from our wish, to have trouble there. Our 
foroes had not gone there for trouble with the Filipinos. 

Mr. President, it has been thought and stated many times, and it 
will be stated again, that if the Senate had passed the Bacon reso- 
lution after the ratification of the treaty there would have been no 
war. The Bacon resolution was pending; a Filipino commission 
headed by Agoncillo was here in the city; that resolution had not 
been acted upon ; even the treaty had not been acted upon. They 
knew in the Philippines of the pendency of the treaty ; they knew in 
the Philippines of the pendency of the Bacon resolution, and when it 
came before the Senate and was voted upon, I believe it was only lost 
by the casting vote of the Vice-President. 

Bui they would not wait. This second George Washington; this 
man who wanted only liberty and independence, although he had 
been trading with the Spaniards from June 9 to fight us; this man 
surrounded by international lawyers ; this man and his people capa- 
ble of independent government, could not wait. Why not? Puffed 
with the pride and the vanity of the Oriental that so disgusted Ad- 
miral Dewey with him, within thirty days after he arrived at Ma- 
nila, thinking he could drive us out of the Philippines, he was not 
willing to wait. 



51 

It has been said that we fired the" first shot." In one sense, that 
is true. I will not read the statement from the report of the com- 
mission as to the details of the situation out of which came hostilities. 
It is known of all men, it is not open to dispute, that on that night 
of February 4 a lieutenant, and, I think, four private soldiers, and 
possibly one non-commissioned officer, came three times within our 
lines, where they had no right to be, and attempted to force the 
guard. Three times that sentry halted them, and on the third time 
on their approach he fired. He was not obliged to halt them more 
than once, but the third time he fired, I think it is stated, killing the 
lieutenant. Thereupon, simultaneously and almost immediately, 
there was a general attack from the Filipino lines upon our lines. 

It was stated here the other day that our sentry was where he 
had no right to be. Is that true? The Senator from South Dakota 
[Mr. Pettigrew] said he could prove it. When before did the mere 
shot of a sentry or a guard precipitate a general firing along the 
whole line? Never, unless it was a prearranged signal. Such a 
thing never was known, I believe, in the history of war. Philippine 
soldiers had been shot before by American sentinels, I think once at 
least ; but evidently by arrangement there was a general firing upon 
our troops along the entire line. 

From the report of General MacArthur this appears : 

The pertinacity of the insurgents in passing armed parties over the line^ of 
delimitation into American territory, at a point nearly opposite the pipe-line 
outposts of the Nebraska regiment, induced a correspondence which, in the 
light of subsequent events, is interesting, as indicating with considerable 
precision a premeditated purpose on the part of somebody in the insurgent 
army to force a collision at that point. The original note from these head- 
quarters, which was prepared after conference with the department commander, 
was carried by Major Strong, who entered the insurgent lines and placed the 
paper in the hands of Colonel San Miguel. The answer of Colonel San Mi- 
guel was communicated in an autograph note, which was written in the pres- 
ence of Major Strong, who also saw Colonel San Miguel write an order to his 
officer at the outpost in question, directing him to withdraw from the Ameri- 
can side of the line. This order Major Strong saw delivered to the officer 
on the outpost. The correspondence referred to is as follows, the original of 
Colonel San Miguel's note, which was written in the Spanish language, being 
inclosed herewith: 

HEADQUARTERS SECOND DIVISION EIGHTH ARMY CORPS, 
Manila, Philippine Islands, February 2, 1899. 
Commanding General Philippine Troops in Third Zone: 

SIR: The line between your command and my command has long been 
established, and is well understood by yourself and myself. 

It is quite necessary, under present conditions, that, this line should not 
be passed by armed men of either command. 

An armed party from your command now occupies the village in front of 
blockhouse No. 7, at a point considerably more than 100 yards on my side 
of the line, and is very active in exhibiting hostile intentions. This party 
must be withdrawn to your side of the line at once. 

From this date, if the line is crossed by your men with arms in their hands, 
they must be regarded as subject to such action as I may deem necessary. 
Very respectfully, 

ARTHUR MacARTHUR, 
Major-General, U. S. V., Commanding. 
San Juan Del Monte, February 2, 1899. 
Major-General MacARTHUR. 

MY VERY DEAR SIR: In reply to yours dated this day, in which you 
inform me that my soldiers have been passing the line of demarcation fixed 
by agreement, I desire to say that this is foreign to my wishes, and I shall 
give immediate orders in the premises that they retire. 
Truly, yours, 

L. F. SAN MIGUEL, 
Colonel and First Chief. 
At about 8.30 p. m., February 4, an insurgent patrol consisting of 4 armed 
soldiers entered our territory at blockhouse No. 7 and advanced to the little 
village of Santol, which was occupied from the pipe-line outpost of the Ne- 
braska regiment. (This, it will be observed, was precisely the point referred 
to in the correspondence above quoted.) The American sentinel challenged 
twice, and then, as the insurgent patrol continued to advance, he fired, 



52 

whereupon the patrol retired to blockhouse No. 7, from whence fire was imme- 
diately opened by the entire insurgent outpost at thai point. 

,-. Notice that the line of delimitation had been agreed upon; it had 
been long established; there had been many attempts to force that 
line, and General MacArthur called the attention of General San 
Miguel to the fact of an army patrol, in disregard of the line es- 
tablished, coming with hostile intent, apparently, into our lines, and 
asked him to stop it, giving him fair notice that if repeated it would 
be treated as an evidence of hostility. The officer replied that he 
would. On the night of February 4, the night when hostilities broke 
out, the offense was repeated at that precise spot. Can anyone doubt 
what that was for? Can any man who is unwilling to see anything 
in all this business but dishonor and brutality and crime upon the 
part of an American President and of American generals and Ameri- 
can troops doubt that the patrol went there in order to force a hostile 
shot from the American troops? 

But that is not all, Mr. President. I have before me a letter from 
Manila, written by a man whom I believe to be entirely reliable, 
the special correspondent of the Outlook. I have read many of his 
letters. They are frank letters ; they have indulged in some criticisms 
upon us as wanting here and there in the requisite tact, tfat certainly 
he seems to be a reliable man, as he certainly is an intelligent one. 
He says : 

I have seen letters sent by Aguinaldo to his chie* men in Manila at that 
time — 

Referring to the outbreak — 

directing them to arm and instruct the secret regiments that had been raised 
inside the town. 

Shortly before the outbreak. 

Finally, about February 1, he notified the officers that they were to rise on 
the sth, and that simultaneously he would invade the city. Over 2,000 Spanish 
soldiers who were then being fed and housed by the Americans had enlisted 
in these secret regiments. 

The man, Teodoro Sandico, who issued the order which was 
sought to be carried out on the night of the 22d of February (Wash- 
ington's birthday), for the extermination not only of our forces but 
of the families of all Europeans, Americans, Spaniards, Hollanders, 
Frenchmen, and English, men, women, and children, without com- 
passion, as the order reads, had been busy for weeks organizing 
clubs in Manila, apparently social clubs, but really enlisted troops; 
and it is a fact which no man can gainsay, and which no man will 
gainsay, that the night when this outbreak occurred there were 
10,000 organized soldiers in Manila to aid the outside troops in 
capturing the city and destroying the people. 

I said they attempted on the night of February 22, after this out- 
break, to carry out the order of Sandico. I find among the papers 
the report of one officer who headed the troops for that purpose, 
who set fire to some buildings, and who happened to discover when 
he reached the spot where he was to do more of that work that the 
Americans had been warned and were ready to receive him ; and if 
it had not been for friendly Filipinos ; if it had not been for inter- 
cepted correspondence ; if it had not been for the care and skill of 
General Hughes, the provost-marshal, there would have occurred, 
Mr. President, on that night a massacre so shocking that the world 
never, never would have forgotten it. 

We commenced the war ! Why? Because ''we fired the first shot." 
That has been said over and over and over again in 
this Senate and elsewhere. In very many cases of 

self - defense the man who is attacked fires the first 



53 

shot. One might as well say that if a caravan crossing the 
plains in the olden days, the savages circling, as was ':eir wont, 
around it, drawing nearer and nearer, in war paint, should fire first 
upon them to drive them away, they began hostilities upon the sav- 
ages. They would have fired the first shot. A man approaching the 
Senator from Iowa [Mr. Allison] at night, with a revolver in his 
hand, evidently intent upon violence, might, with as much propriety, 
say, if the Senator shot him, being quick and prompt, and wounded 
him, "You commenced hostilities; you fired the first shot." 

It often happens, it generally happens, that when an advancing 
force reaches a picket line the first shot is fired by the pickets of 
the army which they seek to attack. It is the rule. They fire to give 
warning; they fire to give the alarm, and then there is firing along 
the whole picket line, from the reserves to the end; and then comes 
the beating of the long roll; then the forces are aroused, and men 
are ready in all the regiments or corps or divisions, as the case 
may be, to meet the attack; but the picket who fired the first shot 
against the enemy advancing could not be said to have commenced 
hostilities. It is too absurd to talk about. 

That night, Mr. President, Aguinaldo promptly issued his declara- 
tion of war. It has been said that the next day — and that has been 
one of the principal counts in this indictment — General Torres came 
into our lines under a flag of truce from Aguinaldo, saying that the 
firing was accidental, that Aguinaldo had not ordered the attack, and 
asking for an armistice and for an agreement upon a neutral zone in 
order to prevent further hostilities between the armies, and that Gen- 
eral Otis replied: "No; fighting has begun and it must go on to 
the grim end." I lament the shedding of blood ; I hate brutality, and 
therefore I hate war; but, Mr. President, I stand here to say that 
had the facts been as charged here General Otis would have done 
his duty in the environment of that day in refusing an armistice. 

Why? Here was our little army of 17,000 men only, 7,000 miles 
away, occupying the city of Manila, with enemies all around them 
within the city, and enemies all around them without the city, with 
information that gave them the right to believe that not only was 
an attack meditated upon the city, but an atrocity — surrounded by 
10,000,000 of possible hostiles, a strange and alien people, a people 
who had been prejudiced against us, vast numbers of whom had been 
excited and agitated by the appeals of Aguinaldo, claiming to have 
then an army of 30,000 men outside of the city, to say nothing of 
Sandico's clubs of butchers within the city — what would be said of a 
general holding a city filled with friendly Filipinos, containing the 
families of foreigners and American officers, who, when an attack 
had been made upon him, unprovoked and wicked, would have grant- 
ed an armistice and an opportunity to consolidate forces and to 
gather in more troops, to set more fires, to mature more plans of 
assassination? 

If an armistice had been granted and that city had later fallen ; if 
our troops there had been overwhelmed; if the families of foreign- 
ers had been destroyed, what would have been said of General Otis? 
Every man in the United States would have called him either an idiot 
or a coward. There was nothing in the situation to lead a prudent 
commander, circumstanced as he and our army were circumstanced, 
a general attack having been made upon us, to do other than to 
press forward. But it turns out that no such flag of truce was ever 
brought to General Otis ; that no such request for an armistice was 
made of General Otis. 

The Adjutant-General, in order to be able to furnish information 



54 

sought by a resolution of the Senate, wired General Otis as follows : 

[Cablegram.] 
ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, 

Washington, April 30, 1900. 

OTIS, Manila: 

Cable whether General Torres came to you under flag of truce February 5, 
1899, and stated Aguinaldo declared fighting had begun accidentally and not 
authorized by him; that Aguinaldo wished it stopped, and to end hostilities 
proposed establishment of neutral zone between the two armies of width agree- 
able to you, so during peace negotiations there might be no further danger 
of conflict. Whether you replied fighting having begun must go on to grim 
end. . CORBIN. 

Here is General Otis's reply: 

[Cablegram.] 

Manila, May 1, iooo- 
AGWAR, Washington : 

Judge Torres, citizen, resident of Manila, who had served as member insur- 
gent commission, reported evening February 5 asking — 

It was a purely voluntary thing on his part. He did not claim to 
come from Aguinaldo. He did not claim to speak for Aguinaldo. 

if something could not be done to stop the fighting, as establishment of neu- 
tral zone. I replied Aguinaldo had commenced the fighting and must apply 
for cessation; I had nothing to request from insurgent government. 

Thai was right — 

He asked permission to send Colonel Arguellez to Malolos, and Arguellez 
was passed through lines near Caloocan next morning. He went direct to 
Malolos, told General Aguinaldo and Mabina that General Otis would permit 
suspension of hostlities upon their request. They replied declaration of war 
had been made, a copy of which they furnished him. 

That was the answer they gave him. When informed by General 
Otis that there would be a cessation of hostilities if requested by 
Aguinaldo, they sent to General Otis a declaration of war : 

They said they had no objection to suspension of hostilities, but beyond this 
general remark made no response, but directed him to return with that mes- 
sage. Arguellez reported that he conveyed my statement; that they had com- 
menced the war, and it must go on since they had chosen that course of 
action, but did not attempt to induce them to make any proposition, as he 
feared accusation of cowardice. The insurgent chief authorities made no 
proposition and did not intend to make any, nor did they attempt to do so 
until driven out of Malolos. My hasty dispatch of about that date mislead- 
ing. * * * 

OTIS. 

That is what General Otis says, and I received in the mail this 
noon an insulting letter from a prominent "anti-imperialist" in Bos- 
ton, whom I do not know, referring to General Otis as untruthful for 
sending this dispatch. 
_ Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator permit me to make a statement 
right there? I will not occupy his time. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. ALLEN. It may be of some interest to the Senator and to 
the Senate to know that I have been told by an officer, whose name 
I do not speak, because to do so would imperil his position, that he 
was present at General Otis's headquarters when General Torres 
came forward with a flag of truce, as is stated in a document the Sen- 
ator has read. That officer is yet alive, and he is a gentleman of en- 
tire integrity. He is still in the Army, and so I do not think it 
proper to disclose his name. 

Mr. SPOONER. If he charges falsehood upon the commanding 
general he ought to do it in the open. 

Mr. ALLEN. He can not afford to do it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Then he ought to shut up. 

Mr. ALLEN. No, sir. There is no reason why a man should not 
tell the truth, though he can not afford to disclose his name. 

Mr. SPOONER. He can afford to disclose his name if he tells 
the truth and charges his commanding officer with telling a lie. A 



55 

•court-martial would take care of his case, and that of the command- 
ing general, too. 

Mr. ALLEN. This man would imperil his office by inviting a 
court-martial to inquire into the facts. 

Mr. SPOONER. He would not imperil his office under any de- 
cent government in the world, Mr. President, by telling in a respect- 
ful way the truth. 

Mr. ALLEN. That might be true, Mr. President. But I will not 
•occupy the Senator's time, because I shall on a proper occasion reply 
to a number of statements he has made, in which I beg to differ with 
him as to the facts and proofs ; but I can not afford to give that 
officer's name, knowing how the Army of the United States is run. 
It would imperil him by disclosing the truth, and he would not do so 
unless it was absolutely necessary to make a disclosure. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, there never was a time when the 
Army of the United States, illustrious as its history is, was com- 
manded by more honorable men than those who command it to-day, 
from the Commander in Chief down. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have not said anything to the contrary. 

Mr. SPOONER. And, Mr. President, I must be pardoned if I pay 
more regard to this unequivocal statement made by General Otis to 
the Commander in Chief than I do to the statement of a man made 
to the Senator from Nebraska for use in the campaign probably 

Mr. ALLEN. No, sir. 

Mr. SPOONER. Whose name can not be given to the public. 
General Otis signed his statement. Mr. President, I have not much 
respect for a man who goes behind the back of his general to contra- 
dict him. 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator permit a remark? 

.Mr. SPOONER. Certainly. 

Mr. ALLEN. The circumstances of this matter to which the Sen- 
ator refers are peculiar. 

Mr. SPOONER. There are a great many peculiar circumstances. 

Mr. ALLEN. I know there are a great many peculiar things in 
the world, and we discover them as we go on from day to day. 

Mr. SPOONER. And if some can not discover them they make 
them. 

Mr. ALLEN. No, sir. If we do not discover them we miss them, 
•and what we miss probably sometimes is much more valuable than 
what we come in contact with. 

But the fighting began between the Filipinos and a regiment which 
went from my state — the First Nebraska — and one company of that 
regiment having gone from the little city in which I live, I think I am 
in an attitude to know, if men who have always borne a good char- 
acter for truth and veracity can be believed, that the statement made 
■by General Otis is not true. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, all that brings us to this situation; wc 
have a Senator here who, in the interest of anti-imperialism, has 
•placed upon the record the charge that the President did not tell the 
truth. 

Mr. ALLEN. Who did not? 

Mr. SPOONER. The President. I do not refer to you. 

Mr. ALLEN. Thank you. 

Mr. SPOONER. We have also had placed upon the record here the 
-statement that Admiral Dewey has not told the truth. 

Mr. Allen rose. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not refer to the Senator from Nebraska 

Mr. ALLEN. I thank you again. 



56 

Mr. SPOONER. Now we have placed upon the record the state- 
ment that General Otis is a prevaricator. 

Mr. ALLEN. Not at all, Air. President. I do not make the charge 
that General Otis — I will not use the word "lied." The Senator 
seems to use that word with some degree of freedom. I will not 
use the word "prevaricator," because that is a milder method of ex- 
pressing the same thing. 

Mr. SPOONER. What word do you use? 

Mr. ALLEN. I will simply say that General Otis is mistaken, 
which is a still softer term. 

Mr. SPOONER. He may be mistaken about it, of course; but 
General Otis would be as likely to know as anybody else. 

Mr. ALLEN. A thousand men — 1,200 men — standing in a line 
and their officers and intelligent persons present in hearing distance, 
can not be ignored in settling a question of fact. 

Mr. SPOONER. I suppose there hardly could have been a thous- 
and men present at the conference between this officer, if he came, 
and General Otis. 

Mr. ALLEN. I suppose the old rule holds good yet which pre- 
vailed in the days when the Senator and I served in the Army, when 
a private soldier was supposed to know nothing at all. 

Mr. SPOONER. That was true in a good many instances. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr. ALLEN. It was probably true, and I think in some instances 
it has held true up to this time. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes, probably. 

Mr. ALLEN. But I hope the Senator does not propose to adopt 
that rule. We know that if there is an intelligent man upon the face 
of the earth it is the average American citizen. A man does not cease 
to see and to hear and to feel and to reason because he wears thi 
uniform of a private soldier and does not wear the epaulettes of the 
commissioned officer. These men to whom I refer and of whom 
I speak can not all be fools and all liars, and the bewhiskered gentle- 
man at the head of the Army at that time know all the truth. 

Mr. SPOONER. I should think that General Otis would have 
known more about what happened in an interview with him than the 
army would. . 

Mr. ALLEN. Would the Senator from Wisconsin know more 
about what happened in an interview between himself and the honor- 
able Senator from Iowa if the Senator from Michigan, who sits by 
him, was a listener to that conversation. 

Mr. SPOONER. No. 

Mr. ALLEN. No. Suppose, added to the Senator from Michigan, 
there were a dozen other men who had an equal opportunity to hear 
it, would the statement of the honorable Senator from Wisconsin or 
the honorable Senator from Iowa be taken in preference to the state- 
ments of the dozen other gentlemen who had all listened? 

Mr. SPOONER. On a matter of this kind, before answering the 
question I should want to know the politics of the man. [Laughter.] 
This is a Presidential year. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have assumed all the way through that it is pos- 
sible for a Republican to tell the truth. It may be that I am mis- 
taken. If I am, I apologize to the Senator from Wisconsin. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator ought to know. He was a Repub- 
lican long enough. [Laughter.] 

Mr. ALLEN. I was a Republican until I discovered that Republi- 
canism meant nothing. I had the manhood to leave that party, thank 
God. The Senator has not thus far left it. 



57 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator has gotten that in mv speech. He- 
became a Populist. 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes. 

Mr. SPOONER. That is nothing. 

Mr. ALLEN. Oh, no. That is, as you view it. 

Mr. SPOONER. That is, as I view it. 

Mr. ALLEN. In my humble opinion, the Senator from Wisconsin, 
in all the fullness and plenitude of his knowledge and wisdom, has ; 
never read a Populist platform. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have. 

Mr. ALLEN. You have read more than I thought you had. 

Mr. SPOONER. And I can sum it all up in one sentence, almost. 
They are opposed to everything that is 

Mr. ALLEN. And everything that may be. 

Mr. SPOONER. And in favor of everything that is not, that< 
never has been and never ought to be. [Laughter.] 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator be kind enough to tell what, the 
Populist party is in favor of? 

Mr. SPOONER. No. The Senator proposes to reply to me. He 
will have time. 

Mr. ALLEN. I do propose to reply, and I propose to reply par- 
ticularly to that facetious part, and that specious part — I will not 
characterize it in stronger terms — which is calculated to gloss over 
the monstrosities that are existing in public life to-day and to meet; 
the acclaim and applause of the galleries by light and trivial sayings. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator can use any language he chooses. 
He need not modify his language on my account. 

Mr. ALLEN. It would be unparliamentary language. 

Mr. SPOONER. Now, I come back to the proposition that I think, 
the American people will believe General Otis, at any rate until he 
is contradicted by somebody whom they know and who comes into 
the open to dispute his statement. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President. 

Mr. SPOONER. But I must finish this afternoon, and I have not' 
said a word about the darkey or South Carolina. [Laughter.] F 
have not looked at the Senator from South Carolina. I was look- 
ing at the Senator from Nebraska. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Will not the Senator allow a slight interruption- 
notwithstanding? 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not wish to. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I will not interrupt the Senator. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, what is it? 

Mr. TILLMAN. I will direct the Senator's attention — I know he- 
is fair — to the fact that Gen. Otis has himself been his worst witness 
as to his own veracity, for the reason that he has so often tele- 
graphed that the rebellion was suppressed, and that there was noth- 
ing left of it except a few straggling bands that we have come to be- 
lieve that the war was over. Nevertheless, our latest news from 
there, even before he left and since he left, is that it is about as- 
strong opposition as it ever has been. 

Mr. SPOONER. Is that all ? 

Mr. TILLMAN. Well, then I will give the Senator another lit- 
tle bone 

Mr. SPOONER. No ; I beg pardon. 

Mr. TILLMAN. In regard to the causes of this battle and how- 
it came about and who provoked it, I read from General Otis's re- 
port, in his own words : 

The engagement was one strictly defensive on the part of the insurgents" 
and a vigorous attack by our forces. 



58 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes ; that is right. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Then it could not have been intended by the 
insurgents and could not have been a premeditated plot. If the in- 
surgents had provoked the assault and had sent their men out to 
get shot down in order to attack the Americans, they would not 
liave been strictly on the defensive. They would have been ready 
for a rush. 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator attempts to discredit the word of 
General Otis because he has reported from time to time that the in- 
surrection, as I call it, was suppressed ; but it turned out later that 
it was not. That was an opinion on the part of General Otis sus- 
ceptible of easy explanation and in entire harmony with his integ- 
rity. I have come to look upon General Otis as a man of great 
•ability, and I have never discovered anything — and I have studied 
these papers carefully — which would warrant the slightest imputa- 
tion upon him. I thought at one time that he was not a fit man for 
the responsible position in which he was Dlaced there. 

Mr. ALLEN. Why was he recalled? 

Mr. SPOONER. He was recalled at his own request, because he 
'had been there a long time in a climate which breaks men down, 
carrying upon his shoulders a burden of responsibility, military 
and civil, and performing an amount of labor, prodigious in its 
-character, which would break any man down. He won, in my opin- 
ion, by his conduct in the Philippines, the gratitude, to say nothing 
•of the respect, of the American people. It is true that he thought 
when he had driven the men out of this village and the other they 
would stay out, but when the rainy season came, and when our 
troops had to be withdrawn to Manila, or leave the city subject to 
loot and destruction, the insurrectionists reoccupied the positions 
from which they had been driven. That was not the fault of General 
'Otis. That was because we had not afforded him the requisite 
troops with which to carry on to consummation an Herculean task. 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the honorable Senator permit me to suggest 
•that the history of that insurrection, or whatever it may be called, 
does not furnish an instance where General Otis was on the battle- 
'field during an action. 

Mr. SPOONER. It is a matter of no consequence. The books 
are full of cablegrams, letters, orders, and communications, even as 
to the detail of movements, which show that General Otis from the 
'beginning to the end kept in touch with every movement, with 
every troop of men, and gave general directions, as he was obliged 
to take the general responsibility. 

Mr. ALLEN. Conveniently distant from the scene of danger. 

Mr. SPOONER. I suppose the Senator means by that observation 
to charge him with cowardice, does he not? 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not mean to charge him with cowardice. 

Mr. SPOONER. Then what is the point of the suggestion? 

Mr. ALLEN. I mean to say that he has never been upon the 
field of battle during an action. The Senator from Wisconsin was 
5iot there, but it does not follow that he is a coward. 

Mr. SPOONER. It was not my business to be there. 

Mr. ALLEN. It was the business of the commanding general to 
foe there. 

Mr.SPOONER. No; it was not the com manding general's business. 

Mr. ALLEN. Did the Senator ever know of a battle being 
fought before the late war where the general commanding the troops 
was not somewhere on the scene of action. 

M. SPOONER. He was not the immediate commander of the 



59 

troops. He was the commander in chief. He occupied the same re- 
lation to the different corps — if there were corps — to the different 
brigades, and all that in the Philippines that General Grant occu- 
pied during the war over all the armies and all the commanders of 
the United States. 

Mr. ALLEN. There can not be found an instance in the history 
of over two hundred battles fought during the civil war in which the 
commander of the army was not upon the scene of the battle — not 
one. 

Mr. SPOONER. The immediate 

Mr. ALLEN. We have reports of battles, if you dignify 
them by that name, skirmish after skirmish in the Philippines, and 
Otis not upon the field of action in one of them. 

Mr. SPOONER. Oh, Mr. President, that is absurd. 

Mr. ALLEN. Well, it is true nevertheless. 

Mr. SPOONER. General Otis was there attending to his duties. 
He had good lieutenants. . . 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes, that is right. 

Mr. SPOONER. He had the brave and generous Lawton. 

Mr. ALLEN. That is right. 

Mr. SPOONER. He sleeps over here now in sight of the Capi- 
tol, among the men with whom he served for the preservation of 
this Union. The last word almost which he sent to the American 
people was that men over here were prolonging and inciting that in- 
surrection, and that if he were shot he might as well be shot by nis 
own men. 

Mr. ALLEN. I deny that he ever gave utterance to that senti- 
ment. I have heard the Senator repeat that before. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I should like to have proof of the authentic- 
ity of that utterance, because Lawton has made statements that were 
entirely contrary to it. I have one here in my hand. The two 
do not go together. I should like to know which is the truth. 

This is from the New York World correspondent. [Laughter.] 
I see the New York World is not very popular on this side of the 
house. It is from the correspondent of the New York World in 
Manila. 

Mr. SPOONER. I wish the Senator would hurry. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. It says : 

General Lawton, during the last few months before his death, more than 
once expressed his discontent in his impulsive way. 

"I'm going to the Transvaal," he exclaimed one day. "They are fighting 
my way down there." 

That sounds a good deal more like Lawton than the other. 

"No, you are not," Mrs. Lawton replied. "You are going back to Cali- 
fornia with me to raise oranges." 

Then the correspondent goes on to say : 

Now, that he has gone where no influence of an enemy can be brought to 
bear on him these things may be told. It is eight months since he said that 
100,000 men were necessary for the pacification of these islands and author- 
ized the publication ■*$ the statement. 

"General Otis sceMed me about it," he said afterwards, "but I didn't go 
back on what I said." 

There are further quotations, but that is the point. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have no doubt there were times over there 
when General Lawton was not satisfied. I have heard myself that 
he was not entirely satisfied with the way he was treated. That is not 
the matter I was talking about, nor is that any contradiction of what 
I said. This paper that I have in my hand is part of a letter which 
was written by General Lawton not long before his death to the Hon. 
John Barrett, ex-minister to Siam, whom he knew. 



60 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Do you know it was written? 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator reminds me of a lawyer who was 
defending a prisoner for murder. The evidence showed that the de- 
fendant stood with a revolver when the other man approached and 
fired it, and when he fired it the man fell dead. On cross-examina- 
tion of a witness who saw it the counsel said to him, "Did you see 
this defendant?" "Yes." "Where was he?" "Well, he stood so and 
so." "Did he have a revolver in his hand?" "Yes." "Was it pointed 
at the deceased?" "Yes." "How far from him was it?" "Twelve 
feet." "Did he fire it?" "Yes." "Did the deceased drop when he fired 
it?" "Yes." "Did you go to him?" "Yes." "Was he dead?" "Yes." 
"Now, sir; I ask you to inform the jury, on your oath, whether you 
saw any bullet go out of the barrel of that revolver." [Laughter.] 

General Lawton wrote — and this is altogether apart from what I 
wanted to say to the Senate — 

I would to God that the whole truth of this whole Philippine situation 
could be known by everyone in America as I know it. If the so-called anti- 
imperialists would honestly ascertain the truth on the ground and not in dis- 
tant America, they, whom I believe to be honest men misinformed, would be 
convinced of the error of their statements and conclusions, and of the un- 
fortunate effect of their publications here. If I am shot by a Filipino bullet 
it might as well come from one of my own men, because I know from obser- 
vations, confirmed by captured prisoners, that the continuance of fighting is 
chiefly due to reports that are sent out from America. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. What I asked was, What proof have you 
that that was written by Lawton? 

Mr. SPOONER. In the first place, it was a signed letter written 
to Mr. John Barrett, and I assume he wrote it, because I believe it 
expresses the truth. 

Mr. ALLEN. Have you the original letter? 

Mr. SPOONER. No; I have not the original letter. 

Mr. ALLEN. You have a printed copy? 

Mr. SPOONER. This printed extract. 

Mr. ALLEN. That is all. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. If that is not enough I will furnish the 
original letter. 

Mr. ALLEN. That would be better. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not know. Most men would be satisfied 
with the word of a man who had received the letter. Mr. Barrett 
told me he received the letter. 

Mr. ALLEN. It would depend upon the veracity of the person 
who said he had read the letter. 

Mr. SPOONER. It would depend upon whether it was an original 
and authentic letter. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have seen it contradicted a half a dozen times. 

Mr, SPOONER. By whom? 

Mr. ALLEN. By reporters and others who profess to know. X 
can not call their names now. I know the Senator had it in his 
desk four months ago. He read it four months ago, or shortly after 
Lawton died, 

Mr. SPOONER. I will read it again. 

Mr. ALLEN. It has done duty here on several occasions. But 
that is not what I rose for. I wish to make a parliamentary in- 
quiry. 

Mr. President, I have never seen the rules of the Senate violated 
without some steps being taken to check it until an occasion like this 
comes up. There has been constant and repeated violation of the 
rules of the Senate during this discussion by the occupants of the 
galleries and by gentlemen who have the privileges of the floor. _ I 
want now to insist — I am perfectly willing the Senator from Wis- 
consin srfell have all the applause he sees fit to enjoy 



61 

Mr. SPOONER. I need all I get. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have no doubt of that, but I certainly insist that 
for political purposes and to aid imperialism and its greed for 
power 

Mr^ SPOONER. I thought the Senator wanted to make a point 
of order. 

Mr. ALLEN. I am stating it. 

Mr. SPOONER. There is no imperialism in our rules that I know 
of. 

Mr. ALLEN. The Senator should not put words in my mouth 
or tell me how I should state my proposition. The traditions and 
rules of the Senate should not be constantly violated, and the Senate 
of the United States turned into a town caucus. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. There has been no applause or 
disturbance from the galleries during this speech. 

Mr. ALLEN. I beg to differ. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. There has been laughter on the 
part of Senators themselves, and the Chair has no right to call a 
Senator to order for laughter. 

Mr. ALLEN. I beg the Chair's pardon. There was applause in 
the galleries. Sitting where I sit, I have heard it from the galleries. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair has heard no applause. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have. 

Mr. SPOONER. There it is again. [Laughter.] This is a day 
of 

Mr. TELLER. There certainly has been great confusion in the 
Chamber and great confusion in the galleries. I think that it is time 
that confusion ceased, particularly on the floor of the Senate. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, I wish simply to refer to 
what has already been said in connection with the Lawton matter 
very briefly, if I may be permitted. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Wisconsin 
yield to the Senator from South Dakota? 

Mr. SPOONER. Always. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I am not inclined to interrupt another Sen- 
ator when he is making a speech. I seldom do it. and I think my 
fellow- Senators will bear me out in saying that, but I must say that 
it seems to me there has been a studied effort in the last few days 
to compel me to take a part in this debate by very pointed and direct 
allusions that justified what little participation I may have had in it. 
Therefore I do not feel like apologizing for what I may say. 

I do not believe the statement, on the proof presented, came from 
General Lawton. I will believe it when such proof is brought as 
would satisfy a jury and be considered evidence. The statement is 
not like Lawton. The New York World correspondence is more 
like him. It seems to me it is going very far for any one to 
stand up in the Senate and undertake to insist, in view of all the 
facts that surround the case, that the people who believe that we 
ought to withdraw our armed forces and stoo killing those people 
are guilty of the killing of our troops. 

When Aguinaldo sent word that he wanted a truce, that we coi*ld 
fix the boundaries of a neutral zone, and we declined to answer, and 
the killing has gone on ever since, I submit that those who are so 
jealous of the honor of our flag that they object to its being used 
to destroy the liberties of other people, are not responsible for the 
killing that has resulted since that time. The responsibility rests 
upon those who insist on continuing a war of conquest in an effort 
to subject a people to a rule distasteful and unsatisfactory to thern, 
and the lesponsibility is on no one else. It is in bad taste, unjustified 



62 

under any circumstances, to bring into this forum any such charge ; 
and I do not believe Lawton ever did it. 

Mr. SPOONER. I will undertake to satisfy the Senator that the 
letter is a genuine letter. 

The Senator from South Carolina quoted from General Otis that 
in the fighting that night the insurrectionists acted "strictly upon 
the defensive" and that our troops acted upon the aggressive. The 
Senator construes that as a statement by General Otis that we were 
responsible for the outbreak of hostilities. That is a manifest mis- 
construction'. General Otis is there giving a report to the Secretary of 
War, using the language of a soldier to his superior officer, and he 
is referring to the operation of that battle from the tactical stand- 
point and not to the responsibility for opening the hostilities. It 
undoubtedly is true, as he states, that the Philippine army was in- 
trenched partly around Manila. They fired upon our men from in- 
trenchments, and the American soldiery, in self-defense charged 
those intrenchments and assumed the aggressive, and drove them out 
of the intrenchments and out of the suburbs. 

That is obviously what is meant by General Otis — that the one 
army fought behind intrenchments and did not charge, and that 
the other army charged the intrenchments and drove the enemy out ; 
and that is in accord with the facts. I am glad the Senator called 
my attention to it because I had heard that statement before as au- 
thority for the proposition that General Ctis had reported that the 
American troops opened hostilities and were the aggressors. They 
are the soldiers who charged the Filipinos after they had opened 
a general fire upon our lines. But General Otis w-o informed that 
rockets of a certain sort had been agreed upon as the signal upon 
which there should be a general engagement, and Admiral Dewey 
has stated that when the sentry fired the shot, followed by a fusillade, 
those rockets which had been agreed upon as a signal for attack, he 
saw from his ship. 

It has been said here, and it shows how forced to a ridiculous con- 
tention some of our friends are, that possibly as the lieutenant and 
his men did not understand the English language, they may not have 
understood the sentry when he called "Halt !" 

Mr. President, think of it. There is not a soldier in the world 
who does not know, when a sentry stands with gun in hand, what it 
means, and when he utters a word with gun in hand, even an Indian 
on the plains knows what it means. It is the language of war. It 
means stop. It is more than mere language ; it is more than a mere 
word. The attitude itself and the duty which the soldier is perform- 
ing speak for themselves. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President, I will assist the Senator in trying 
to bring out the facts. I should be glad if the Senator would allow 
me to make a suggestion. 

Mr. SPOONER. I am paying a pretty heavy price for the assis- 
tance. I am anxious to get through. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Why does the Senator look at the clock when I 
get up ? 

Mr. SPOONER. The Senator does not own the clock. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I do not claim to own the clock. 

Mr. SPOONER. I looked at the clock 

Mr. TILLMAN. If the Senator objects to my interruption 

Mr. SPOONER. I looked at the clock because I am anxious to 
get through. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I do not think the Senator ought to object to giv- 
ing the great pleasure he has been giving us now for three evenings 



63 

in succession ; and I am satisfied he has received attention as no 
other man has during this whole cession of Congress. I have drunk 
in every word I could of his, and I have enjoyed it as much as though 
he were fighting on my side, because it is the most magnificent piece of 
special pleading that I have ever listened to or that I believe has 
ever been uttered on this floor. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, I am chagrined that my observa- 
tions have taken a portion of three cessions. I ask my colleagues to 
remember that it has been largely due to interruptions. But now I 
desire to be permitted to finish what I have to say without inter- 
ruption. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Of course, I will not interrupt the Senator if he 
objects. 

Mr. SPOONER. I am anxious to be through for many reasons. 

Mr. President, I will not take further time upon the question as 
to who commenced the battle. I will not discuss it in detail, although 
I would have been glad to do it, if I had not already been beguiled 
into delay on matters which are important to be considered in con- 
nection with this branch of the subject. 

There is one significant thing which I have never heard alluded 
to by those who are so anxious and industrious to impress upon the 
people that we brought on hostilities and that we have been making 
war upon a people struggling for independence, and that is this: 

Professor Worcester, in his address, "Some aspects of the Philip- 
pine question," states that under date of February 12, General Otis 
sent the following dispatch: 

Reported that insurgent representative at Washington telegraphed Aguinaldo 
to drive out Americans before arrival of reinforcements. The dispatch re- 
ceived Hongkong and mailed to Malolos, which decided on attack to be made 
about 7th. Eagerness of insurgent troops to engage precipitated battle. 

There is the strongest possible corroboration of that statement. 
I know that in this city, stopping at the Arlington Hotel during the 
time we were debating the treaty, was a Filipino commission head- 
ed by Agoncillo, one of the Philippine junta, one who made an im- 
portant speech on May 5 at the meeting which decided that Agui- 
naldo against his will, should go to Manila. 

And I know, Mr. President, that before any of us knew in this 
country that there had b'een any outbreak in Manila Agoncillo and 
one of his associates left the hotel. He left at midnight February 4 
and went to Canada by the shortest route, and by the time we 
learned by cable from those distant islands that warfare had been 
commenced there and an attack had been made on the night of Feb- 
ruary 4 upon our troops, Agoncillo was near to the Canadian border. 
Why he suddenly fled from the United States in this surreptitious 
jvay and sought to be under another flag, I can not tell. Perhaps 
others can. 

I have always thought, Mr. President, it was because he knew it 
had been arranged that on that night or on the next morning there 
would be an attack upon our troops in Manila by the insurgents, 
and thought it would be safer for him to be beyond the jurisdic- 
tion of the United States. 

There is absolutely nothing, Mr. President, in my opinion, upon 
which to base the assertion that, in violation of General Otis's 
orders from the President, and in violation of Otis's orders to his 
men, our troops brought on that engagement. But the fighting 
went, on Our troops aggressively followed the insurrectionists. 
That was a legitimate part of self-defense. Nothing would require 
them, hostilities having broken out, to remain in Manila and allow 
the enemy to again surround the city, to again attack them at dis- 
advantage. 



64 

Now, Mr. President, whether the insurrection is ended or not, I 
-do not know. I fear not until after election. From the time that 
treaty was ratified, which has been declared or characterized as a dec- 
laration of war, we have had an agitation in this country. Mr. 
.Bryan, to whom I refer respectfully, came here and labored for 
the ratification of that treaty. If it was a declaration of war he 
'must take his share of the responsibility for it. If it in itself in- 
volved imperialism he was a promoter of imperialism. 

Before the treaty was ratified, January 9, he published in the 
New York Journal an elaborate article upon the subject, urging the 
ratification of the treaty, and a declaration of future policy as to 
the Philippines, strongly I thought, and think, foreshadowing, in the 
•event of failure to make such a declaration, an aggressive issue 
-against imperialism or colonialism, and from that time in all the 
speeches he has made, which I have read, he has made anti-imperial- 
ism the paramount feature of his political creed. Without impeach- 
ing the sincerity of his view against imperialism, as I understand it, or 
colonialism, when the time comes to decide that question, I have 
thought and do think, that it was an attempt to make an issue where 
there is no issue, apparently born out of the necessity to obscure in 
some respects the issues of 1896. 

For I insist, Mr. President, that there is not in this day, nor has 
there been, any legitimate foundation for an issue of imperialism 
and anti-imperialism. 

Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, I am loath to interrupt the Sena- 
tor, but I think I ought to remind him, if he will allow me, that 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. 

Mr. TELLER. The question of imperialism was raised by Re- 
publicans long before Mr. Bryan said anything about it, and it was 
raised in this Chamber. 

Mr. SPOONER. Ah, but those were the men who thought that 
the ratification of the treaty constituted imperialism and committed 
the country to it. 

Mr. TELLER. Mr. President they contended that the ratification 
of the treaty meant what they are now contending this Administra- 
tion intends to do. Every contention thay make to-day the members 
of the Republican party who are contending against what they call 
imperialism have made in this Chamber and stated that that would 
be the result of the ratification. 

Mr. SPOONER. Ah, but, Mr. President, no man who helped to 
ratify the treaty is justified in denouncing that as imperialism or 
'in asserting that by the ratification of that treaty the country be- 
came committed to the doctrine of imperialism. 

Mr. TELLER. I will not allow the Senator to assert or to in- 
sinuate that I 

Mr. SPOONER. That remark could not refer to the Senator. 

Mr. TELLER. Very well, then. Mr. President, I voted to rat- 
ify the treaty. I never regretted that I voted for it. I want to say 
that it is an unfair position for the Senator to take to charge that 
Mr. Bryan is the author of what io called anti-imperialism in this 
country. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. Bryan is the most conspicuous and pow- 
erful leader of the Democratic party at this time, and he has done 
more, in the way of public speeches and writing, in attack upon 
what he calls imperialism than any other man in the country, and 
that is manifestly what he seeks and rns sought to make the prin- 
cipal issue in the campaign upon which we are shortly to enter. 



65 

I did not refer to my friend from Colorado. I voted for the 
treatv myself, and I stated before I voted for it that if I thought it 
committed this country to permanent dominion in the Philippines 
I should vote against it. What I mean to say, and I say it without 
fear of successful contradiction, is that there is no issue of imperial- 
ism and anti-imperialism now, Mr. President, except it be made for 
party and political purposes. 

Where is the issue of imperialism and anti-imperialism? Upon 
what foundation of fact does it or can it rest now? Who has pro- 
posed imperialism in the Philippine Archipelago? Who could speak 
under the Constitution upon that subject? The President has had 
but one policy, and that is the policy of an executive. It is the 
policy to carry forward into execution the law. We ratified the 
treaty. We might have rejected it. We take our share of the 
responsibility for laying that foundation. We had passed the mili- 
tary bill. We had placed these soldiers at his command, knowing 
and intending, Mr. President, that he should use them, that he would 
use them to assert and maintain the sovereignty of the United 
States in the Philippine Archipelago. 

Now, Mr. President 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. That is territory of the United States. 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Wis- 
consin yield to the Senator from South Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. Who can dispose of it? The President? No. 
The President has made no speech in which, as I recollect it, he 
did not assert that the power of disposition is in Congress. He 
says in his last annual message that the whole power of govern- 
ment there is in Congress. The Constitution provides that Con- 
gress shall have power "to dispose of and make all needful rules 
and regulations respecting the territory of the United States." The 
President can not do it. It is for Congress to do it. It is for 
Congress to say whether we will withdraw our army from the 
Philippines or not, whether we will cede the Philippines or not, how 
we will govern the Philippines if we retain them, or how long we 
shall retain them. It is not for the President to say, nor has he 
arrogated to himself that function. 

That power to "dispose of" the Philippines is a continuing power, 
Mr. President. It is not one that is lost by failure to exercise it 
this year or next year. It does not lapse by nonuser. It is not one 
that can be exercised by declaratory resolutions. It is one whicfy 
requires legislation. Has there been any? Has there been any 
proposition of the kind? Not until the Senator from South Dakota 
introduced his amendment here a day or two ago, that I have known 
of. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

Mr. SPOONER. In the years to come, Mr. President, if there 
shall be a time when the Philippine people, having under our tute- 
lage and guidance been uplifted, having by years of participation in 
local government become familiar in a way with that science; when 
education shall have been more largely diffused in the islands; 
when they have come to know, as they will come to know, that 
Kve are their friends, not their enemies ; when, in the opinion of 
the intelligent, patriotic people of the United States, the Philippine 
people are capable of self-government, capable of maintaining a gov- 
ernment which will discharge the duties of a government, which 
will protect life and liberty and property, which, if you please, can 
discharge the obligations between nations, then, Mr. President, if 



66 

they want independence, and there shall be a party in this country, 
which says "yes," and a party in this country which says "no, we- 
will govern them forever as a territory, .or colony," that will be 
an issue of imperialism and antiimperialism. It can not come until 
then, and it can not be settled unless and until it shall have come. 
It is not here now. 

Mr. TILLMAN. Mr. President 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Chandler in the chair). 
Does the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Senator from South, 
Carolina? 

Mr. SPOONER. I must decline to yield, Mr. President. I 
hope my friend will pardon me, but that issue, I say again, Mr. 
President, is not here now except for party and partisan purposes. 
It is a forced and fictitious issue, Mr. President, and nothing else, 
and it is a baleful issue ; it is a wicked issue. I speak only for 
myself. I represent no man's opinions here but my own, so far as 
I know ; but, Mr. President, the utterances upon that alleged issue 
in this country, the agitation as to what in time to come shall be 
done with the Philippine people, has been in the highest degree harm- 
ful to our soldiery and embarrassing and obstructive in the discharge 
of Executive duty. It is my opinion that it has prolonged the in- 
surrection ; it is my opinion that it has cost millions of money and 
cost many, many lives. And that, too, when there is no such issue 
before the people, and when no party can rightly make it an issue 
now. 

It was the duty, as I said the other day, of every man to say 
what he thought should be said upon that subject of ratification re- 
gardless of the effect it might have anywhere. But that is not the 
situation today. That has not been the situation any day since that 
treaty was ratified and since hostilities broke out in the Philippines. 
There are issues enough without this feigned issue. Has it done 
harm? Has it done good, I might rather ask? Almost every ut- 
terance, Mr. President, of a conspicuous man against what is, 
termed "Imperialism" has been translated into the Spanish and cir- 
culated among the insurrectionists; and it would have been none 
different whatever in its effect if a great political party in this coun- 
try had sent a message to them, "Maintain your insurrection until 
after the election, and if we succeed at the polls we will give you in- 
dependence." 

I received from a commander in the Navy the other day, to il- 
lustrate what I mean, this paper. A city of 17,000 people had just 
been captured over there by our Army, and in the offing were two 
vessels of the Navy. Some of the officers with marines went to 
the city. I only mention this to show how closely they follow public 
opinion and utterances in the United States. They found posted 
up in conspicuous places around that city this poster in Spanish. I 
have here the translation of it. It was an effort against what is called 
imperialism, against what is characterized as brutal policy on the part 
of the United States, a willingness to subjugate a people and to hold 
them in slavery. 

[Translation of circular or proclamation.] 

From the provincial chief of this province received to-day, the 9th of De- 
cember, the tenor of which is as follows: 

I have the great pleasure of informing your excellencies that you may in 
your town cause to be publicly known that data according to the foreign 
newspapers very strongly favorable to the independence of our fattherland exists 
in the fact that the party of the North American people which calls itself the 
Democratic party, preserving unimpaired its ancient principles and. traditional 
institutions .by which it. obtained in the past, century the independence of its 
own country, emancipating it from England, sustains and defends to-day with 



I 



67 

ardor the declaration independence of the Philippines and that the Massa- 
chusetts periodical having the widest circulation among the agriculturists of 
the country known under the name of The Farm and Home 

The Farm and Home. Does the Senator from Massachusetts 
know that paper? 
Mr. LODGE. I do. 
Mr. SPOONER (reading)— 

The Farm and Home, having interested its subscribers in the subject, asked 
that they manifest themselves in favor of the independence of the Philippines 
or their annexation . with* the following results: 



Section. 


For inde- 
pendence. 


For annex- 
ation. 




1.277 
8 888 
4 901 
1,792 
1,684 


785 


Middle States .^ 


2,343 


Central West 


3,102 
1 083 






1,1C3 






Total 


18.524 


8,416 







May Providence decree that in the election for the President of the United 
States the Democratic party, which defends us, shall triumph, and not the 
imperialistic party, which is headed by Mr. McKinley, and which attacks us. 

I presume this was all over the Philippines — 

The great Democrat, Dr. Bryan, one of the most eminent men of the United 
States, is assured that he will be the future President, and then our happy 
hours begin. There have also been celebrated in New York and Chicago 
great meetings and banquets in honor of our dearly beloved president, Sr. 
Aguinaldo, who was entitled one of the world's true heroes. 

The masses who have thus voted in our favor have done the same with 
reference to Cuba, asking her independence, for which she is already to-day 
struggling. 

Finally, the conduct of the Filipino annexationists condemns itself. They 
have changed their flag as they change their shirts, and are animated solely 
by momentary lust of stolen gold: but by their own vile conduct, aided by 
their thieving country, they are only raising their own scaffold, 

God guard your excellencies many years. 

Guinabatan, December 4, 1899. 

Sig. DOMINGO SAMSON. 

I have here a number of extracts translated from La Independ- 
encia, published in the Philippines. I will read but a few of them : 
AN ADVERSARY OF M'KINLEY. 

Mr .Bryan, the competitor of McKinley in the last Presidential election and 
the candidate selected for the future by the Democratic party, has published 
a manifesto which has caused a profound sensation in the United States. 

Mr. Bryan announces himself decidedly opposed to the imperial policy of 
the Government, and shows the danger in which American institutions will 
be placed by this entirely new ambition for colonization. * * * jj e as ^ s 
that the regime instituted in Cuba be applied to all the territory taken from 
Spain. * * * 

To place the American yoke on the millions of natives who wish to be free 
200,000 men will be needed. * * * February 2, 1899. 

A great popular meeting was held in New York on February 23 to protest 
against the imperialistic policy of the United States. March 8, 1899. 
BRYAN SPEAKS. 

Mr. Bryan * * * declared at a great meeting at Denver that the United 
States could not institute a colonial policy. "Imperialism," he said, "may 
increase our territory, but it will lower our ideals. It is a step backward, 
etc." March 28, 1899. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. May I ask the Senator from what he is read- 
ing? 

Mr. SPOONER. I am reading an extract from a newspaper pub- 
lished in the Philippines and supported by Aguinaldo called La Inde- 
pendencia. 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Senator permit me to ask if he is reading 
from the original paper? 



68 

Mr. SPOONER. I carl not read from the original paper, as that 
is in Spanish. . 

Mr. ALLEN. The Senator is reading a translation? 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes ; a translation. 

Mr. ALLEN. By whom was the translation the Senator is reading 
made ? 

Mr. SPOONER. By an officer of the Army. 

Mr. ALLEN. Did the Senator get it from the officer who trans- 
lated it? . 

Mr. SPOONER. No, sir; I did not get it from the officer who 
translated it. 

Mr. ALLEN. Has the Senator any knowledge of the genuineness 
of the translation? 

Mr. SPOONER. I only know that it was translated in the War 
Department and given me as a correct translation. The papers are 
all in the War Department. I saw them there. 

Mr. ALLEN. Does the Senator hold Mr. Bryan responsible for 
what that translation states? 

Mr. SPOONER. That is not what I am saying. So far as that is 
concerned, what the paper states is substantially a fact. 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not doubt that the Senator thinks so; but I 
hope the Senator will not snap at me quite so savagely. 

Mr. SPOONER. I did not mean to be offensive, and I hope the 
Senator is not alarmed. 

Mr. ALLEN. Before the Senator scares me entirely away I wish to 
ask him if he has seen a translation of the speech which was made by 
the junior Senator fromlndiana [Mr Beveridge.], which was cabled to 
Manila, translated into Spanish, and circulated among the Filipinos 
as conclusive evidence that this Government never did intend to give 
those people their liberty? 

Mr. SPOONER. I have not. 

Mr. ALLEN. But the Senator recognizes that that was done, 
does he not? 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not know it. 

Mr. TILLMAN. I have seen that statement made. 

Mr. ALLEN. I understood it was done, and I have as good au- 
thority for saying that it was done as the Senator has for what he 
says. 

Mr. SPOONER. I think not. 

Mr. ALLEN. Indeed, I have. 

Mr. SPOONER. In the first place, these statements imputed to 
Mr. Bryan and other gentlemen were, in substance, made here in 
public. There is no doubt about that; and they were cabled over 
there. I am not assuming now that it was ever the purpose of any- 
one here to make trouble over there, nor do I believe such a thing, 
of course. lam only saying that this agitation and these utterances 
upon an alleged issue, which does not exist,, have done and will do 
great mischief. That is all. 

Mr. ALLEN. I am trying to find out as to the facts. I am not 
prepared to affirm or disaffirm what the Senator says; but what 
authority has the Senator for placing before the Senate and the world 
these statements which he has presented as authentic? 

Mr. SPOONER. I place them before the Senate as authentic be- 
cause they were given to me, and I think they are correct transla- 
tions. The Senator can find the paper at the War Department and 
translate it for himself. 

Mr. ALLEN. No; I can not. 



69 

Mr. SPOONER. And verify the correctness of the translation. 

Mr. ALLEN. I regret to say that I only know one language, and 
that very imperfectly; and so I would not know anything about it 
if I had the papers ; but the Senator, being an English and a Spanr 
ish scholar as well, I suppose, could probably have compared these 
translations with the original text, and would be able to supply that 
hiatus in the proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. To whom is the Senator referring? 

Mr. ALLEN. I am referring to the senior Senator from Wis- 
consin. 

Mr. SPOONER. I am not a Spanish scholar. 

Mr. ALLEN. I thought the Senator was. 

I have always given the Senator credit for knowing all about lan- 
guages and about a great many other things, and I always interrupt 
him with a great deal of diffidence, knowing his universal knowl- 
edge compared with the feeble amount of information that I have 
been able to pick up. 

When I take occasion to interrupt the Senator it is as to things 
that come to my mind in the Course of debate, and I want to know 
the connection of these things and the proof. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have stated to the Senator that I can show 
him the paper, and if he thinks this is not a correct translation he 
can bring it to the attention of the country. 

Mr. ALLEN. The burden is upon the Senator to prove that the 
translation is correct. When the Senator introduces a document in 
evidence he must lay the foundation by proving that it is genuine, 
and tracing the proofs step by step up to the document which he 
seeks to introduce; and now the Senator proposes that I shall as- 
sume the burden of disproving the genuineness of the document that 
he seeks to introduce. I decline that invitation. 

Mr. SPOONER. I went to the War Department to get the cor- 
rect translation, and the Senator ought to go there if he thinks i* 
is not a correct translation and verify it. 

Mr. ALLEN. I shall not go to the War Department. I have no 
business at the War Department. 

Mr. SPOONER. This is business. 

Mr. ALLEN. I know it is, out possibly if I went to the War De- 
partment, with this lingering suspicion upon my mind, the opportunity 
of ascertaining the correctness or incorrectness of the translation 
would not be as open to me as to the Senator from Wisconsin. 

Mr. SPOONER. I think, Mr. President, that is an entirely un- 
justifiable imputation upon the War Department. The Senator may 
think that, but I am satisfied he will find he is mistaken. 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not mean to impute anything against the War 
Department, but the Senator knows human nature just as well as I. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, just to show further the effect 
in the Philippines of this agitation and the discussion of this at- 
tempted issue, which is not an issue, I read this, which was tele- 
graphed from over there. The original was in Spanish, and I can 
not swear to the translation, but I should think it correct from its 
contents. 

Mr. ALLEN. What does the Senator say about the issue? 

Mr. SPOONER. I say that there is no issue of imperialism and 
antiimperialism between the Republican party and the Democratic 
party, except as made by the Democratic party for campaign purposes. 

Mr. ALLEN. I am not speaking for the Democratic party at all. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, the Populist party. I forgot that. 



70 

Mr. ALLEN. I am speaking for no party. Now, what is the 
attitude of the Republican party on that question? 

Mr. SPOONER. The attitude of the Republican party is this, so 
far as I know : It is first to enforce and maintain the authority of 
the United States in the Philippine Archipelago. 

Mr. ALLEN. And that being done, what follows? 

Mr. SPOONER. To organize as speedily as possible civil govern- 
ments there, adapted to the necessities of the different tribes and 
people; to give them honest courts of justice; to abolish — and that 
has already been done — the ecclesiastical courts, so that the friar may 
be brought to the ordinary court and tried as are other men for 
an offense which he commits; to protect life and liberty and prop- 
erty; to fill that country with schoolhouses — 

Mr. ALLEN. And churches. 

Mr. SPOONER. To give the people an opportunity for educa- 
tion; to be just and generous to those people, giving them partici- 
pation in the local governments there as large as possible at first, 
and on increasing lines as they may show themselves fitted for it; 
to honestly expend the moneys collected from taxation there in their 
interests and for their benefit ; to maintain laws there, Mr. President, 
so honestly and firmly that no man, however rich, shall t/e beyond 
their reach if he does wrong, and no man, however humble, shall be 
denied their support or protection if he is wronged. 

Mr. ALLEN. I concur with the Senator in that. 

Mr. SPOONER. In short, Mr. President, to carry to that people 
what they have never had before, and what the American flag 
always carries to a people — generosity, justice, liberty, and the 
blessings and advantages of our civilization as far and as fast as 
possible. 

Mr. ALLEN. I heartily concur with everything the Senator says 
on that point. 

Mr. SPOONER. Is there any imperialism in that? 

Mr. ALLEN. I stand side by side with the Senator up to that 
point. Now, all these things being accomplished, what does the 
Senator propose to do with those islands? 

Mr. SPOONER. All these things being accomplished— it will take 
some time to accomplish them 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes. 

Mr. SPOONER. Doing our level best 

Mr. ALLEN. All the time. 

Mr. SPOONER. It will take a long time to accomplish that. 

Mr. ALLEN. Some years. 

Mr. SPOONER. Some years — and the Senator is in favor of 
that? 

Mr. ALLEN. It will take some years to do it. 

Mr. SPOONER. Some years to do it— then, Mr. President, 
where is your issue of imperialism now? 

Mr. ALLEN. What I ask the Senator, then, is — these years hav- 
ing passed by, having passed into eternity, all these things having 
been accomplished— what does the Senator propose to do with those 
islands? 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not expect to be here. I say it is a wicked 
ithing to attempt to make that issue now, with our Army in the 
field, and with work before us to which the Senator agrees, which 
will, even upon the Senator's own admission, take some years yet. 

Mr. ALLEN. No; the Senator can not run away by saying 

Mr. SPOONER. I run away from nobody. 

Mr. ALLEN. No, I think not; but the Senator can not run 



71 

; away, metaphorically speaking, of course, from the argument by per 
sonalizing himself. 

Mr. SPOONER. If the Senator will permit me, he was out when 
I submitted observations upon that subject. 

Mr. ALLEN. Then I will put the question differently. Is there 
ever a time, or will the time ever come in the history of the Phil- 
ippines, all these things being accomplished, when those people will 
be allowed to erect an independent civil government for themselves ? 

Mr. SPOONER. I will restate, Mr. President, that in all these 
constant agitations and denunciations — and the Senator ought to 
know it, and those for whom be speaks ought to know it — the power 
to govern and dispose of the Philippine Archipelago is not in any 
Administration; it is not in any President, but, under the Consti- 
tution, it is in Congress. As I said before the Senator came in, what 
we are concerned about now is the discharge, in a manful way, of 
present duty. What will in the ultimate be the policy of the Ameri- 
can people in the Philippine Archipelago is for the American people 
to say when that day comes. I do not hesitate to assert my con- 
viction that when the day does come that the Philippine inhabitants 
have so far evidenced their ability to maintain a government — to 
discharge its functions — that they can safely be intrusted with in- 
dependence, and they want it, the American people will give it to 
"them. 

Mr. ALLEN. Will the Republican party give it to them? 

Mr. SPOONER. I am not talking about the Republican party. 

;Mr. ALLEN. I thought you were. 

-Mr. SPOONER. That is the trouble with all this business, Mr. 
President. It is party, party, party, and nothing else, and that is 
What I complain of. 

Mr. ALLEN. The Senator has been arguing for his party for 
three days upon this subject. 

Mr. SPOONER. I have not been arguing for my party, except 
in this sense : I have been attempting in a frank way to defend the 
Administration of my party against what I consider unjust accusa- 
tions. That is proper. 

Mr. ALLEN. I have put the Senator a fair question. 

Mr. SPOONER. Yes. 

Mr. ALLEN. It will only take one of two words to answer it. 
Does the Republican party propose at any time, if it is in power, all 
these things and all these blessings to which the Senator has re- 
ferred having been accomplished, to give those people an independ- 
ent government? 

Mr. SPOONER. I can not speak for the Republican party. 

Mr. ALLEN. That question is capable of an answer. 

Mr. SPOONER. Does the Democratic party propose to do that? 

Mr. ALLEN. I do not know anything about the Democratic 
party. 

Mr. SPOONER. Well, does the Populist party propose to do it? 

Mr. ALLEN. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SPOONER. Then why have they not said so? 

Mr. ALLEN. They have said so in their platform recently at 
Sioux Falls, as the Senator will see by reference to it. 

Mr. SPOONER. When are they going to do it? 

Mr. ALLEN. Just as soon as the matter can be adjusted between 
the two governments. 

Mr. SPOONER. Adjusted between what two governments? 

Mr. ALLEN. Adjusted as between the two peoples. In the first 



72 

place, when the Populist party is in power it will not be too cowardly 
to do this. 

Mr. SPOONER. Between what two governments? 
Mr. ALLEN. The United States and the Philippine Islands? 
Mr. SPOONER. But an island is not a government. 
Mr. ALLEN. I think I know something about the attitude there. 
I will say "the Philippine people," if that will suit the Senator better. 
Mr. SPOONER. Very well. 

Mr. ALLEN. The Populist party would do what the Republi- 
can party will never do, in my judgment. There will never be an 
offer to adjust the differences between this people and that people 
so long as the Republican party is in power until we shoot, down 
every man in those islands. 
Mr. SPOONER. Oh! 

Mr. ALLEN. The Populist party would offer to those people the 
blessings of civil liberty immediately It would not go to them with 
shot and shell and sword and bayonet and artillery, but would go 
to them with a mission of peace, and by peaceful means put them 
upon their feet, making for them a government, and sustaining them 
against all the encroachments of Europe; but the Republican party, 
full and drunken and intoxicated with power, with greed, with 
lust of empire, never will do anything of that kind. 

Mr. SPOONER. I do not think the Republican party is very 
much intoxicated. I do not assume to say what the Republican 
party will do in five years from now, and I do not think the Senator 
has any warrant for saying what the Democratic party will do five 
years from now, or what the Populist party will do five years from 
now. We can not proceed upon mere speculation. I am 
content with discharging present duty. 
Mr. ALLEN. So am i. 

Mr. SPOONER. I want to maintain the authority of the United 
States in the Philippines. Does not the Senator? 

Mr. ALLEN. So long as we have any right in the Philippine 
Islands, I want to maintain the authority of the United States there. 
I have said so months and months ago in this Chamber, and I say 
so now ; but I do not want to go to those people with guns, and 
swords, and bayonets, and munitions of war, without first going to 
them with a mission of peace, with a full assurance that if they sur- 
render their arms and cease their contention against the sovereignty 
of the United States, which is there for the time being, they shall 
be made an independent people with an independent constitution, 
just exactly as God has determined, in my judgment, that every free 
people should be. I would do that first. 

Mr. SPOONER. Mr. President, I decline to be further interrupt- 
ed, for I must finish my speech. 

Mr. ALLEN, I beg the Senator's pardon for having interrupted 
him. 

Mr. SPOONER. I was saying that the Republican party is in 
favor of discharging present duty. There is a plain pathway before 
us, Mr. President, and that is to maintain authority in the Philippine 
Islands, and to use that as the foundation for the creation 
there of a government It can only be done in that way, and 
already, Mr. President, although that people have been prejudiced 
against us — prejudiced by the friars, prejudiced by the Spanish 
soldiery who are left there, prejudiced in every conceivable way, 
prejudiced by utterances in the United States, suggesting that we 
intend to put them into slavery and under a yoke — we are win- 
ning, as rapidly as we could expect, their confidence and their re- 



73 

spect, and we should proceed with that work. We shall win it, be- 
cause we will deserve it. 

While I can not speak for the Republican party in the future, any 
more than another Senator can speak for the Democratic party or 
the Populist party in the future, I repeat that when the day shall 
come that that people is fitted to maintain an independent govern- 
ment — one which can discharge its international obligations; one 
which can protect life, liberty, and property at home — and the ques- 
tion is, whether they shall have it, if they want it, or whether we 
shall keep them forever in the condition of dependence or terri- 
torial government; I have no doubt that the American people- 
Democrats, and Republicans, and Populists — will say that they shall 
have it, and, with all that, I never expect the American flag to 
come down in the Philippine Islands. 

This is consistent with all I have said. Having the title, we can, 
in anything the people may do as to the Philippines in the future, 
make such reservations to ourselves, or exceptions, as are right and 
needful for safeguarding our interests in the Orient. We can have 
there naval stations for our war ships, a safe resting place for our 
Pacific commerce, and our flag as it floats there will forever be evi- 
dence to the world of our interest in the archipelago, and our interest 
in its people. 

I was saying, Mr. President — and I ought not to have consented 
to these interruptions — that there is no such issue here now, and 
practically, the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. Allen] admits it. 

In October, 1899, Aguinaldo published a signed manifesto in La 
Independencia in which he said — 

"We ask God that he may grant the triumph of the Democratic 
party in the United States, zvhich is the party which defends the 
Philippines, and that Imperialism may cease from its mad idea of 
subduing us with its arms." 

I will read another evidence of the malign influence over there 
of this agitation upon a vain and false issue for political purposes. 
Here is a captured document translated into English: 

[Telegram.} 

In the United States meetings and banquets have been held in honor of 
our honorable President, Don Emilio Aguinaldo, who was proclaimed by Mr. 
Bryan, the future President of the United States, as one of the heroes of the 
world. 

The Masonic society, interpreting the unanimous desire of the people, to- 
gether with the Government, organizes a meeting and popular assembly in this 
capital in favor of the national independence, which will take place on Sunday, 
the 29th, in honor of Mr. Bryan and the anti-imperialist party which defends 
our cause in the United States. 

All the Masons and all the Filipino people are called to take part in this 
solemn act. The meeting will be composed of three parts: First. At 8 m 
the morning on the 29th, a gathering in an appropriate place will take place, 
which will begin by singing the national hymn; then appropriate speeches 
will be read. Second. At midday a banquet will take place in the palace in 
honor of Mr. Bryan, who will be represented by American prisoners. Third. 
At 4 in the afternoon a popular manifestation will take place every- 
where — the people will decorate and illuminate their houses, bands of music 
will oass through the streets. 

[SEAL.] THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. 

Tarlac, October 27, 1899. 

To all the provincial, local, and military commanders in this capital, Nuncia 
Capas, Bangbang, Gerona, Panique, and Victoria, the president of the audien- 
cia of Bayambang, and the editor of La Independencia. 

I certify that this translation is correct, to the best of my belief. 

JOHN R. M. TAYLOR, 
Captain, Fourteenth Infantry, in charge insurgent records. 

Manila, February 23, 1900. 

Here is the Spanish telegram : 



74 

ASAMBLEA DE MUJERES. 

Se verificara el 2 de Noviembre de 1899, en el Teatro de Tarlac. 

En honor de lalndependencia patria y del pueblo americano que simpatiza 

con la nacion Filipina. 

Programa. 

Primera parte. 

(6 manana.) 

Diana— Las bandas de musica recorreran la poblacion. 

(8 manana.) 
Acto inaugural— Marcha Nacional. 
Discurso de apertura por la Presidenta. 
Lectura de telegramas. 
Discursos y poesias. 

Donativos para los heridos en campana. 
Himno: AGUINALDO— BRYAN. 
Paso doble: La Independencia. 

Segunda parte. 
(4 tarde.) 

Manifestation popular. 

*»♦*«»*** 

Here is another: 
FILIPINO REPUBLIC, Secretary of Foreign Affairs: 

Wishing to hold a meeting in the morning of Sunday next in the Presiden- 
tial Palace of this republic to correspond with the one held in the United 
States by Mr. Bryan, who toasted our honorable president as one of the 
heroes of the world, and with the object of carrying this out with the utmost 
•pomp and with contributing by the presence of your subordinates to its 
-greater splendor, I would be obliged if you would come to see me for a 
■conference upon this matter. 

May God keep you many years. 

Tarlac, October 26, 1899. 

FELIPE BUENCAN1MO. 
The Secretary. 

The Secretary of the Interior. 

Here is the telegram from the secretary of war, Tarlac: 

[Telegram. Reg. No. 32.] 
No. 612. Rs. 70. De Dagupan, 1.34 p. m, 

Ba. 29 de 10 de 1899, fls. 11.30 el office de Guerra. 

MONSON. 
Secretary of War, Tarlac: 

Provincial Chief Zambales. Received your circular by telegraph yesterday. 
Was received with great animation and patriotic enthusiasm by the people 
gathered in a great reunion in government house. We had early this morning 
a gathering of civil and military officers and private persons to celebrate the 
independence of the country and in honor of Mr. Bryan, and ac 4 p. m. we 
shall have the second part of the meeting. We all join in congratulating out 
honorable president ,the government, and the army. 

I read these, Mr. President, not to impute the purpose to anyone 
in this country to do harm over there to our Army, for I know that 
is not true, but to show that this agitation against the Republican 
party as an imperialistic party, and against the President of the 
United States, now Commander in Chief of the Army, as a man of 
ambition, with a lust for empire, regardless of the liberty of others, 
and the attitude of the Democratic party as favoring the independ- 
ence of the people, is known over there and acted upon over there. 

Mr. Piesident, I beg leave to say that it furnishes much warrant 
for the belief that General Lawton wrote that letter, because it fur- 
nishes evidence that on the issue of imperialism or anti-imperialism, 
vif the Republican party is defeated at the next election, 
it is expected that independence will go at once to the Philippine 
republic, so called, and it conveys to them and furnishes ^o them 
the strongest imaginable motive for continuing their insurrection. 

The first thing to do is what we are doing to-day — to put an end 
to the insurrection, to lay the foundation of peace, for the 
victories and blessings of peace, and to try this question of 
imperialism, if it ever arises in the United States, when 
it arises, and at least to be silent upon it while our Army is in the 



75 

field tc be injured by it. That is the way I feel about it, and I believe 
that is the way the American people will feel about it. I think they 
will not be deceived by this talk of imperialism and anti-imperialism. 
They may listen to your talk during the campaign about the violated 
Declaration of Independence, about the Constitution being trampled 
upon; they may seem to hear you, but they will realize that there is 
no such issue in this campaign, and they will be thinking of the men 
over there who are suffering and in danger partly as a consequence 
of the attempt here to obscure one issue by manufacturing another. 

Mr. President, when I introduced this bill there were two resolu- 
tions pending before the Senate. One was the resolution introduced 
by the Senator from Indiana [Mr. Beveridge] declaring that we 
own the Philippines and will retain them, and establish such govern- 
ment there as we may deem best. I could not vote for that resolu- 
tion. If we own the Philippines, a mere declaration that we own 
them adds nothing to our title. If we do not own them such a dec- 
laration will not make them ours. This Congress can not bind any 
subsequent Congress, and a declaration that we intend to hold the 
Philippines forever binds no subsequent Congress, and is merely an 
empty declaration. 

The other resolution pending is that introduced by the dis- 
guished Senator from Georgia [Mr. Bacon]. It is based upon 
the theory that we acquired title by the cession and have completed it 
by subsequent possession. It contemplates that the authority of the 
United States shall be maintained there until armed resistance to Jt 
shall have ceased in said islands and peace and order shall have been 
restored, and it declares that when a stable government shall, through 
the agency of the United States, have been created by the people of 
the islands, "competent and worthy, in the judgment of the United 
States, to exercise the powers of an independent government, and 
to preserve peaee and maintain order within its jurisdiction, it is the 
purpose and intention of the United States," reserving certain har- 
bors and tracts of land for coaling stations, etc., to transfer to said 
government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and just, all right 
and territory secured in said islands under the treaty with Spain, 
and to thereupon leave the dominion and control of said islands to 
their people. 

While approving much in this resolution, Mr. President, I can 
not vote for it. I refused to vote for the McEnery resolution, 
which passed the Senate, because of the conditions of that day, and 
my belief that it would be unproductive of good and only fruitful 
of mischief. 

I oppose the resolution of the Senator from Georgia among 
other things, because it is not legislation. It is not an exercise of 
any power which the Constitution confers upon Congress. It does 
not dispose of the Philippine Archipelago. It is ineffective. It is 
only declaratory. It projects into the future a promise which we 
have no power to make, to be redeemed or left unredeemed by suc- 
ceeding Congresses. No one can know when the year will come for 
the fulfillment of this pledge. Inevitably, upon the theory of the res- 
olution, its redemption will require years. 

It will doubtless be years before a government can be formed in 
the Philippines by the people "competent and worthy in the judg- 
ment of the United States to exercise the powers of an independent 
government." In the intervening time this moral obligation would 
be outstanding. The ambitious Philippine leaders would impress 
upon the people that the pledge was ripe for redemption; that the 
government was "competent and worthy to be independent," and 



76 

would be sincere in that belief. That they would differ with the 
United States upon that subject is as certain as that the day will 
follow the night. That there would be controversy and dispute 
over it is inevitable. Gentlemen of great name and ability have 
stated that they are now fit for self-government. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Dewey said so. 

Mr. SPOONER. He said they were better fitted for self-gov- 
ernment than the Cubans. That is all I have ever heard imputed to 
him upon the subject. 

Senators have stated here that they possessed a government be- 
fore the outbreak of hostilities entitled to be recognized, with a 
constitution, a congress, and courts, and colleges. Whether, left 
to themselves, these evidences of civilization would have been afford- 
ed by the Filipinos I do not know. To me they are the only evi- 
dences of good government left by Spain in the archipelago. 

That they are unfit for self-government now I think is over- 
whelmingly demonstrated. 

I can not doubt, in view of the entire situation, that they would 
differ with us as to their qualifications for independent govern- 
ment, and that out of the fulfillment of this Congressional promise, 
if it were made, there would arise trouble, agitation, charges of re- 
pudiation and bad faith, and possibly insurrection, with its bur- 
dens and complications. 

Why project into the future such a promise? It is not needful, 
unless Senators are afraid to trust the people. May not the de- 
cision of this question be safely left to the American people? Sena- 
tors need not fear that they will be wanting in love of liberty, in 
regard for the Declaration of Independence, or in loyalty to the Con- 
stitution. It is not needful for the Congress of to-day to protect 
the American people by pledges of this sort against themselves in 
settling the questions of the future. 

As to the bill which I introduced, I claim for it nothing of origi- 
nality. It has been read by the Senator from South Carolina. It 
is legislation. It is fashioned after the Louisiana bill. It is fash- 
ioned after the Hawaiian resolution. It deals with the situation as 
it is. It is very short. It assumes our sovereignty there. It 
recognizes that we acquired the archipelago by the treaty. It assumes 
the fact that we will enforce obedience to our authority over there, 
and then provides, after the war shall have ended, for a govern- 
ment by the President through his appointees, (not to be perma- 
nent, not to make the President a pro-consul) until Congress shall 
otherwise provide. 

I would vote for it whoever occupied the Presidential chair, what- 
ever party he came from, because the Senate knows we. have not 
the information as to the conditions over there to enable us to pass 
a government bill now. There are eighty- four tribes. Some of 
them are hostile to each other. We know very little of them. We 
do not know what form of government io adapted to that people. 
The President has the power now and it will continue until Con- 
gress acts, under the war power, to establish a government and 
maintain it. 

My purpose in this bill was first to show to the people that the 
Congress is behind the Administration in the Philippines to meet 
it, if it might be met — the belief which has been created over there 
that the people of this country are not behind the Administration 
and the Army. Moreover, I thought that Congress ought to pat 
this measure of authority behind the President, when insurrection 
shall have been suppressed, in governinig a people seven thousand 



77 

miles away, ten million of comparative strangers. To leave it all 
to his war power seemed to me unjust. That was all. It was no 
play for politics. It was not to shelve any question or to evade any 
question. It is upon the theory which I have asserted here to-day, 
that there is no issue here of imperialism or antiimperialism. 

Mr. President, in my heart I believe that. Thus far it has been 
largely force, not subjugation, but subduing insurrection, from my 
standpoint We know comparatively little of that people. Gen- 
eral Otis says in a recent interview : 

We are spending $300,000 now in road making and could spend hundreds of 
thousands more most advantageously. The Filipinos are enthusiastic about roads, 
the construction of which gives employment to many of them. It it was pos- 
sible to grant franchises for railroads, it would be a good thing, but all that 
will come in time. Roads and good schools are better. 

It is astonishing how eager these people are for schools. They are clamoring 
for them everywhere. We bought $40,000 worth of books and have exhausted 
the supply of Spanish- English primers. I told some prominent Filipinos that 
they must wait for a new supply, but they said no, and suggested that we 
give English instead of Spanish books, declaring that the children would learn 
very quickly. If 1 were to continue here and had my way, I would build 
schools everywhere. I would build a big two-story schoolhouse on that open 
lot in front of the first reserve hospital if it cost a million dollars. All this 
is hopeful. 

I do not share altogether the view of the v enator from Indiana 
[Mr. Beveridge] as to that people. I believe they have aptitude 
for government. Bishop Potter says the children take to our sol- 
diers as friends. He says they are anxious to learn. I have an 
abiding faith that when they come to know us. to understand us, 
when they feel our sense of justice, when they feel the protection 
which we will throw around them, when we build roads for them, 
when we furnish them with schoolbooks, they will accept the situa- 
tion. A resigned army officer is now teaching: school there, and he 
speaks in the very highest terms of the intelligence and the eager- 
ness for instruction on the part of the Filipino children, and of 
their parents that they shall have it. If some Senators are right as 
to their capacity for self-government our task will be easier. 

We have a difficult problem to solve. I wish it were not upon 
us. But we have had difficult problems before. 

I believe before very many years that people, participating as we 
go along in local government, will have faith in us, and that they will 
be able to maintain at least an autonomous government, although 
for many, many years they will need our protectio 1 and our care and 
guidance. And the men who deliberately charge in high places 
that the flag of the United States is there as an emblem of slavery, 
that it is there for oppression, do great injustice to this nation and 
great injustice to the American people. Why not trust them? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Is the Constitution there with the flag? 

Mr. SPOONER. Whether the Constitution is there with the 
flag or not, men are there under the flag who will give to that peo- 
ple every element of individual liberty which we have under the 
Constitution. Already under that flag by military order the habeas 
corpus has been put in operation throughout the archipelago. Al- 
ready under that flag the ecclesiastical court, which was a court of 
oppression, has been abolished ; and already that flag has carried to 
that people, as it always does carry to a people, liberty, protection, 
and honest, responsible government. 

I have said nothing of the richness of the islands in mineral and 
other resources. I sincerely trust, for the benefit of the inhabitants, 
that the glowing story told of undeveloped wealth there is an under- 
statement. I hope it for the sake of that people, and also as light- 
ening the burden which duty seems to place upon us. 



78 

Mr. President, I have submitted to interruptions so that my 
speech has been discursive. I have not entirely followed the line 
which I should otherwise have done. Without purpose to be dis- 
courteous or unjust to anyone, I have said frankly what I believe. 
The President has left this matter to Congress. I want to read here 
an extract from his message as expressive not only of the views of 
the Administration, but of the American people, in my judgment, 
for they will stand by an Executive doing his duty and by their 
Army wherever it is on duty, and will discountenance any policy 
which in this country is inaugurated, the effect of which will be to 
prolong insurrection or to endanger the lives of their soldiery. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Does the Senator mean to say they will 
stand behind it whether right or wrong? 

Mr. SPOONER. Right or wrong, I say, they are behind it ; but 
they are right. That is a question for the people to determine, not 
for the Senator. The President says in his message: 

Until Congress shall have made known the formal expression of its will I 
shall use the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the statutes to 
uphold the sovereignty of the United States in those distant islands as in all 
other places where our flag rightfully floats. I shall put at the disposal of the 
Army and Navy all the means which the liberality of Congress and the people 
have provided to cause this unprovoked and wasteful insurrection to cease. 

If any orders of mine were required to insure the merciful conduct of military 
and naval operations, they would not be lacking; but every step of the prog- 
ress of our troops has been marked by a humanity which has surprised even the 
misguided insurgents. The truest kindness to them will be a swift and effec- 
tive defeat of their present leader. The hour of victory will be the hour of 
clemency and reconstruction. 

No effort will be spared to build up the waste places desolated by war 
and by long years of misgovernment. We shall not wait for the end of 
strife to begin the beneficent work. 

Nor has he waited. 

We shall continue, as we have begun, to open the schools and the churches, 
to set the courts in operation, to foster industry and trade and agriculture, 
and in every way in our power to make these people whom Providence has 
brought within our jurisdiction feel that it is their liberty and not our power, 
their welfare and not our gain, we are seeking to enhance. Our flag has never 
waved over any community but in blessing. I believe the Filipinos will soon 
recognize the fact that it has not lost its gift of benediction in its world- 
wide journey to their shores. 

Mr. ALLEN. Does the President anywhere in his message say 
that at any time they shall have a free and independent government? 

Mr. SPOONER. The President is President; he does not 
claim to be a prophet ; he leaves to the future what belongs to the 
future, but what he says there is the language of patriotism. It is 
the language of philanthropy. It interprets the genius of our in- 
stitutions. It is in harmony with the nature of the man and with 
his career. There is in it nothing but good will, nothing but 
kindness. There is in it nothing of exploitation. There is in it 
nothiig of commercialism. There is in it nothing of imperialism. 
We are to go along. We will make mistakes. We will fall down, 
but we will pick ourselves up. We will cross bridges as we come 
to them, and when we come to streams without bridges we will build 
them. We will feel our way. We will go forward in a manful 
fashion, with a holy purpose to do what is just and generous and 
right. 

No American has any right to doubt that. We will become ac- 
quainted with the conditions. We will teach those people to know 
us. We will give them every opportunity in the school of govern- 
ment. We will govern them, not for our benefit, but for theirs, 
and in the end the day will come, in my opinion, and I believe it 
will be sooner than I once thought it would be, when that people, 
with confidence in us and friendship for us, with prosperity among 



79 

them, with an appreciation of liberty, with some knowledge of what 
government is, will be able to maintain an autonomous or independ- 
ent government ; and when that day comes I doubt not the American 
people, of all parties, will promptly accord it to them. 

If, Mr. President, in the end it shall come about that through the 
Spanish-American war we shall have liberated Cuba from the tyran- 
ny of Spain, enabled its people to erect an independent government, 
stable and strong; have made happy and prosperous the people of 
Porto Rico, and in the far-away Pacific have brought a nonhomogen- 
eous people together into one people, educated them for self-gov- 
ernment or independence and given it to them, though it shall have 
cost much of patience, of trouble, and of sacrifice, we shall have 
wrought out a consummation more glorious, and afforded a nobler 
evidence of what a liberty-loving people can and will do for liberty, 
than has ever before been seen in the history of the world. [Ap- 
plause in the galleries.] 



SPEECH OF 

Gen. EDWARD S. BRAGG 

Veteran Commander of the Iron Brigade 



In Which He Advises Gold Democrats to 
Vote for McKinley and Roosevelt. 



It will* be from the standpoint of a National Democrat, by edu- 
cation, conviction and affiliation — I may say, and from heredity — 
that I speak to-night, extending in some regard beyond mere party 
duty to the more exalted duty of every loyal citizen in the land, to 
rally in the defence and support of his country in times of danger, 
trouble or need, foreign or domestic, and never by word, act or 
deed '"give aid or comfort to its enemies." 

I have never yet voted for a chief magistrate of this nation 
whose name had not been presented for the suffrages of the peo- 
ple by a Democratic Convention. There is no taint of "trim- 
mer" in my blood or lineage. It has always been my pride to be 
able to rise in place, and using the words of a great leader of the 
party in New York, before the spell of expediency overthrew the 
convictions of his judgment, "I am a Democrat!" But I have a 
pride infinitely greater than that — that I have always held my life 
and service subject to my country's call, irrespective of the politics 
of the head of the Government. 

THE PEOPLE ALWAYS LOYAL. 

The heart of this great people has always beat loyal to the Gov- 
ernment when the war trump sounded, and has never tolerated, 
and will never tolerate, encouragement to a public enemy, while 
he is robbing, fighting, slaying the brave men, your sons and bro- 
thers, whom the Government has sent forth to do its mission, 



whether that enemy be an Englishman or Mexican, a Spaniard 
or a Philippino! 

It matters not how specious the plea, how earnest and honest 
the pleader, charm he ever so sweetly, or ever so wisely, the Amer- 
ican ear may listen, but the loyal heart is sealed against its influ- 
ence. 

The history of the Federal Party stands a monument to the 
truth of my statement. The obloquy that came upon it from the 
Hartford Convention compelled it to moult its feathers, put on a 
new dress and change its name, in an attempt to escape the in- 
dignant memories of the American people. 

Political, as well as personal confidence, is a creature of slow 
growth, and any success acquired by the Whig Party was sporadic 
and short-lived, and when under its dashing, brilliant leader, "the 
mill-boy of the slasher," the great Clay of Kentucky; another 
great leader, "the wagon-boy of Ohio," the genial, eloquent and 
popular "Tom Corwin" by his utterances in the United States 
Senate, against the Mexican War and the war policy of a Demo- 
cratic administration, buried the Whig Party alongside its Federal 
ancestry, where, following family precedent, it re-moulted its 
feathers, and bursting the cerements of its tomb, invited and re- 
ceived popular support as the champion of "Free Soil," and took 
to itself the name of "Republican Party." Thousands and tens 
of thousands of Democrats, without change of belief upon the 
cardinal principles of JefTersonian Democracy, enlisted under its 
banners upon the one single issue, "No more Slave States." 

The Democratic Party was split in twain upon what they 
pleased to term Constitutional questions, and when war followed 
Mr. Lincoln's election, many of them, forgetful of their glorious 
record in the past, failed to grasp the great question of human 
liberty, and hugging their theories of strict construction of the 
Constitution, gave utterance to sentiments that led the South 
to hope for recognition of their so-called rights under the Con- 
stitution, if they prolonged the struggle. They were looked upon 
by the political leaders of the South as friends in the camp of the 
enemy, ready to open its approaches and to lay down their arms 



in the furtherance, not of treason or treasonable instinct, oh, no! 
but merely to aid the erring brother in securing his Constitutional 
rights ! ! 

The end came at last, crowning Mr. Lincoln with glory and 
making his name a household word, and his memory revered in the 
palace of the rich and the hovel of the poor, not only in America, 
but wherever the sun shed its rays upon civilization in the wide 
world. 

The fate of the Democratic Party since the- War of the Re- 
bellion is but a rehearsal of the fate of the Federal and Whig 
Parties, and the cause of it the same. It failed as a party organi- 
zation to grasp the situation and give the unwavering strength of 
its great power, without reserve, to aid in putting down the Rebel- 
lion. I hate to say it, but it is true; and for years, the name 
"Democrat" was an opprobrius one, all over this northern country. 
There were many great leaders in the Party whom individually 
the people honored, and when they were ignored, it was not for 
want of confidence in them, but from a distrust of their fellows. 

Looking over the history of the pa_st and comparing it with the 
present instincts of the American people as I know them, it seems 
beyond possibility that any party or any candidate, no matter upon 
what high plane of morals, of sympathy for the oppressed, or of 
Constitutional rights, he affects to plant himself, can succeed in 
reaching the support of the electors of the United States, when in 
the face of bloody war he classifies the treacherous Aguinaldo as 
a patriot, and his guerrilla bands who are shooting down our sol- 
diers, as subjects of our sympathy, if not of our open commenda- 
tion. 

I may not read the political horoscope correctly, but it is my 
sincere conviction, that were St. Paul to be rehabilitated with 
mortal presence, and lead the Bryan column with a Philippino 
badge upon his breast and 16 to I painted upon his banner, noth- 
ing but signal defeat would await him. 

mr. Cleveland's foresight. 

Mr. Cleveland was the first Democrat to reach the Presidential 
chair after the War. He was a man not remarkable for his per- 

3 



sonal graces, but was possessed of a clear, well-trained, logical 
mind, and as his state papers bear witness, was a statesman, well- 
equipped to assume the responsibilities and discharge the duties 
of the high office to which he had been elected. His judgment 
was not technical, but eminently practical ; his honesty was above 
suspicion, and he had the courage of his convictions. He won his 
way to the high office as a tribute to his personal character, and 
to the faithfulness with which he had discharged the trust reposed 
in him as Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of the Empire State of 
the Union. He never led a crusade for delegates, he never vaunt- 
ed his qualifications upon the stump; but believing it contrary to 
the traditions of his Party, contrary to good taste, and repulsive to 
the better sense of the people, to travel from town to town to ex- 
pose and laud his wares, he remained quietly at home during the 
exciting canvass which followed his nomination, and was chosen 
by the people upon his merits, without personal solicitation of the 
voter for his suffrage. 

In his first inaugural address, touching the great financial 
question upon which the campaign of 1896 was waged and won, 
he said: 

"A due regard for the interests and prosperity of all the people, 
demands that our finances shall be established upon such a sound 
and sensible basis as shall secure the safety and confidence of busi- 
ness interests, and make the wages of labor sure and steady." 

In his first Annual Message he points out the results of the 
compulsory coinage bill of February, 1878, under which up to that 
time, 215,759,431 silver dollars had been coined, and the fact that 
only $50,000,000 had found their way into circulation. In this 
Message he fully exploded the theory that cheap money benefits 
the wage earner, and in addition to his own argument cites the 
great Webster, who declared in the United States Senate in 1834: 

"The very man of all others, who has the deepest interest in a 
sound currency, and who suffers most by mischievous legislation 
in money matters, is the man who earns his daily bread by his 
daily toil." 

The Message, recommended that the provisions of this Act be 



suspended, and it was done, and the war to avenge the so-called crime 
of '73 was renewed by the silverites against Cleveland, and the 
distrust of a Democrat was so easily aroused, that upon his can- 
didacy to succeed himself he was defeated at the polls, and was 
succeeded by General Benjamin Harrison, in whose administration 
a truce was effected on the silver question, by the Act of July 14, 
1890, commanding the purchase monthly, by the Secretary of the 
Treasury, of 4,500,000 ounces of silver bullion, paying in Treasury 
Notes, redeemable in gold or silver coin, etc. 

Mr. Cleveland, in spite of his free silver antagonists, was re- 
elected in 1892, and in his inaugural address, without regard to 
the effect to be produced upon himself, in bugle notes sounded 
the alarm in these words : 

"Manifestly nothing is more vital to our supremacy as a Na- 
tion, and to the beneficient purposes of our Government, than a 
sound and stable currency. Its exposure to degradation should at 
once arouse to activity the most enlightened statesmanship, and 
the danger of the depreciation in the purchasing power of the 
wages paid to toil should furnish the strongest incentive to prompt 
and conservative precaution." 

After a careful consideration of the evils threatened, and of the 
preventives to soften, or avoid the effect of them, which he saw 
were sure to come, on the 8th day of August, 1893, he summoned 
a Special Session to repeal the law, which was the root of the 
evil, by destroying business confidence in our financial system. No 
man can read that Message and not fully endorse the foresight 
and judgment of the President. The law was repealed, by a 
Senate hostile, politically, to him, the correctness of his views be- 
ing so manifest, and the impending danger being so great. But 
it was too late, the financial system was tottering, past bracing up. 
The crash came. It was a legacy bequeathed to him by his prede- 
cessor, but its effects were charged to Cleveland, and soon the 
war dance of Air. Bryan was prepared, and the great crusade, 
which in his book he compares to the work of Peter the Hermit, 
to raise an army to retake Jerusalem and the tomb of our Savior 
from the Saracens. 



The history of the world shows that in every age there has 
been, and by deduction it is safe to assume, there always will be, 
everywhere, not limited to place or class, or to the same supposed 
wrong, people who have a grievance. 

A MEETING OF DISCONTENTS. 

The old prophet Samuel gives the first record of a pristine 
Bryan assemblage, when he writes of the dwellers in the cave of 
Adullam : 

"And every one that was in distress, and every one that was in 
debt, and every one that was discontented, gathered themselves 
unto him ; and he became a captain over them." 

This meeting of "discontents" finds a perfect parallel in the 
basic formation of Bryan's old guard, when the record is fully 
written, by the addition : 

"And the captain lifted up his voice and promised them re- 
lief, with the great balsam of 16 to i, and they all with one accord 
gave way to rejoicing." 

This organization caught the old Democratic Party at Chicago 
in 1896, sleeping outside the garrison, and captured all its camp 
and garrison equipage, and made captive many prisoners, who 
saved themselves from political orphanage by taking an oath of 
allegiance to the conquering chief. The members of the Party 
who were unwilling to forswear Democracy as it had been taught 
them by the fathers, organized themselves as National Democrats 
at Indianapolis, simply to preserve the sacred fires of the faith 
burning upon the Democratic altars, and keep them burning, to 
await the arrival of the bridegroom, when the folly, fanaticism 
and madness that led to the leprous union of Silver Republican, 
Socialist, Anarchist, Populist and quasi-Democrats, should be dis- 
solved, and its tenets discarded and the old faith be restored. That 
body of National Democrats declared their faith and placed 
at the head of their ticket that gallant soldier, sound stateman and 
good citizen, General John M. Palmer. A few weeks since he 
passed away. TKe Nation bowed its head in respect for his mem- 
ory, and great men of his State honored themselves by standing 
at the grave-side where his mortality was laid to rest. The loss 



6 



to the country and to sound Democracy, especially, was great. 
Honored in life — honored in death — he sleeps the sleep that knows 
no waking. 

The result of '96 is as a thrice-told tale. Wisconsin, never 
lacking in its duty where State or National honor is concerned, 
set the Badger stamp of condemnation on Mr. Bryan's 16 to 1, 
endorsed by over 100,000 plurality. Are you ashamed of this 
record, and would you undo it? No, my fellow-Badgers, we 
will stand to our guns in the second battle as we did in the first. 

CARL SCHURZ AND BOURKE COCHRAN. 

Mr. Schurz in 1896 pointed out, in his clear-cut language, sup- 
ported by his irresistible array of facts, from history and experi- 
ence, the danger that would necessarily follow the election of a 
person so unfit as Mr. Bryan to the Presidency, by reason of his 
total ignorance of financial economics, and from the dangerous 
character of his advisers, to be the total destruction of national 
and private credit, and the sending of distress broadcast every- 
where throughout the land. 

In his great speech in New York a few days since, he ignores 
Mr. Bryan and his incompetency, and his dangerous following, 
and puts his opposition to Mr. McKinley, not on any newly ac- 
quired confidence in the man he now supports — far from it. He 
has no new-born respect for and trust in him, but he casts his eyes 
to the distant Philippines, and sees through the mist, looming up, 
a ghost pushing for a seat at the banquet table of the Nations, and 
that ghost, which he christens "Imperialism," will be, he fears, the 
only representative, and all that is left of the great American Re- 
public, if Mr. McKinley succeeds. "How are the mighty fallen — 
what shadows we are — and what shadows we pursue." 

Mr. Bourke Cochran follows in the same strain. He gives us 
no repentance for his denunciations of Bryan and his policy made 
in '96, and I am told through the public press, that the terrors 
that inspire these distinguished gentlemen are to be driven home 
more vividly and more forcibly upon the poor, ignorant Badger by 
Mr. Cochran in person, followed by the Senator of South Caro- 
lina, who has been sent for to explain to you Mr. McKinley's vio- 



lation of the Constitution in the Philippines. An exposition of the 
Constitution by a gentleman from South Carolina may be and 
should be respectfully listened to by a Wisconsin audience, but 
there will ever and anon arise in the mind of the listener, "How 
came the Bryan leaders to think that Wisconsin was likely to fall 
in love with the Constitutional construction of a gentleman from 
South Carolina? 

mr bryan's unfitness. 

Sixteen to I, you say? What has that to do in this canvass? 
I will tell you, my friends, as we go along. He who knows Mr. 
Bryan knows that he has never abandoned 16 to I. The carrying 
into effect his financial theories, is the great purpose of his life. 
He is honest, .if not practical, and he has never said, and he never 
will say, he has abandoned it. He would not abandon it at Kan- 
sas City. The abandonment of the theory, and all this talk about 
silver being a dead issue, comes from the craft of the politician, 
who holds in his grasp that great political body in New York, that 
sports the name of the great Delaware Indian Chief and Prophet, 
Tamemund. These descendants and representatives of the 
prophet were largely born abroad, but have taken up their resi- 
dence here to do honor to their dusky ancestry and receive the 
profits that follow fawning. 

I have said that Mr. Bryan was an honest, if not a practical, 
man. What he says he believes he can do, and will never falter 
in his attempt to do it. He is a man of phenomenal oratorical 
power; in private and social life he is loved and respected; in his 
presence and speech his influence over those who hear and asso- 
ciate with him is almost hypnotic ; he writes poetry ; but this stamp 
of mind does not fit one to grapple the complex affairs of state 
and administer the Government of this great people in the internal 
and external clashing of interest and policy that constantly arise. 
He is a dreamy idealist. He talks and acts and believes, if he 
were President, by a wave of his magic wand, as 'twere, he can 
make a desert blossom ; that he can do away with want and mis- 
ery, and make all his subjects prosperous and happy, In other 



words, that he is possessed of the mysterious power that can make 
the world an Utopia, if you give him a chance ! 

Such a man is a delightful companion, an estimable member 
of society, but a wild bull in a china shop would not be more dan- 
gerous to trie safety of the crockery, than such would be to the 
safety of the state, if entrusted with the management of affairs. 

Let us go back a little and bring up illustrations to prove his 
total want of qualification and mental unfitness. He has preached 
over and over again the doctrine that cheap money brings happi- 
ness to the wage earner and prosperity in business, and he believes 
it against our own experience, and the experience of the world. 

AS PROVED BY MR. BRYAN HIMSELF. 

Again, he said in a speech at Minneapolis : "The gold stand- 
ard means dearer money, dearer money means cheaper property, 
cheaper property means harder times, hard times means more peo- 
ple out of work, more people out of work means more people des- 
titute, more people destitute means more people desperate, more 
people desperate means more crime." 

There can be no fault found with this diction ; the figure is well 
painted, but the picture is a pure creature of imagination, for it 
has no facts to support it. 

Again he says at Philadelphia : "I do not want any man to 
vote for me and then object to my doing what I expect to do if 
you elect me, and if I can prevent the maintenance of the gold 
standard, you can rely upon my doing it at the first opportunity 
given me." And he will do it, for he is a truthful man, with- 
out guile ! 

He has been playing the role of prophet as well, ever since he 
started out upon his crusade for the Presidency. In his campaign 
of 1896 he declared: 

"If McKinley and the Republican Party are successful and 
put in power for the next four years, wages will be decreased, 
hard times will be upon us, and over the land the price of wheat 
will go down and the price of gold will go up ; mortgages on our 
homes will be foreclosed by the money lenders ; shops and factor- 
ies will close. We will export no goods, and we will import from 



foreign lands all the goods we use ; thus will ruin, want and mis- 
ery be with us." 

And he believes it, for he is an honest, truthful man, and 
makes no statements he does not believe. 

He said at Madison Square, New York: 

"Wage earners know that while the gold standard raises the 
purchasing power of the dollar, they know that employment is 
less permanent and loss of work more probable, and re-employ- 
ment less certain. * * * * It also discourages enterprise 
and paralyzes industry." 

He said in the same speech: "We contend the free and un- 
limited coinage by the United States alone will raise the bullion 
value of silver to its coinage value, and thus make silver bullion 
worth $1.29 per ounce in gold throughout the world. This pro- 
position is in keeping with natural laws, not in defiance of them." 

He has preached and illustrated the effect of the fall in the 
price of silver by the relative price of wheat and cotton, and all 
farm products which he said would follow. The experience of 
every farmer, every business man and every wage earner, has 
taught him that every prophecy, every statement of financial eco- 
nomics, made and believed in by Mr. Bryan, are wholly and 
wretchedly incorrect. Will you trust the finances of this great 
Government, and its people, in the power and control of such an 
ignorant economist, because he has winning ways, is an estimable 
gentleman and hypnotizing orator? You may, perchance, but I 
will not ! 

Credit, as I have said, is of slow growth, and to a commercial 
nation like ours, now sending the products of every industry and 
employment over every sea, and giving earnest that in the near 
future we shall rise to be what for years England has been — the 
greatest commercial nation in the world — and must be carefully 
protected. Credit and a sound currency is the main stay of trade, 
and the prosperity and happiness of our people rest upon it, and 
to the wage earner in a greater degree than to any other class of 
our citizens. Preservation of that credit and currency, and shun- 
ning all the experiments of dreamers and poets on our financial 

10 



system, is the question of gravest importance to this people in- 
volved in the coming election. We can bind up the wounds of the 
suffering Philippino at our leisure ; we can repair any mistake, if 
the results show we have made any; there's plenty of time for 
that; but credit and confidence in a nation and among peoples, 
once lost, is difficult of restoration, and the crash following it 
reaches the poor and the man of moderate means infinitely more 
than it does the man of substantial wealth. 

THE GHOST OF IMPERIALISM. 

I am not an advanced optimist, but I have no fears of the ghost 
of a destroyed Republic intruding upon my presence by reason of 
any Philippino episode. Mr. Schurz and Mr. Cochran forget 
what you do not — that in the War of the Rebellion even the good 
old Horace Greeley believed the Republic was rent in twain, and 
petitioned Mr. Lincoln "that the erring States might go in peace" 
to prevent further and useless bloodshed. The Republic was 
ruined, cried the chicken hearts, and the Constitution destroyed! 
But out -of the mists came no ghosts, but the old Republic, with 
new vigor and strength, passing all conjecture in its progress to 
the first plane among nations. A people that can suppress the 
greatest rebellion the world ever saw, and live and prosper, is not 
likely to be overthrown as the result of insurrection in the Philip- 
pines, nor in the purchase of territory and establishing a Govern- 
ment there that will protect the person and property, of all well 
disposed persons in the newly acquired territory. So long as the 
heart of our people in the home Government is true and loyal, 
we need not fear for its safety, as consequent upon the acquire- 
ment of outside territory. 

Mr. Bryan is quoted as saying in a public speech on Jackson 
Day, at Minneapolis : 

"I am a firm believer in the enlargement of the limits of the 
Republic. I don't mean by that, the extension by the addition of 
contiguous territory, nor to limit myself to that. Wherever there 
is a people intelligent enough to form a part of this Republic, it is 
my belief that they should be taken in. Wherever there is a peo~ 

11 



pie capable of having a voice and a representation in this Govern- 
ment, there the limits of the Republic may be extended." 

CONGRESS ONLY CONFERS CITIZENSHIP. 

What do you say to that, my anti-free-silver-brother, who is 
inclined to abandon the silver issue and vote for Mr. Bryan as 
anti-Expansionist ! 

I do not endorse this doctrine. The Dutch Republic held pos- 
sessions in. the East Indies from 1600, and they never weakened, 
but strengthened the Republic, but the inhabitants of the territory 
never enjoyed the rights of citizenship of the Republic, and I 
should feel loth ever to take in as citizens a people remote, speak- 
ing foreign tongues, and having habits and tastes and traditions 
of their own, as widely separated from ours as pole is from pole. 
Territory we have the right to acquire, but its acquirement per se 
does not constitute its inhabitants citizens of the United States. They 
are at sea, who argue that the Constitution extends citizenship to 
them by its own force. It requires, in addition, the act of the leg- 
islative power to confer the right of citizenship. People may have 
a domicile in our territory, but legislation only can make them 
citizens. The inhabitants of the Louisiana Purchase, and of the 
Florida Purchase, were provided for, and the rights of citizen- 
ship secured by Treaty. The people of Texas had their rights 
qualifiedly secured by Treaty and fully conferred by Resolution 
of Congress. Thus all the precedents made by this Republic 
clearly recognize and adopt as the rule of international and con- 
stitutional law, the position I have stated. This does away with 
much of the bugaboo cry about our failure to give the citizen of 
Porto Rico and of the Philippines, his full right as an American 
citizen under the Constitution. 

THE REAL MENACE. 

The danger to the peace and prosperity of the Republic in 
present conditions, comes from men who constitute themselves 
walking delegates, stirring up bad blood between employer and 
employed, pandering to the groundless complaints of the shiftless 
and n'er-to-do-well class, and they are in every community, inflam- 

12 



ing the passion by sympathy with wrongs that have no real exist- 
ence, teaching them the doctrine that to possess wealth makes its 
owner their enemy and oppressor, and that his wealth is ill-gotten 
and stained with the blood and toil and suffering of the poor. This 
state of feeling, when it reaches its climax, means disorder, disre- 
gard of personal rights, disregard of judicial opinion, and with a 
bold and daring leader, means class against class in battle array, 
and bloodshed to follow. I do not charge that all the men who 
preach Populistic doctrines intend to produce such results, but 
they do not take into account the character, education, instincts 
and lack of moral control that their audiences possess, and when 
the evil comes, as it has come, and as it will come, increasing in 
virulence of temper and hostility of demonstration, extending to 
violence and bloodshed, these well-meaning persons shift the re- 
sponsibility from themselves, and cry they never intended such 
means should be used, nor thought such results would follow. 
You know old Elder Swayne, a revivalist, always contended "that 
hell was paved all over with good intentions." And so with these 
men, like the bugler who sounded the charge, in the fable, seeks to 
escape imprisonment "because he did nothing." The answer was, 
"True, you did nothing but to spur others to do what perhaps you 
lacked the personal courage to do." 

My remedy for this growing evil is employment. 

"Satan finds some mischief still for idle hands to do." And 
for the foolish teachers and preachers of Populism and community 
of property, apply the rule of the Celt, I think : "When you see 
a head, hit it." 

The great head of the agitators is a candidate for your suf- 
frage. His name is "William Jennings Bryan !" As you desire 
to suppress this growing ill-feeling between class and class, and to 
maintain harmony between employer and employed, upon a basis 
honorable and just to both, vote to suppress him and his doctrines 
and methods. 

The country is prosperous, money is plenty, and good ; interest 
has dropped to 5 per cent. ; the market of our abundant crops has 
furnished the money to discharge old mortgages and build new 

13 



homes ; labor finds employment in our State, and the laborer fixes 
the wages. Why should you desire a change unless it be for the 
better, and that better state you cannot hope to find in the balloon 
of the idealist, Mr. Bryan. 

EXTENSION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

Referring again to the mooted question of the extension of the 
Constitution, in its vigor, over newly acquired territory, the opin- 
ion of the .great expounder of the Constitution may have some 
weight and throw some light. He declared from his place in the 
United States Senate, the following construction to be correct : 

"The Constitution is extended over the United States, and over 
nothing else. It cannot be extended over anything except the old 
States and the new States that shall come hereafter, when they do 
come in. There is a want of accuracy of ideas in this respect that 
is quite remarkable, among eminent gentlemen, and especially 
professional and judicial gentlemen. It seems to be taken for 
granted, that the right of trial by jury, the habeas corpus and 
every principle designed to protect personal liberty, are extended 
by force of the Constitution, over every new territory. That pro- 
position cannot be maintained at all. * * * * It is said 
this must be so, else the right of habeas corpus would be lost. Un- 
doubtedly these rights must be conferred by law before they can be 
enjoyed in any territory." 

And later in his public career he said : ' 

"As to the power of Congress, I have nothing to add to what 
I said the other day. Congress has full power over the subject. 
It may establish any such government and any such laws in the 
territories, as in its discretion it may see fit. It is subject, of 
course, to the rules of justice and propriety, but it is under no 
Constitutional restraint." 

"REGULAR" POPULISTS NOT DEMOCRATS. 

But I have been digressing, and must come back to the effect 
of the fusion of 1896, and what it meant, and how it was under- 
stood by the contracting parties. In 1896 Mr. Bryan was placed 
in nomination at Chicago before the Populist Convention, but in 

14 



1900 the Populists, in the pride of their increased strength and 
vantage from position, led off and nominated Mr. Bryan. That 
their understanding of the situation may be made clear, I make 
reference to the opening address of the permanent chairman at 
Sioux Falls, wherein he declared, that in the Chicago Convention 
of 1896 (I quote his words), "The spirit of Populism sat upon 
their throne and in their Convention, and under the name of Demo- 
cracy they commenced a contest for Populist principles, embody- 
ing in their platform nearly every one of the paramount issues 
that has been declared in the People's Party platform for four 
years before." Then glorifying the proud and commanding posi- 
tion obtained over their old foe, the Democratic Party, and allud- 
ing to the babits of the Alexanders and Caesars in trailing behind 
their chariot their most distinguished captives in their triumphal 
march, before a rejoicing multitude, he said (I quote his words) : 

"If the People's Party were to indulge in such a parade, they 
would have the right to lead in procession before the assembled 
people and the -Government, as the chief and greatest captives, the 
Democratic Party and the platform they had adopted." 

My old brethren, you who followed Bryan to be regular, do 
you not shudder when you reflect that your allegiance to Bryan 
made you regular Populists, but made you irregular Democrats 
instead of regular Democrats ? 

The bonds that hold your chief in the Populistic creed are so 
strong that they do not j:ear, after your four years of captivity ; 
they boldly taunt you as their captives taken, as they say, "under 
the name of Democracy." Will you longer wear the badge of 
Populistic servitude and remain "sawers of wood and drawers of 
water" in the camp of an enemy, whose name and doctrine was 
always a stench in the nostrils of every Jeffersonian Democrat? 
What would old Sam Ti-lden or Horatio Seymour say to you, if 
they could be rehabilitated on earth? You may answer nothing, 
but if that should be true, it would be because you would be 
ashamed to meet, but would avoid them. 

It is useless to say that Mr. Bryan was not a party to the deal, 
exposed by the Chairman at Sioux Falls, because with the charge 

15 



ringing in his ears he renewed his affiliation with Populism, and 
accepted its nomination in 1900, without ever a dissenting word, 
to the boast made in the Convention which nominated him, by the 
Chairman, in the opening address. And what is more, he framed 
the platform of the Kansas City Convention, and embodied in it 
the identical doctrines of the Populist Party, of which the Chair- 
man spoke .with such pride as having been in '96 adopted "under 
the name of Democracy." 

BRYAN AND 1 6 TO I. 

Can free silver, 1 6 to I, be a dead issue when Populists and 
Silver Republicans make it a sine qua non of their support? Can 
it be a dead issue when Mr. Bryan made its adoption a sine qua 
non of his acceptance of the nomination? "Tell it not in Gath!" 
Mr. Bryan is an honorable, truthful man. He fights in the open, 
he has always said, and nothing to him is so disreputable as to 
pretend to be what he is not. The history of the campaign of 
1896, and the compilation of his speeches under his own eye, in 
a book called "The First Battle," is full of his tenacity to prin- 
ciple, and his dislike of men who fight under cover. 

In his Chicago speech he said: 

"I may be wrong ; I have never claimed infallibility ; but when 
I examine a question and reach a conclusion, I am willing to 
stand by what I believe, I care not what may happen." 

At Knoxville, Sept. 16, 1896, he said: 

"If there is any who believes the gold standard is a good thing, 
or that it must be maintained, / warn him not to cast his vote for 
me, because I promise him it will not be maintained in this country 
longer than I am able to get rid of it." 

He tells the truth, as an honorable man, he must wipe out the 
gold standard if elected. To use his own words, "caring not what 
may happen." But he has the courage of his convictions, as he 
so often assures us, and will certainly keep his faith with the 
Adullamites, who first made him captain! Duty,' as he sees it, 
first ; consequences may take care of themselves, is and has been 
the motto of his life. 



The majority voice at Kansas City was against a declaration 
favoring 16 to I, but under Mr. Bryan's command the Convention 
waived its judgment, and not only affirmed the Chicago platform 
with the 1 6 to i endorsement in it, but to prevent any misunder- 
standing, they repeat, so as to call the attention to the importance 
of the principle asserted : 

"We reiterate the demand of that platform for an American 
financial system, made by the American people for themselves, 
which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as a 
part of such system, the immediate restoration of the free and un- 
limited coinage of silver and gold, at the present legal ratio of 16 
to i, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation." 

What could be more sharply or clearer put! The fallacious 
doctrine overthrown by the people in 1896, without any attempt at 
disguise, and to emphasize its importance, the resolution reiterates 
the declaration. But immediately after the adoption a large num- 
ber of delegates commenced shouting: "It is of no account, it 
don't mean anything." This was done, and it is still repeated, to 
cover the shame and disgrace that should justly fall upon them, 
and cover them as with a mantle for their abject cowardice in 
yielding to Bryan's ultimatum. 

Do you believe that Mr. Bryan sent the body of a dead baby 
to Kansas City to have it embalmed ? His pet political bantling ? 
Well, I must confess, if you swallow that you are past hope of 
conversion. 

HILL CAUGHT IN A TRAP. 

Mr. Hill, of New York, who does not believe in 16 to 1, went 
to Kansas City, hopeful, prayerful. He found the omission of 
that resolution, or its adoption, depended upon Mr. Bryan's will. 
He stopped not — was not disheartened — but went on to Nebraska 
and preached and prayed with Czar, but of no avail ; the great 
politician was bluffed and his purpose thwarted. He was caught 
in the trap. He ought to have known it. Like the crafty Ulysses 
of old, he knew that many of his sturdy henchmen had fallen vic- 
tims to the wiles of Circe, and were lost in the labyrinthine halls 

of Populism at Kansas City, the key of which was held by the 

17 



''great and good Croker" (sic) in trust for Bryan, as keeper of 
his privy seal; and his trip to Kansas City was to relieve them 
from the bondage ; but while Ulysses was successful, and brought 
Circe to his feet, Mr. Hill was caught in the labyrinth and could 
find no avenue of escape, without donning the uniform of Croker 
and Bryan, or breaking away into political orphanage again, which 
his heart could not endure. He kissed the hand that smote him, 
bowed his head to Croker, and put on the badge of servitude. 
"Vae-victis" a weak spinal column has many sad things charged 
up to its account. 

Sixteen to I lives, with all the life in it that Mr. Bryan can 
give to it. The imperialist dodge, Croker's denouncing trusts as 
the great and standing menace to our Government, are both tubs 
thrown to the whale, or as a horseman might say, they are used 
only to reduce the weight the 16 to I pony shall carry in the race. 

It won't do, Mr. Croker ; it won't do, Mr. Hill ; it wont do, Mr. 
Cochran ! The voters of Wisconsin will not be diverted from the 
issue that affects them at home. You may shed your tears at will 
over the probable ruin of the Republic resulting from the Philip ■ 
pine purchase, and the woes and sufferings of the treacherous 
Malay and Tagal. It's a pretty side play, and that's all. Your 
champion represents 16 to I, and all other questions are mere 
political tassels to divert the unwary and hide the most important 
question — shall we continue a sound and stable currency, or shall 
we rehabilitate the old 16 to I barge, that was wrecked in 1896 
by the result of the ballot box, and plunge again into the bogs that 
are certain to open for the destruction of our business and our 
private and national prosperity, in the pursuit of a will o' the wisp 
lantern, swung aloft by Bryan. - 

The words of Bourke Cochran, in one of his great speeches in 
opposition to Mr. Bryan in 1896, are just as true now as then: 

"The American people will never consent to substitute the Re- 
public of Washington, of Jefferson, of Jackson, for the Republic 
of an Altgeld, a Tillman or a Bryan." 



18 



! INDUSTRY VS. SOCIALISTIC THEORY. 

You will pardon me, I know, in following my inclination and 
going back to "discontents" and "n'er-to-do-well" and "grum- 
bler," which I have earlier mentioned as composing the Bryan 
guard. To thoroughly counteract them and their influence it is 
absolutely necessary that their antecedents be understood, and the 
sources from which their condition comes be explored and exposed. 
I do not know how to do it better than to summarize a little de- 
scrigtion of two men, and their outcome, given by Mr. Gilman in 
his work entitled, "Socialism and the American Spirit." 

Two cousins, Johann and Wilhelm, landed in this country. The 
worthy Johann proceeds to adjust himself to the new atmosphere 
and the new earth. Free to talk to his heart's content, and to 
print all that he can pay for, in denunciation of every existing in- 
stitution, he slowly learns the absurdity of much of his logic. He 
soon votes on a political level with other citizens; his ballot is as 
weighty as that of the richest man of the oldest family in the 
country. He is practically free from military service, and he is 
subject to no obligation of homage or obedience to an upper class. 
His children go to a free school in a western town, where he has 
settled on a farm, and they have an open field as young men and 
women, to show what ability is in them. Equality is the principle 
that prevades the political, and much of the industrial and social 
life in which Johann takes a part. He is a good while in squaring 
his creed with his condition. He likes to read a Socialistic news- 
paper, and unpack his heart of abuse for the tyrants that grind the 
faces of the poor and crush the people down; but when his little 
Karl becomes a prominent brewer, and his Gretchen has married 
the lawyer of the town, the honest, thrifty, temperate Johann's re- 
liance is placed on observation, not on memory, and common sense 
rules the day. Johann forsakes the Socialist Labor Party and 
joins the party of reform, by whatever name it may be called. His 
less industrious cousin, Wilhelm, remains in the city, stimulating 
his imagination with copious draughts of lager beer. He de- 
claims against the despots of the New World, who keep his idle- 
ness dangerously near the starvation line. Johann has become a 

19 



contemptible being, to his mind, because he is a capitalist, through 
his energy, his thrift and industry, and he is so hard-hearted as to 
think his impecunious cousin should have embraced the opportu- 
nity and done likewise. The eloquent Wilhelm has no relish for 
such equality. He continues in New York, plotting a millenium 
in which the idle and shiftless shall inherit the earth. His cousin 
has become "Jon 11 /' and John's children are Charles and Mar- 
garet, which shows the Americanization of r 1 :e second generation 
in thought, in feeling. Wilhelm's children may have fallen away, 
but he continues to be a prominent orator at the meetings, and a 
regular contributor to the journals of the Socialists, and he and 
his sympathetic countrymen refuse to become Americanized as to 
see things as they are, and adjust their futile theories to the suc- 
cessful practice of more sagacious people, into whose inheritance 
they have cordially been invited. They lose strength as the more 
capable succumb to reason and prosperity, but their number is 
steadily renewed by more or less desirable new-comers. Thorough- 
going, scientific Socialism finds its most convinced disciples in 
such a medium as New York or Chicago', and I may add, here in 
Milwaukee. With the exception of the few individuals among 
them susceptible to argument, they are poor material for Ameri- 
can citizens. The policeman is the final argument that must be 
kept in readiness to prevent the practical application of their prin- 
ciples, by violence. 

Here will be seen the dividing line between industry and 
Socialistic theory. Here will be seen the result of industry and 
the result of loud-mouthed abuse of institutions which are illy un- 
derstood, and which the person is illy-fitted to enjoy. It is to 
such as Wilhelm that the great hypnotic orator appeals, and meets 
with a response, and it is to open the eyes of his follower, so that 
he may see that honest industry, not spouting oratory, is the true 
and only path to success in America. 

My German- American friend, which shall we choose to follow 
— John, or Wilhelm and Bryan ? The question is fairly presented 
to you. Let us fail to give to Wilhelm and such as he, encourage- 
ment, by supporting Bryan. Let us give to him, and to the like 

20 



of him, no encouragement to keep on spouting and grumbling by 
crowning the brow of his model with the chaplets of victory won 
at the polls. 

WEBSTER DESCRIBED BRYANISM. 

I find a description of the type of men whom I have been at- 
tempting to describe, and their ways and methods resulting from 
the teachings of their leader, Bryan, so eloquently put by Mr. Web- 
ster in the Senate of the United States after the panic of 1837, 
that I cannot resist the inclination of imposing it upon you, if it be 
an imposition: 

"There are persons who constantly clamor against this state 
of things. They call it aristocracy. Tliey excite the poor to make 
war upon the rich, while in truth they know not who are either 
rich or poor. They complain of oppression, speculation and the 
pernicious influence of accumulated wealth. They cry out loudly 
against all banks and corporations, and all the means by which 
small capitalists become united, in order to produce important and 
beneficient results. They carry on a mad hostility against all es- 
tablished institutions; they would choke up the fountains of in- 
dustry and dry all its streams. 

"In a country of unbounded liberty, they clamor against op- 
pression. In a country of perfect equality, they would move heaven 
and earth against privilege and monopoly. In a country where 
property is more equally divided than anywhere else, they rend 
the air with the shouting of Agrarian doctrines. In a country 
where the wages of labor are high beyond all parallel, and where 
lands are cheap and the means of living low, they would teach the 
laborer that he is but an oppressed slave. 

"What can such men want ? What do they mean ? They can 
want nothing but to enjoy the fruits of other men's labor. They 
can mean nothing but disturbance and disorder, the diffusion of 
corrupt principles and the destruction of moral sentiments and 
moral habits of society. A licentiousness of feeling and of action 
is sometimes produced by prosperity itself. Men cannot always 
resist the temptation to which they are exposed, by the very abund- 
ance of the bounties of Providence, and the very happiness of their 

2X 



own condition ; as the steed, full of pasture, will sometimes throw 
himself against his enclosures, break away from his confinement, 
and feeling now free from needless restraint, betake himself to the 
moors and barrens, where want ere long brings him to his senses, 
and starvation and death closes his career." 

So we have Bryanism described by the prophet Samuel, in the 
earlier history of the world, by the declaration of Webster in the 
midway of the last century, and by Bryan himself in 1896 and 
1900, and we are now to pass judgment upon them. May God 
grant that that judgment will break his power for public mischief, 
and relegate him to his quiet and peaceful home, where his virtues 
may shine, and the memory of his political follies be wiped out. 

I have said that all of the appendages to the Resolution of the 
Kansas City Convention, declaring 16 to 1 as the true financial pol- 
icy, were political tassels, meaning nothing but to distract and 
confuse the voter, and it is of course my duty to sustain myself, if 
I can, in that declaration : 

TRUSTS AND BRYANTS INCOMPETENCY. 

The Republican Party have declared against trusts. The 
Bryanites say they are not honest in the declaration. "Let our 
man get in, and he will show you how to destroy trusts." 

I am no friend of trusts, and if in public life where my op- 
position could have force, I would give my best study and judg- 
ment to the devising of means by which trusts, that are painted as 
monsters with a pleasant and attractive mien, could be prevented, 
or the extended operation of their plans be defeated. 

I regard Mr. Bryan as dangerous in the management of trusts, 
if given to him, as I have insisted and attempted to show he would 
be in the management of finance, if submitted to him. 

I listened to him at the Chicago Trust Non-Partisan Conven- 
tion, and heard him attempt to grapple, with Bourke Cochran, on 
the question of what was a trust, and what was a monopoly, and 
what remedies should be provided to guard against both, and I 
was astonished that a candidate for the Presidency, '96, a candi- 
date upon the stump for the same office from 1896 to 1900, had 

22 



not taken into his confidence some clean, level-headed man, and 
studied out a practical system, which he would recommend, to 
apply, to relieve them from what they believed to be the evils they 
are suffering from trusts. He said, "If necessary, I would amend 
the Constitution." Amend the Constitution, Mr. Bryan? How 
long would it take to do it ? Did you forget that there is no one 
thing that the Democracy have been more tenacious in holding, 
than that the power of state must be preserved inviolably, as a 
check and balance against the tendencies of centralization of power 
in the general government? And if you did propose an amend- 
ment of the Constitution, and the requisite number of States should 
approve it (which would never be), would you embody in your 
amendment how the power was to be exercised? Not by whom, 
but how? Would you provide for the machinery? Would you 
provide for the Court ? Would you provide for the trial ? Would 
you provide for the judgment? Would you provide for the exe- 
cution of the judgment? All those things are the machinery by 
which laws against trusts are to be carried into execution. 

Unless you can strike out and strike down, and prevent the 
operation of trusts, all talk about trusts would have as little force 
and weight as Crocker's denunciation of trusts ; and if you will 
look, Mr. Bryan, at your platform, you will see that you have 
declared against any power, or the exercise of it, which could 
carry into effect any judgment for the prevention of the evil. 

The writ of injunction is a remedial writ. It is one of the 
great writs issued from Chancery — not so much to punish an evil, 
as to prevent the happening of a great evil, which the judgment of 
the common law could not reach, except in an action for damages. 
In your studied appeal to labor organizations, and in support of 
strikes, and to strike a blow at the Democratic President, Cleve- 
land, you have declared and committed yourself against what you 
term, "Government by injunction," and without the use of that 
writ, trusts can thrive, and people can suffer, and they cry to Bryan 
from his subjects, for relief, will be as profitless as the rich man's 
appeal to Abraham to relieve him from his thirst. - 

Oh, no, Mr. Bryan, even if you could frame, you could not 

23 



c^rry into execution the necessary laws to protect the people. So 
that it is nonsense for you to denounce trusts — a mere vaporing 
sound, coruscant and beautiful it may be, but, to use a homely but 
expressive phrase, "Your talk would butter no parsnips." 

Mr. Bryan in that debate did declare that he would put down 
trusts, I must confess ; and to demonstrate how clearly he had de- 
fined his method of doing it, the great statesman (sic) told the 
story about seeing a great flock of hogs with something in their 
noses, and he asked of the farmer, "What is that for?" And he 
said, "We wring them so as to prevent their tearing up the grass." 
And I will wring trusts, to prevent their doing any evil. My dear 
man, why didn't you think, when you told what you would do in 
the way of wringing the trusts, that you can't put salt upon a 
bird's tail until you have caught the bird ! 

So I must announce my belief, that on the question of trusts, 
however his heart may be, I cannot support him, on the ground of 
his incompetency to execute the trust that he asks to< be reposed in 
him. I would as soon select a stable-boy with a pitch-fork, to 
perform a delicate operation upon the eye, as to trust Mr. Bryan 
to deal with the complex and important question of trusts. 

ONLY A POLITICAL TASSEL. 

Everything is not a trust that is called a trust. There is a 
distinction between trust and monopoly. A trust may be a mon- 
opoly, but a monopoly is not necessarily a trust. A trust proper, 
, is the representation of a combination of different independent in- 
terests under a common head for one purpose only, and that is to 
control management and for distribution of profits. Mere aggre- 
gation of capital is not a trust, though it is claimed it may, and 
does result, in its operation, to an infringement upon public and 
private right. If you wish legislation to check and control it, and 
reduce the evil complained of, you will see at once how delicate the 
touch must be that is to fix the amount of capital which can be 
aggregated ; to ^fix the amount of product that it shall yield, and 
prevent the absorption of all business in its line by the power of 
aggregated wealth over the small capital of an individual. 

24 



The remedy is easily to be found when a trust is organized to 
control the market and increase price, and when it is organized to 
oppress labor and reduce the price of wage. In my opinion it 
should be stripped of all the protection which the Government now 
gives to the raw material and product used and put forth by the 
trusts ; cancel the charter of its organization, and its franchise, un- 
der the power well recognized by the Courts — in the exercise of 
the power given them — to restrain and prevent that which is con- 
trary to public policy. But here, then, we run amuck with the 
Bryan Resolutions, that we cannot have government by injunc- 
tion. It seems from this review of the situation relating to trusts, 
that you will agree with me when I say, it is nothing but a political 
tassel. 

THE MILITARISM BUGABOO. 

There is a cry, too, against the dangers of militarism. ' The 
men who cry loudest are the men who probably would have taken 
up their residence in Canada, if they could have escaped the Pro- 
vost Marshal during the War of the Rebellion. 

I am opposed tp a large standing army, because I do not be- 
lieve that this nation needs a large standing army. But the term 
"large" as applied to standing army, is relative. What would have 
been a large standing army when this Government consisted of 
thirteen States east of the Alleghanies, would scarcely be suffi- 
cient now, in number, to police New York. So when we read the 
old warnings against standing armies, we must always, if we 
choose to be sensible, consider the surroundings to which they 
were applicable when made, and limit the meaning of the term to 
the conditions that it was intended to apply to. 

We are a people of at least 75,000,000, and rapidly increasing. 
We are a military people. Our militia, which in a measure cor- 
responds with the German land wehr, are not compelled by law 
to enter military service ; when they choose to go into military ser- 
vice, they go of their own free will, whether it be in the Regular 
Army service, or whether it be in the local army organization, or- 
ganized and composed by themselves, entirely independent of the 
Regular Army. 

25 



The Germans, whom it is attempted to frighten away from 
sound money, by reviving recollections of the severe military laws 
of the country from which they came, compelling service for a 
number of years, if they have studied, as I know most of them 
have, the true spirit of our country, and its laws and our people, 
know that no such laws as are in force there could be tolerated in 
this country for a moment. It is one of those stories like the 
stories that are used in the nurseries to frighten boys and girls, 
at the bidding of their nurses, to do what they do not want to do. 

The young German-American, proud of his race and its tradi- 
tions, when relieved from the severity of the military law of the 
land of his, or of his father's birth, rejoices in militarism, and in 
military exercises and drill, and never fails, if the opportunity is 
presented, to join himself to a Military Company, where he can 
gratify his military taste for drill and discipline, and equipment. 

It was only last week that a Company from my own city, 
nearly all of them German, and of German descent, who volun- 
teered in the Spanish War and have kept up their organization 
since, went £o St. Louis to engage in a contest prize, dependent 
upon efficient military drill, character, dress and appearance, and 
they came back successful, and our people were so little inclined 
to discourage militarism, that at n o'clock at night they received 
them, with cheers and applause, congratulating them upon their 
success, as the German-American representative element of our 
city. 

SUCH, A STANDING ARMY. 

But I forget. You are undoubtedly here asking in your mind 
what I would call a proper standing army? It is a subject that I 
have thought over many times, and canvassed in my mind, as 
Chairman of the Committee of Military Affairs in the House of 
Representatives of the United States. I do not believe that 50,- 
000 men could be called, relatively, a large standing army, repre- 
senting a country of 75,000,000 people. I would have it armed, 
equipped, officered and disciplined so that it would be the creme 
de la creme of the armies of the world. I would have its officers 
men who did not hold their place simply to draw their salaries, 



26 



but i Would nave men wnose wnoie neart and soul were giveri to 
the improvement and perfection of military organization and mili- 
tary science, and to the study necessary for its successful opera- 
tion. Dead-heads, even if they were hatched at our great military 
school, would be scarce in such an army as I would choose to 
have. 

Such an army is necessary to keep and maintain a nucleus for 
a large army, should the exigencies demand that it should be called 
to the field. It should be kept to use as a national police when 
riots run wild and life is unsafe and property is destroyed, and all 
other means to enforce the law should fail. I do not believe it 
would ever be necessary for such a purpose, and therefore I take 
little account of it in that direction, for the existence of such a 
force produces the moral effect which, of itself, obviates the neces- 
sity of the use of the power. 

THE PHILIPPINE QUESTION 

comes next. It would seem as if there were a large number of 
political refugees from the Republican Party who are stumbling 
over themselves to get into the Bryan Party on the plea of anti- 
Imperialism, when they cleaned themselves from all taint, and sus- 
picion of taint, of his doctrines in 1896, as thoroughly as if they 
had been run through a course of calomel treatment by a country 
doctor, winding it up with a strong does of thoroughwort tea. 

It is fully in accord with the history of mankind everywhere, 
that things will excite our sympathy and attention, while the same 
thing directly at home is overlooked and neglected. Our mis- 
sionaries struggle to convert the deathen. They take their lives 
in their hands and wage war against the devil in far-off lands, 
while in the same block or country village in which they lived 
when at home, the devil runs rampant over three-quarters of the 
territory. Our charities for the suffering far-off poor are enor- 
mous, but in the back alley behind our houses we can find poverty 
and suffering more than enough to absorb all the surplus that we 
have, if we are inclined to give it ; but we either do not see it, or 
forget it, or else our negligence of it comes from a desire to see 

27 



bur name in a public list as a donor in distant lands to a charity, 
which draws our attention away from them. 

On this Philippine question, I must declare my standing dis- 
tinctly. As an original queston, I was opposed to it. As an orig- 
inal question, I was opposed to the Spanish War, for I feared the 
consequences that would result from it, and which have resulted 
from it. But it is an accepted fact now. The purchase is con- 
summated and endorsed by the American people. 

NO IMPERIALISM IN IT. 

The right to purchase, or the right to acquire by conquest, can- 
not be denied, for it is in accordance with the doctrine of every 
international writer now living, or who has ever lived. The only 
question was the wisdom of it, and that is the only question in- 
volved now. There is nothing Imperialistic connected with it. 
The name was invented because it was a name that would catch 
the public ear, and people would go brawling about against Im- 
perialism who hadn't the least conception in the world of the mean- 
ing of the word that they were talking about. Strange as it may 
seem, a word with unknown meaning applied to anything in this 
country, and perhaps in many others, particularly if it be a big 
word like ''syndicate" — if that name has something which seems 
to grate upon the public ear, all you have to do to condemn a thing 
at first blush, is to christen it with the obnoxious name and de- 
nounce it ; and the word, in its popular acceptance, is taken to be 
more and more awful, the less people understand its meaning. 

If acquirement of territory is Imperialism, then Brvan is an 
Imperialist, and on that question there can be no choice between 
the candidates. Bryan proposes to withdraw the army and apply 
the doctrine to the treacherous Indian and Malay that we apply to 
educated people of our own race and under our own Government, 
that they shall form governments as a free, independent people, cap- 
able of governing themselves. Wild nonsense! That kind of 
people can only be held in check by the strong arm of the law, 
and that law must be military law ; and to induce the fear of en- 
forcement and punishment under that law, there must be a force 

28 



behind it which shall inspire fear of the application of the power 
to enforce it. 

Mr. McKinley has tendered to them the olive branch of peace. 
He has sought to establish a Government for them. He has sought 
to let them establish a Government for themselves, but they have 
grown worse instead of better. The attempts, peaceably, to main- 
tain order and enforce the law, have been rejected. The right of 
the United States over the purchased territory has been denied. 
The attempt to restore peace and order, and preserve life and 
property, has been met with hostile bolos and Mauser muskets. 

THE ONLY THING TO DO. 

What ought we to do, to maintain our own self-respect and 
preserve the respect of the Nations, who are beginning to look 
upon us as a power in the world ? I answer the question this way : 

Whenever you have an ugly wolf that you are holding by the 
ears to prevent his rending you asunder, I do not believe that the 
proper treatment to bring him into subjection is to rub his head 
with cologne and violet water. But I say, punish him, even to 
the death, if he will not yield. 

Mr. Bryan advocated the Spanish War. The Bryan jingo, 
uniting with all other jingoes, forced Congress to declare War 
against Spain. Mr. McKinley, with his conservative mind, fore- 
seeing the consequences likely to follow war, tried in vain to stem 
the tide, and substitute peaceful diplomacy for bloody war; but 
when war came, he followed his American teaching, that when 
"the war trump is sounded the stream must be crossed, and the 
leader should not linger afar." He struck the blows thick and 
fast, and when peace came, it came with glory to the old flag, 
and the Philippines followed as a consequence. 

Then we have Bryan for the war, and of course he is charge- 
able with the legitimate consequences which ensued. We have. 
McKinley against the war, in an endeavor to secure an adjust- 
ment, through diplomatic sources, and we find him now cursed by 
the same men because of the consequences resulting from their 
own act. 

29 



But 1 do not stop here, in Mr. Bryan's complicity in the evils 
of which he speaks. When the Treaty by which we acquired the 
Philippines hung in the balance in the United States Senate, lack- 
ing votes enough to approve it, Bryan rushed to Washington, as 
the owner and keeper of the so-called Democratic conscience, and 
aided in bringing his followers up to his wishes; and it was by 
their votes that the Treaty was adopted. Don't forget this, my 
anti-Imperialist friend, when you urge the support of Bryan be- 
cause he is to save you from the consequences of a Treaty to which 
he was a party. 

As Mr. Olney says : The isolated condition which the United 
States heretofore maintained has been departed from; the crust 
or shell has been broken, and the United States has come forth in 
her power, to maintain her position among the nations of the 
earth. 

I agree with him. I agree with him that I should have pre- 
ferred Cuba to be taken instead of the Philippines, but because the 
men who had control of the situation thought it better to take the 
Philippines than Cuba, I am not going to denounce the President 
as violating the Constitution, or as entertaining Imperial notions. 

I think that if some critic should review Mr. Olney's last letter 
in connection with his article in The Atlantic Monthly, he could 
write an interesting critique upon the suggestion that I have here 
intimated, as to the charge made of a desire of Imperialism on the 
part of the President. And I mav say here (it may be an idiosvn- 
cracy of mine) that I believe that all Presidents since the division 
of the parties, have represented syndicates; that political parties 
are quasi-syndicates on either side ; and when we consider this, the 
term "syndicate" is not a word of such ominous import as our 
country newspapers seem to make of it, from the expression used 
by Mr. Olney. But as I am speaking from my heart, I can say 
truly, that if compelled to choose, as we now are, between a gov- 
ernment by any such syndicate as Bryan and Altgeld and Tillman, 
and men of that ilk, in position to execute the wishes of their dis- 
contented and shiftless following, I would flee from it to take 
refuge in a syndicate that represnted industry, brain and business 



so 



character, which had enabled its members to acquire wealth. I 
would certainly prefer the latter to the former, if my allegiance 
was to be controlled by the term "syndicate." 

Mr. Olney truly says, that with the position we now assume, 
and which this nation deserves to assume, we must have power — 
not theoretical power — but active,' visible power, showing our 
ability to enforce our rights and to protect our commerce; and 
as I have said before, that the presence and existence of the power 
will be sufficient to accomplish the purposes of the power, without 
any active use of it except in extreme instances. That power will 
be naval — not upon land — and while I am in favor of only a small 
standing army, I most heartily endorse the doctrine of a very much 
enlarged navy, ready at any and all times, against any and all 
powers who may trench upon the rights of, American citizens 
abroad, or may interfere with our commercial rights under the 
rules of international law, or shall attempt to exclude us from 
trade to which we are entitled, to defend and enforce the rights of 
our citizens, and of our commerce, in any and every sea, teaching 
respect to be paid to the American flag. And if. the clash must 
come, nothing would fill my heart with greater exultation than to 
know that the Battleship Wisconsin will be the first at the head 
of the column to enforce American rights. 

OUR FUTURE GREATNESS. 

Year after year from my boyhood, I have advocated the open 
door for trade. I have advocated the limit of any imposition of 
tax or duty upon it to only such as should be necessary for the 
revenue purposes of the government. I have not changed my 
views, but on the contrary I see in our largely increasing com- 
merce, that there is daily an objective lesson given to manu- 
facturers and traders, to buyers and sellers, that the doctrine of a 
home market might have been well in the infantile stages of this 
country, and its manufacturing interests, but now that we have 
outgrown our baby clothes, and can dispense with our wrappings 
and bandages, and come forth with the full strength of national 
manhood and battle with the world in every market for supremacy 
in trade ; and when without the aid of any protection or assistance, 

3X 



except the genius, the inventive power, the energy and good judg- 
ment of an American trader, the reliance upon a home market will 
be a child of the past. 

I have said that I did not agree with Mr. Bryan in his expan- 
sion ideas. I repeat my disagreement with him, but I do hope 
and look for, if not in my day, for those who may come after me, 
to see as I have said, America not only the mistress of the trade 
of the world, but the mistress of the seas. Nothing would please 
me more to see in life, or gratify me going to death, than to know 
that at some time the Island of Bermuda, and that of Nassau, and 
all those little islands which furnished, as it were, hives for hornets 
to hide in and prey upon the American commerce in the War of 
the Rebellion, shall belong to America, and not to any foreign 
power. 

As Cleveland ^aid, "We are sovereign on the Western Conti- 
nent, and will not yield that sovereignty to any foreign nation who 
may infringe upon the doctrines and traditions of our govern- 
ment." And I would extend that sovereignty, as I have said, over 
the neighboring islands which in time of war will always be a 
menace to our shores, a menace to our cities, a menace to our 
trade. 

VOTE FOR M'KINLEY. 

I have given you, my fellow-citizens, my views upon the ex- 
isting political situation, and now perhaps I can conclude no better 
than to use the language of my old friend, the former mayor of 
New York, Abram S. Hewitt, a Democrat and chosen friend of 
Tilden, whose political integrity has never been questioned. He 
says: "There is no longer any room for doubt as to the course 
which should be taken by men who believe in true Democracy and 
desire to preserve its principles for the benefit of those who are 
to come after us. We are compelled by every consideration of 
honor, of duty and of interest, to repudiate Bryanism and all that 
it represents," and to vote for McKinley and Roosevelt. And so 
say we all of us. 



32 



The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner and the pensioner must continue forever 
equal in purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any government creditor. 

— William McKinley. 



THE VITAL ISSUE 



An Honest Dollar the 
Basis of Prosperity 

By 

Hon. DAVID JAYNE HILL, LL.D. 



Published by the 

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE 
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 



CONTENTS : page 




PAGE 


Introduction .... 




V. 


Experimental Legislation 


14 


1 


VI. 


Debtors and Creditors 


19 


I. First Bimetallic Experiment . 


7 


YLL 


Prices and Wages 


23 


II. Adoption of the Gold Standard 


10 


VIII. 


Agricultural Prosperity 


25 


III. Causes of the Demonetization 




IX. 


Commercial Honor 


27 


of Silver .... 


11 


X. 


Fallacies of the Free Coinage 




IV. Demonetization of Silver in 






Theory 


28 


Europe 


13 


XI. 


Conclusion 


32 



INTRODUCTION. 

1. Present Importance of the Subject. — The real issue before the 
people between the Democratic party and its Populist allies on the 
one hand and the Republican party on the other, in the Presidential 
campaign of 1900, is the same that divided them in 1896. While main- 
taining its adherence to the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the 
ratio of 16 to 1, the Democratic party, for the sake of obscuring the 
issue, represents the pretended "Imperialism" of the Republican Ad- 
ministration as the important question to be determined by the people, 
hoping thereby to secure its own advent to power. The only positive 
course of action proposed by the Kansas City Platform is the adoption 
of its theory of coinage; every other doctrine of that political pro- 
gramme' is purely negative and consists in a profession of opposition to 
certain views of public policy attributed to the party in power. 



2. The Scare Crow of ''Imperialism." — A campaign waged in the 
name of Anti-imperialism when no advocate of "Imperialism" exists 
cannot be other than delusive. In his speech of acceptance at Indian- 
apolis Mr. Bryan reaffirms his approval of the Treaty of Paris, by 
which the Philippine islands became territory of the United States. 
Even before the ratification of that treaty the Government found itself 
confronted with an insurrection whose aim was to expel from those 
islands the troops which had accomplished their liberation from the 
oppression of Spain. This insurrection, inspired in part by misrepre- 
sentations of the intentions of this Government, was led by a self- 
constituted dictator, who assumed authority not only over the Tagalog 
tribe, to which he belonged, but over the entire Philippine Archipelago, 
which the United States, with Mr. Bryan's approval, had legally 
acquired by treaty. Article VI of the Constitution declares that "all 
treaties made under the authority of the United States shall be the 
supreme law of the land." The Treaty of Paris provides that "the 
civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the terri- 
tories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the 
Congress." Upon the ratification of the treaty, therefore, it became 
the imperative duty of the President, as the chief executive, to enforce 
the rights and powers of Congress, which were secured by "the su- 
preme law of the land," against armed usurpation, to protect the lives 
and property of peaceable inhabitants intrusted to the guardianship of 
this Government, and to sustain the American soldiers who had been 
violently attacked while maintaining the honor and defending the flag 
of their country. The course of the President and of Congress has 
been not only legal, but just and humane at every step in their difficult 
task of suppressing bloodshed and restoring peace and order. The 
only "Imperialism" justly attributable to the present Administration 
is that of the Constitution itself, which requires the President to "take 
care that the laws be faithfully executed." Had he permitted a self- 
appointed dictator to usurp the powers of Congress, to destroy the 
lives and property of innocent inhabitants, or to drive American troops 
out of territory belonging to the United States without opposition, 
his opponents would have had a more potent battle-cry than the false, 
malicious and empty slogan of "Imperialism." 

3. The Vital Question. — But the real purpose of the Democratic 
party is not a reversal of the Republican record in matters connected 
with the Spanish-American war and its results. That party does not 
exist for the well-being of distant islanders nor for the mere preserva- 
tion of principles attributed to statesmen of the past. It manifests 
no distress over the disfranchisement of American citizens who do not 
vote the Democratic ticket and for the last four years it has repudiated 
most of the maxims dear to its greatest representatives. As it exists 
to-day, the Democratic party possesses but a single constructive prin- 
ciple, the one talisman of its present leader, — the theory that the free 



coinage of silver at a ratio long outgrown in the markets of the world 
will cure the chief social ills of man. The reflecting voter .who is 
unwilling to be misled by sophistries will perceive in this proposition 
the Vital Issue and will determine his action accordingly. 

The most important question to every man is the value of his labor 
and of that in which his labor is paid. The political panacea of the 
Bryan Democracy is the reduction of the value of the dollar, which 
according to Mr. Bryan represents under the gold standard 200 cents. 
The subject comes home to the business and bosoms of men as no other 
does and justifies their most careful reflection. The purpose of the 
present pamphlet is to present the facts in so elementary a manner that 
the whole subject may be thoroughly understood in a few hours' 
reading. 

4. The Nature and Uses of Money. — The exchange of commodities 
is essential to the existence of civilized life. Division of labor gives 
to all the great advantage of profiting by the special skill and facilities 
of each. In a civilized state of society, almost all the products of 
every creator of value are offered for exchange. When they are ex- 
changed directly against each other, as wheat for cloth, the exchange 
is called barter. When the exchange is effected by the medium of 
some common measure of value, as gold or silver, it is called a sale, 
and the amount of the medium agreed upon is called the price. Such 
a common measure of value is called money. 

It is evident that a medium of exchange would not be accepted 
unless it had some definite relation to a standard of value. Price is, 
therefore, partly a question of arithmetic, which determines how many 
times a unit of value is to be taken in order to be an equivalent medium 
of exchange ; but it is primarily a question of value, that is, it has rela- 
tion to some object of desire. Whatever this object of desire may be, 
in order to be a good medium of exchange it must be ( 1 ) Measurable, 
so as to be capable of arithmetical treatment; (2) Divisible, so as to be 
separable into arithmetical parts and again united in multiples of those 
parts; (3) Homogeneous, so as to be always the same thing, without 
variation in quality from time to time; (4) Portable, so that it can be 
removed from place to place, and thus really serve as a medium of 
exchange; (5) Durable, so that it will not easily perish during posses- 
sion; (6) Stable in value, so that it will have the same purchasing 
power when it is paid as when it is promised; and (7) Recognizable, 
so that it can always be known and its value readily ascertained by 
sight. 

In practice we have two kinds of mediums of exchange, both of 
which are called "money," but which need to be clearly distinguished. 
Real Money is always a commodity of some kind. Representative 
Money is a promise to pay this, either expressed in definite terms on 
the paper or metal which serves as representative money, or implied 
by an authorization of law, or general agreement. Human nature the 



world over has settled upon the precious metals, gold and silver, as 
commodities fitted to constitute real money. If there is a doubt which 
of these two is to be preferred to the other, it must be settled by asking 
the question, Which is most desired f And if any attempt is made to 
determine how much more one is desired than the other, that can 
be ascertained only by discovering the market price of one in terms 
of the other, at the time in question. 

The great bulk, probably ninety per cent, of all the business of the 
country is done without money. It is done on credit, that is, in the 
faith that promises to pay money will be fulfilled, if required. When 
the credit of a -person or corporation is good, the payment of money 
is not required. Checks, drafts, bills of exchange, promissory notes, 
and other forms of credit, are the mediums by which the world does its 
largest business. The clearing-houses equate these, and balances only 
are paid in money. 

5. Definition of Terms. — There are a few technical terms which, al- 
though in popular use, are often misunderstood, and therefore require 
to be exactly defined before monetary questions can be intelligently 
discussed. 

(1) The distinction between "Pure" and "Standard" gold or silver is 
this : "Pure" gold or silver is free from all alloy, and consists of the 
one element alone; "Standard" gold or silver contains an amount of 
alloy consisting, under the present laws of the United States, of ioo 
parts to the thousand of copper in the case of silver, and of copper and 
silver in the case of gold, to give the coin greater hardness and dura- 
bility in use. Coin of standard gold or silver is, therefore, 900 thou- 
sandths fine ; that is, 1 ,000 ounces of standard coin contain 900 ounces 
of pure metal. 

(2) "Free Coinage" means that any one bringing gold or silver 
bullion to the Mint may have it coined into standard coin, without 
charge. The owner of bullion, under a system of free coinage, would 
receive one dollar in coin for every 371.25 grains of pure silver brought 
to the Mint. If the coin is worth more than the bullion by weight, the 
owner of the bullion obtains all the profit. If a silver dollar contains 
47 cents' worth of silver, the depositor of bullion gets a profit of 53 
cents on every dollar thus coined. The government gets nothing, but 
is expected to keep the silver dollar at par with gold dollars of nearly 
twice its intrinsic value. 

(3) When gold or silver bullion is bought by the government and 
coined into money, if there is a difference between the price of the 
bullion and the value of the coin, the government makes this profit, 
which is called "Seignorage." Originally, it was the charge which the 
"seigneur," or lord of the realm, made for coining. Free coinage gives 
this profit to the owner of bullion. 

(4) When two metals are used as standards of value, the arrange- 
ment is called a "Double Standard." This of course involves fixing a 



"Ratio" between them, to indicate how much of one is equivalent to a 
given amount of the other. As the production of both gold and silver 
varies from year to year, the market value of both is subject to some 
variation. That of gold, as being by far the more constant and un- 
changeable, is regarded as the unit in establishing this "ratio" between 
the two metals. By recommendation of Alexander Hamilton, in 1792, 
the legal ratio was fixed at 15 to 1 ; that is, fifteen pounds of silver 
were to be regarded as equivalent to one pound of gold. This was 
very near the true market ratio ; but silver afterward fell in price from 
over-production, so that in 1834 the ratio was changed to 16 to 1. 
The market ratio has been subject to constant variation, and now stands 
at about 34 to 1. 

(5) The terms "Monometallism" and "Bimetallism" are intended 
to represent, respectively, the doctrines held by believers in a single 
standard, and the adherents of a double standard. A "Monometallist" 
is a believer in a single standard, holding that it is impossible to fix a 
ratio by legislation which will not drive out one or the other of the two 
metals. The "Bimetallist" holds that it is possible to fix and maintain 
such a ratio. Most "Bimetallists," however, believe that the theory 
of a double standard is practicable only by international agreement to 
maintain a fixed ratio throughout the civilized world. 

(6) The expression "Legal-Tender" is an important one to under- 
stand, because it gives rise to a very serious error. A "legal-tender" 
is a kind of money, real or representative, in which the payment of 
debts is prescribed or authorized by law. Thus, for example, the gov- 
ernment notes known as "greenbacks," first issued during the Civil 
War, were mere promises to pay, without date. At that time the gold 
dollar was the accepted unit of value, containing 23.22 grains of pure 
gold, or 25.8 grains of standard gold. But as the "greenbacks" were 
made a legal-tender for all debts between citizens of the United States, 
they were considered as the legal money ; and gold, which was difficult 
to obtain, was said to be at a premium. 

(7) At the present time, the "Unit of Value" in our system of coin- 
age is the gold dollar of 25.8 grains of standard gold. As we shall 
presently see, there is a great variety of representative money issued by 
the government of the United States, only part of which is "legal-ten- 
der." As long as the treasury is prepared to redeem in gold, directly or 
indirectly, all of these kinds of money, they are equally good, and the 
people will be satisfied to exchange them on terms of equality. But 
the moment public confidence is lost in the ability or intention of the 
government to keep all its money equal to the standard, that moment 
gold will be at a premium, and a part of the national currency will 
depreciate in the hands of the holders. 

6. Present Forms of Money in the United States. — The following 
table exhibits the different kinds of money now current in the United 
States : — 



I. Real Money : Gold Coin. 
IL Representative Money. 

f (1) Standard Silver Dollars, unlimited lega-ltender.' 
1. Metallic \ (2) Subsidiary Coin, legal-tender up to $10. 

I (3) Minor Coin, legal-tender up to 25 cents. 



2. Non -metallic 



"(1) Gold Certificates, not legal-tender. 

(2) Silver Certificates, not legal-tender. 

(3) Silver Treasury Notes, unlimited legal-tender. 1 

(4) United States Notes, unlimited legal-tender. 1 

(5) Currency Certificates, not legal-tender. 



. (6) National Bank-Notes, not legal-tender. 

The only "real" money now circulating in the United States is gold 
coin ; for this alone is worth its face value apart from the element of 
credit. All the other money is "representative ;" for it does not possess 
value equal to its face apart from the element of credit. 

The standard silver dollar is now worth as bullion less than one- 
half its face ; for 480 grains of silver bullion can be bought for 61 
cents, and the standard silver dollar contains only 371.25 grains, or 
47 cents' worth, of pure silver. We trust the national government for 
the remainder. 

The subsidiary coin contains a proportionally smaller part of pure 
metal, and is, therefore, still more charged with the credit element. 

United States notes are promises to pay in coin ; while the certifi- 
cates of deposit simply call for what they indicate, — gold, silver, or 
currency. Of these, the gold certificates alone specifically call for gold ; 
but even they contain a credit element, — faith in the ability and inten- 
tion of the government to pay them in gold. 

The national bank-notes are the promises of national banks to pay 
in lawful money of the United States, which includes all the legal- 
tender money already described. They have the endorsement of the 
government, and are amply secured by deposits of United States bonds. 

About two-thirds of all the money now in use in the United States 
involves, to some extent, the element of credit. Hitherto, since the 
resumption of specie payments, Jan. 1, 1879, that credit has been above 
suspicion. It is now brought in question and threatened with destruc- 
tion. 

7. Opposing Platforms of 1896 and 1900. — In order to show the 
peril with which the national credit is now menaced, the platforms of 
the Republican and Democratic parties for 1896 and 1900, so far as 
they relate to this question, are presented below for comparison: — 

REPUBLICAN PLATFORM OF DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 

1896. 1896. 

Adopted at St. Louis. Adopted at Chicago. 

The Republican Party is unre- We are unalterably opposed to 
servedly for sound money. It the Single Gold standard, which 
caused the enactment of the law pro- has locked fast the property of an in- 
viding for the resumption of specie dustrial people in the paralysis of hard 
payments in 1879 ; since then every times. Gold mono-metallism is a Brit- 
dollar has been as good as gold. ish policy, and its adoption has brought 

We are unalterably opposed to our nation into financial servitude to 

every measure calculated to debase London. It is not only un-American, 

Except by contract to the contrary. 



our currency or impair the credit 
of our country. We are, therefore, 
opposed to the free coinage of Sil- 
ver except by international agree- 
ment with the leading commercial 
nations of the world which we 
pledge ourselves to promote; and 
until such agreement can be ob- 
tained the existing Gold standard 
must be preserved. 

All our silver and paper currency 
must be maintained at parity with gold, 
and we favor all measures designed to 
maintain inviolably the obligations of 
the United States ; and all our money, 
whether coin or paper, at the present 
standard — the standard of the most 
enlightened nations of the earth. 

REPUBLICAN PLATFORM OF 
1900. 
Adopted at Philadelphia. 
There is no longer any controversy 
as to the value of government obliga- 
tions. Every American dollar is a 
gold dollar oc its assured equiva- 
lent, and American credit stands high- 
er than that of any nation. Capital is 
fully employed and labor everywhere 
is profitably occupied. The volume of 
money in circulation was never so 
great per capita as it is to-day. We 
declare our steadfast opposition to 
the free and unlimited coinage of 
Silver. 



but anti-American ; and can be fas- 
tened on the United States only by the 
stifling of that indomitable spirit and 
love of liberty which proclaimed our 
political independence in 1776, and won 
it in the War of the Revolution. 

We demand the free and unlim- 
ited coinage of both Gold and Sil- 
ver, under the present legal ratio 
of 16 to 1, without waiting for the 
aid or consent of any other nation. 
We demand that the standard silver 
dollar shall be a full legal-tender, 
equally with gold, for all debts, public 
and private ; and we favor such legis- 
lation as will prevent the demonetiza- 
tion of any kind of legal-tender money 
by private contract. 

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 
1900. 
Adopted at Kansas City. 
We reaffirm the principles of the 
national Democratic platform 
adopted at Chicago in 1896, and 
we reiterate the demand of that plat- 
form for an American financial system 
made by the American people for them- 
selves, which shall restore and main- 
tain a bimetallic price level, and as 
part of such system the immediate 
restoration of the free and unlimited 
coinage of Silver and Gold at the 
present legal ratio of 16 to 1, with- 
out waiting for the aid or consent of 
any other nation. 



It will be seen that the issue joined between the parties is, whether 
or not the United States shall change the present standard and adopt 
the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. Without 
partisan prejudice, we wish to determine in a strictly scientific manner, 
in the light of history and experience, whether or not this proposition 
to change our standard and open the mints of the United States to the 
free and unlimited coinage of silver at the proposed ratio is honorable 
and expedient. 



1. FIRST BIMETALLIC EXPERIMENT. 

The first bimetallic experiment of the United States, adopted in 
1792, fixed a legal ratio between silver and gold which drove 
gold out of the country, and reduced the currency to the single 
silver standard. 

1. The Adoption of the Silver Dollar. — From 1782 to 1786 the 

American colonies seriously contemplated the necessity of domestic 

coinage. During the War of the Revolution, the unit of common 

account was the "Spanish milled dollar." It was expected that the 

"Continental currency" would be redeemed in this coin, but the day 

of redemption did not dawn. Pounds, shillings, and pence were fixed 



in the traditions of the people ; but the English coins were driven out 
of circulation during the war, and did not return rapidly afterward. 
Numerous foreign coins were current, — French, Spanish, and Portu- 
guese, — but the need of a native coinage was sorely felt. 

In 1782 Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finance, made proposals 
for the establishment of an American mint, and these received the 
approval of the Congress of the Confederation. He believed that two 
metals, gold and silver, could not be used, because their ratio was not 
constant, and recommended silver as the standard. Jefferson proposed 
decimal denominations, and the dollar as the unit. He saw that the 
proportion between the values of gold and silver "is a mercantile prob- 
lem altogether/' and said, "Just principles zvill lead us to disregard 
legal proportions/' proposing to adjust the ratio to the "market price/' 

Nothing was done, however, until the adoption of the Constitution. 
In his Report on the Establishment of a Mint, dated May 5, 1791, 
Alexander Hamilton proposed a double standard, 15 pounds of silver 
being considered equivalent to 1 pound of gold. Hamilton saw that 
gold was "less liable to variations of value than silver," and adopted 
it as the unit by which the ratio was to be determined. "As long as 
gold," he said, "either from its intrinsic superiority as a metal, from 
its rarity, or from the prejudices of mankind, retains so considerable 
a pre-eminence in value over silver as it has hitherto had, a natural 
consequence of this seems to be that its conditions will be more station- 
ary. The revolutions, therefore, which may take place in the com- 
parative value of gold and silver, will be changes in the state of the 
latter rather than in that of the former." He was, nevertheless, dis- 
posed to utilize both metals as far as possible, as at that time silver was, 
from its prevalent use and value, not unsuited to the peculiar needs of 
the country, whose volume of exchanges was not great, and whose im- 
mature development required the retention of all its metallic wealth. 

Three facts connected with this first coinage law of the United 
States are worthy of special note: (1) The legal ratio between gold 
and silver was exactly adjusted to the market ratio ; (2) It was believed 
that this ratio would continue for a long time in the future; and (3) 
The bullion value of both metals was recognized as the standard of 
measurement upon which a just ratio should be based. 

This is a fitting place to note the sophistry contained in the expres- 
sion "the money of the Constitution." The Constitution of the United 
States makes no provision for either a monometallic or a bimetallic 
standard of value, and prescribes no system of coinage. It provides 
that Congress, and not the legislatures of the separate States, shall 
have power "to coin money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign 
Coin." The Constitution nowhere defines the material of which money 
shall be made, and nowhere implies a preference with regard to it. The 
only use made of the words "gold" and "silver" in the Constitution is 
in the prohibition to the States to make anything else than coin a legal- 



tender in the payment of debts ; that is, it prohibits them from making 
their own issues of paper money a legal-tender. But there is not one 
word in the Constitution to indicate either the substance or the system 
of coinage which Congress might subsequently adopt. A demand for 
"the money of the Constitution," with the implication that the Consti- 
tution has established or proposed a legal ratio between gold and silver, 
or prescribed their concurrent use as standards of value is, therefore, 
merely a resort of the demagogue, who is either ignorant of the subject, 
or means to impose upon the ignorance of others. 

2. The Operation of Gresham's Law. — The bimetallic system of 
Hamilton started well ; but, after 1793, there was a steady decline in the 
value of silver as related to gold, broken only by a few spasmodic 
rallies, falling in 1813 to a ratio of 16.25 to I - At no time between 
1793 and 1834 was the market ratio so low as the legal ratio of 15 to 1 ; 
that is, during that w r hole period, silver was overvalued and gold was 
undervalued at the United States Mint. 

Sir Thomas Gresham has laid down a principle, which has since 
been known as "Gresham's Law," as follows : "When two kinds of 
money of unequal value are put into circulation together, the cheaper 
money akvays drives out the dearer." The truth of this statement may 
be very simply illustrated. If, in the same village, one storekeeper 
offers 25 cents per pound for butter, and another only 20 cents, the 
farmers of the neighborhood can gain 5 cents per pound by taking their 
butter to the first storekeeper. If this condition of things continues, 
all the butter will tend to go to the store where the higher price is paid. 
Now, the government Mint and the bullion market offered different 
prices for silver. The Mint offered one ounce of gold for every 15 
ounces of silver, while the market offered 16 ounces of silver for one 
ounce of gold. One ounce of gold, therefore, would buy 16 ounces of 
silver in the market, 15 of which could be taken to the Mint and ex- 
changed for another ounce of gold, leaving one ounce of silver as a 
profit on the transaction. The money broker may be trusted to conduct 
this business, whenever there is an appreciable difference between the 
Mint and the market ratios ; that is, as long as the Mint continues to 
be open. 

In 1806 the coinage of silver dollars was suspended by President 
Jefferson, and no more were coined until 1836. The whole number of 
silver dollars coined down to and including 1805 was 1,459,517. From 
that time to 1836, the largest silver coins issued from the Mint were 
half-dollars. 

But Jefferson's suppression of the silver dollar did not, as intended, 
restrain the outflow of gold. According to Benton, 1 the circulation 
of gold "became completely and totally extinguished in the United 
States" in 1812. 

1 Benton, Thirty Years' View, vol. i, chap. cv. 



II. ADOPTION OF THE GOLD STANDARD. 

The second bimetallic experiment of the United States, adopted in 
1834, fixed a legal ratio between silver and gold which drove 
silver out of use and reduced the currency to the single gold 
standard. 

1. The Adoption of a New Ratio. — The Coinage Act of 1834 did 
not, like that of 1792, attempt to fix a legal ratio adjusted to that of 
the market. The ratio adopted was that of 16 to 1 (accurately 15.988 
to 1), which undervalued silver, the market ratio being then about 
15.7 to 1. It was urged that the new ratio would anticipate the ex- 
pected continued fall in the price of silver, which experience seemed to 
justify; and also that Spain, Portugal, Mexico, South America, and 
the West Indies had rated silver to gold at 16 to 1. 

2. The Suppression of Silver. — The effect of changing the ratio 
was more sweeping than it was expected to be. Gresham's law was 
brought into operation, not, as in the period 1792-1834, to drive out 
gold, but, by the legal undervaluation of silver, to suppress its circula- 
tion. For $1,570 in silver, one could buy gold bullion which the Mint 
valued at $1,600. One had only to sell his silver for gold, in order to 
pay his debts at a discount of $30 on every $1,600, or nearly two per 
cent. Silver, therefore, ceased to be used as money, and became 
merely merchandise. The subsidiary coins also, since they contained 
the full proportion of silver, passed out of circulation and became 
merchandise, resulting in a "small change" famine. Few persons born 
after 1840 ever saw a silver dollar, except as a curiosity, until the 
coinage of standard silver dollars was resumed in 1878. 

3. The Debasement of Gold Coins. — In order to adjust gold and 
silver coins to the new ratio, leaving the silver dollar unchanged at 
371.25 grains of pure silver, the gold eagle was reduced from 247.5 to 
232 grains of pure gold. 

4. The Changes of 1837. — In 1837 the amount of alloy was made 
uniform for both gold and silver coins, — one-tenth alloy and nine- 
tenths pure metal, — making all standard coin, as at present, 900 thou- 
sandths fine. Previous to this time, gold coins were one-twelfth, and 
silver coins one-ninth, alloy. Leaving the amount of pure silver un- 
changed at 371.25, the weight of the silver dollar was thus made 412.5, 
instead of 416, grains. 

5. The Discoveries of Gold. — The undervaluation of silver was 
rendered permanent for nearly forty years by the enormous discoveries 
of gold in Russia, Australia, and California. From an average annual 
production of about $38,000,000 in 1840- 1850, the gold supply was in- 
creased by an annual production of more than $150,000,000 after 1850. 
The effect of the great gold discoveries was to give the United States a 
single gold standard, silver being out of circulation except as subsidiary 
coin, which last was kept in use only by reducing the amount of pure 
silver in such coin to a ratio of less than 15 to 1. 

10 



III. CAUSES OF THE DEMONETIZATION OF SILVER. 

The disuse of silver dollars resulted solely from the commercial 
relations of gold and silver at the legal ratio of 16 to 1, and 
not from the so-called "Crime of 1873." 

1. The Act of 1853. — A Coinage Act was passed in 1853, having 
for its purposes ( 1 ) The preservation of subsidiary silver as currency, 
and (2) The recognition of gold as the only standard of value. It 
was a practical abandonment of the double standard as a commercial 
impossibility at the 16 to 1 ratio. The Act met with but little opposi- 
tion, and that was chiefly directed against the change of ratio for sub- 
sidiary silver. 

Nothing was said of the silver dollar in the Act of 1853. That had 
entirely disappeared from circulation, and it was proposed to accept 
the fact. "Gold is the only standard of value by -which all property is 
now measured/' said Mr. Skelton of New Jersey; "it is virtually the 
only currency in the country." 1 

2. The Suspension of Specie Payments. — Such was the condition of 
the standard of value when, on account of the Civil War, specie pay- 
ments were suspended by the United States, Dec. 3-1, 1861. Then 
followed the issues of legal-tender notes and of bonds, to provide 
means for carrying on the war. Gold disappeared from the circulation ; 
but it was still the standard of value, and the notes and bonds of the 
government were based, upon that standard. Specie payments were 
resumed upon a gold basis, Jan. 1, 1879, under a law of 1875. 

3. The "Crime of 1873."— The Act of Feb. 12, 1873, is referred to 
by the advocates of the free coinage of silver as the "Crime of 1873," 
because it is alleged to have demonetized the silver dollar. The facts 
are: (1) That the silver dollar was not driven out of circulation by the 
act of 1873, for it had not been in circulation for more than twenty-five 
years; (2) it did not then for the first time cease to be coined, for the 
coinage of silver dollars had been suspended by Jefferson in 1806 and 
only briefly resumed. 

4. The Crime of Omission. — The reason for referring to the Act of 
1873 as a "crime" is found exclusively in its omissions. Its capital of- 
fense was the omission of the silver dollar from among the coins there- 
after to be coined by the United States. As this had not been in 
circulation, or coined for circulation, for many years, it is not easy to 
justify the accusation of "crime" by its omission. 

But it is the circumstances of the omission that most arouse the 
indignation of the advocates of the standard silver dollar. That the 
step should ever have been taken with no opposition is the unpardon- 
able wrong. The charge is, that the bill was "rushed" through the 
House, partly by secrecy, and partly by opposition to the wishes of 
the members. 

I Congressional Globe, vol. xxvi., p. 629. 
11 



5. The Charge Refuted. — Although this charge of haste, secrecy, 
and arbitrariness was fully refuted by Professor Laughing in 1885, and 
again by Mr. Horace White 2 in 1895, it continues to be repeated and 
spread abroad, as if it were true and a just cause for public indigna- 
tion. It is, therefore, necessary to repeat the refutation here. 

The bill was printed thirteen times by the Treasury Department and 
by Congress, and the proceedings occupy one hundred and forty-four 
columns of the Congressional Globe. It was considered during five 
sessions of the Senate and House, and was in progress for more than 
two years. It was referred to in the Treasurer's reports for 1870, 
1 87 1, and 1872, and passed through the hands of thirty experts for 
criticism and suggestion. It was sent to the House and Senate in 
various forms, and laid on the desks of all the members. It was de- 
bated by at least four members in the House, who called attention to 
the fact that the gold dollar was the only standard recognized in the 
bill 

There was no opposition in either Senate or House to the omission 
of the silver dollar from the list of coins. It was explained by Mr. 
Hooper, of Massachusetts, who had charge of the bill, that "the com- 
mittee, after careful consideration, concluded that twenty-five and 
eight-tenths grains of standard gold, constituting the gold dollar, 
should be declared the money unit, or metallic representative of the 
dollar of account. 3 He also called attention to the discontinuance of 
the silver dollar of 412.5 grains. 

The Law of 1873 never having been repealed, although the further 
coinage of silver dollars, as we shall see, was subsequently authorized, 
is still the law of the United States with regard to the standard of 
value. The coinage of silver in the three years 1873-1875, in spite 
of the "Crime of 1873," was $ I 7> OI 9>664, an excess over the three 
years before 1873 of nearly $10,000,000. 

6. The Trade Dollar. — To avoid all possible confusion, it is import- 
ant to note that the so-called "trade dollar," authorized in 1873, was 
not intended as a legal-tender coin. "The trade dollar was in reality 
an ingot, shaped like a dollar piece, but with different devices than 
those on the dollar of 412.5 grains; it weighed 420 grains standard 
weight (that is, 900 fine), and, consequently, contained 378 grains of 
pure silver. The cost of manufacturing the coin at the various mints 
was charged upon the owner of the bullion presented for coinage, so 
that the expense of melting, refining, and assaying the silver, and the 
expense of making the dollar, was borne entirely by the owners of 
bullion, and not by the United States." 4 It was not intended for 
circulation in the United . States, but for trade with China and other 
silver nations, from which fact it derived its name. 

1 Historv rf Bimetallism, pn. g'-roi. 2 Money and Banking, pp. 213-223. 

3 Congressional Globe, part in., Second Session, 42c! Congress, pp. 2305, 2306. 

4 Laughlin, History 0/ Bimetallism, p. 104. 

12 



IV. DEMONETIZATION OF SILVER IN EUROPE. 

The demonetization of silver by the leading* commercial nations of 
the world, between 1870 and 1880, was the effect of the de- 
preciation of silver, which was occasioned by its inferiority 
to gold as money, and its overproduction. 

1. The Change from Silver to Gold in France. — Between 1852 and 

1864 France imported about $680,000,000 of gold, and exported $345,- 
000,000 of silver. This was the first decided movement, outside of 
England, toward the gold standard ; but it indicated an unmistakable 
tendency. In 1867 the International Monetary Conference at Paris 
recorded its preference for the single gold standard ; and, from that 
time forward, this was the monetary ideal of every European nation. 
But France was not able to pass out of the double standard stage, on 
account of her enormous stock of silver. Before the transition to a 
single gold standard could be effected, the Franco-Prussian War broke 
out, which ended in the humiliation and defeat of France. 

2. The Action of Germany. — The initiative for which France was 
preparing was reserved for Germany, her conqueror, to take. The 
opportunity came when $54,000,000 was paid to Germany in French 
gold coin, as a part of the war indemnity. For this advantage she 
had long been waiting, having been upon the silver basis since 1857, 
through a monetary treaty with Austria, and the expediency of the 
change having been discussed and accepted since 1868. The silver 
coinage of the German states was far from uniform. The coins were 
cumbrous and inconvenient, and the needs of the new Empire de- 
manded a gold standard. The measures preparatory to the change 
were passed Dec. 4, 1871 ; but the gold standard was not definitely 
adopted until July 9, 1873. 

The value of silver began to fall as early as November, 1872. By 
July, 1876, it had depreciated more than 22 per cent. This deprecia- 
tion was, without doubt, partly owing to the increase in the production 
of gold, which displaced silver. Between 1850 and 1875 about $3,000,- 
000,000 of gold had been added to the world's stock. Germany there- 
fore made her transition from silver to gold with perfect ease. 

3. The Latin Union. — As we have d already seen, France was mak- 
ing preparations for the adoption of the gold standard when the 
Franco-Prussian War broke out. "The public applauded the intro- 
duction of gold in the place of silver, for the same reasons that had 
earlier attracted the English people, namely, gold pieces are more 
easily handled, a certain amount can be carried more conveniently, 
and counting takes less time." 1 The Latin Union had been created in 

1865 by France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy, afterward adding 
Greece. Dec. 23, 1865, a treaty between the four countries first named 
was signed, adopting a uniform token coinage of silver. In 1873 the 

1 M. Chevalier in Journal des Economistes, June, 1876, p. 444 
13 



Mints of the Union were crowded with silver bullion. On Jan. 30, 
1874, a meeting of delegates was called, and limited the number of 
five-franc silver pieces that should be coined during that year. This 
was a suspension of free coinage, and it has never been resumed. 
In 1877 the Latin Union entirely suspended the coinage of five-franc 
pieces for that year, except in Italy ; and in a treaty of Nov. 5, 1878, 
in order to prevent gold from disappearing and being replaced by 
silver, complete suspension was adopted. 

4. The Action of Other Countries. — A table, prepared by the 
Treasury Department, giving the population and total commerce of 
each of the gold and silver standard countries of the w r orld, respectively, 
and their commerce with the United States, and especially their im- 
ports from the United States, shows that only 5 per cent of the 
world's commerce is carried on by silver-standard countries, and that 
the silver-standard countries take but 4.8 per cent of the exports of 
the United States . 

An examination of the list will show that all the most highly civil- 
ized nations whose people have extensive commercial interests are 
upon the gold standard, while most of the others are semi-civilized 
or barbaric. The full significance of this fact is well stated by Pro- 
fessor Laughlin when he says, "In considering this movement in mone- 
tary progress, the substitution of gold for silver, and comparing it 
with similar events in industrial progress in almost every branch of 
activity, no illustration seems to me more exactly to describe the 
change caused by the introduction of gold than that of steam. In 
former days the world carried on its exchanges by the slow, uncertain, 
and clumsy methods of coaches, wagons, and sails ; now all is done 
at less expense, more rapidly and conveniently, by railways and steam- 
ships. Both coaches and railways existed to transfer passengers and 
freight; so both gold and silver w r ere used to interchange goods. 
Formerly coaches were our chief dependence ; so was it with silver. 
In later years the railway has supplanted the coach, because it does 
the same service much better, leaving tfre coach to do minor work in 
other directions ; in the same way gold is supplanting silver, because 
it serves the needs of commerce better, and silver is relegated to use 
as subsidiary coin for retail transactions. Consequently, when there 
is offered to a commercial country the choice between using gold and 
using silver, we should as soon expect it to prefer silver as we should 
expect merchants to-day to send their goods to New York or to Chi- 
cago by wagons instead of by railways." 1 

V. EXPERIMENTAL LEGISLATION. 

The movement for the free and unlimited coinage of silver in the 
United States is the lineal descendant of greenback inflation, 
and the experimental legislation of 1878 and 1890 was a com- 
promise in palliation of this extreme. 

1. The Greenback Delusion. — At the close of the Civil War, the 

1 History of Bimetalism, p. 168. 
H 



United States found itself burdened with an enormous debt ($2,844.- 
649,626), and with a paper currency worth about seventy-five cents 
on the dollar. A speculative period followed, in which real estate and 
other property were greatly overvalued, and vast sums were borrowed 
for speculative purposes. The Western States were in particular the 
field for ambitious enterprises, undertaken in a spirit of adventurous 
excitement. The collapse of credit and prices in 1873, not occasioned 
by the demonetization of silver, — which, as we have seen, was more 
largely coined than ever before, — but by the overstrain of the credit 
system, involved the great distress of debtors, particularly in the West. 
When the crisis came, the debtors, having consumed what they had 
borrowed, and finding themselves without means of payment, began 
to feel that it was cruel in the creditor to require his own, and that 
he should be paid off in the cheapest money possible. They were, 
therefore, opposed to the resumption of specie payments, which was 
authorized by the Resumption Act of 1875. "Weighed down by 
debt, and led by skillful politicians, or impelled by selfish interest, the 
greenback faction demanded that the government should come to the 
aid of debtors, and, by plentiful issues of United States notes, create 
an inflation which should enable them to get off the shoals of debt 
on the tide of rising prices." How the greenbacks were ever to get 
into the hands of the people, unless the government distributed them 
by mail to the unfortunate debtors that demanded them, still remains 
a mystery. The government might print its notes by the billion, with 
no other result than to destroy its own credit, unless they were paid 
out of the treasury. They were to be used in paying off the United 
States bonds, which were drawn in coin. The greenback advocates 
were not, however, solicitous about this point of honor. If green- 
backs were good enough for the people, they were good enough for the 
bondholders. But, as the debtors that wanted money were not bond- 
holders, this redemption of bonds in greenbacks would not put money 
directly into their hands. It would, however, accomplish two things : 
(1) It would inflate the currency, and (2) It would effect a partial 
repudiation of the war debt. Upon the tide of cheaper money they 
dreamily hoped to float into prosperity! 

2. The Rise of the Free Coinage Movement. — The greenback de- 
lusion was effectually dissipated in its original form by President 
Grant's veto of the bill, and by defeat in the elections of 1876. "The 
demand for the coinage of silver dollars began where the cry for 
unlimited paper money left off/' The debtors and the demagogues 
continued their mission, but with a new and unexpected alliance. They 
had objected to the purchase and coinage of silver in the Greenback 
Platform of 1876; but when it was perceived that a silver dollar was 
worth only ninety cents as bullion, the inflationists saw their oppor- 
tunity. The greenback idea was gradually abandoned, and its fo^ner 

15 



advocates have since been rallied under the banner of the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver. 

The friends of inflation and repudiation saw in silver a new means 
of accomplishing their end. Now, for the first time, it was discovered 
that a "crime" had been committed in 1873, when the standard silver 
dollar was dropped from the list of coins. Being at that time ( 1876) 
a ninety-cent dollar, it represented to them at least ten per cent of in- 
flation and repudiation. They could now make both appear vastly 
more respectable. Government notes should be issued, based on a 
deposit of coin; the United States bonds should be paid in coin: but 
it should be silver, and not gold. 

3. The Bland-Allison Bill.— On the 25th of July, 1876, a bill was 
introduced in the House by Mr. Richard P. Bland of Missouri. Dec. 
13, 1876, a substitute was adopted, authorizing the free coinage of 
standard silver dollars of 412.5 grains, as provided in the Act of 1837. 

The Senate, however, gave the bill no attention ; and it was again 
introduced in the House, and passed without debate, Nov. 5, 1877. 
The bill reached the Senate Dec. 6, 1877. It was reported by Mr. 
Allison of Iowa for the Committee on Finance, with important amend- 
ments. The free coinage provision was removed ; and the Secretary 
of the Treasury was authorized to purchase from time to time, at the 
market price, not less than two million nor more than four million 
dollars' worth of silver bullion per month, and cause the same to be 
coined monthly, as -fast as purchased, into dollars of 412.5 grains 
each. Provision was made also for payment into the treasury of 
seignorage arising from this process, and a limit was fixed which the 
amount of money invested in silver should not exceed. Silver certifi- 
cates were authorized, corresponding with the denominations of United 
States notes, receivable for all public dues, but not a legal-tender. 
Thus amended, and with a provision for an international monetary con- 
ference for agreement with other countries regarding a common ratio 
between gold and silver, the bill passed the Senate Feb. 15, 1878. 

Although unsatisfactory to the silver party in the House, because 
it was stripped of its free coinage elements, it was accepted, and went 
to the President to sign ; but was returned with his veto Feb. 28, 1878. 
In his message of the preceding December, President Hayes had said : 
"If the United States had the undoubted right to pay its bonds in 
silver coin, the little benefit from that process would be greatly over- 
balanced by the injurious effect of such payment, if made or proposed 
against the honest convictions of the public creditors." 

It was feared by the President and the Secretary of the Treasury 
that the assurances which had been given when the bonds were sold 
would be set aside if the Bland Act became a law. Mr. Bland had 
said in the House: "I give notice here and now that this war will 
never cease, so long as I have a voice in this Congress, until the rights 
of the people are fully restored and the silver dollar shall take its place 

16 



alongside the gold dollar. Meanwhile, let us take what w r e have, 
and supplement it immediately on appropriation bills; and if we can- 
not do that, / am in favor of issuing paper money enough to stuff down 
the bondholders until they are sick." 1 

It was fear of this sentiment of repudiation that led President 
Hayes to veto the bill. In the veto message he said : ''The silver 
dollar authorized is worth eight or ten cents less than it purports to 
be worth, and is made a legal-tender for debts contracted when the 
law did not recognize such coin as lawful money. It is my firm con- 
viction that if the country is to be benefited by a silver coinage, it 
can only be done by the issue of silver dollars of full value, which will 
defraud no man. A currency worth less than it purports to be worth 
will in the end defraud not only creditors, but all who are engaged in 
legitimate business, and none more surely than those who are depend- 
ent on their daily labor for their daily bread." 

The bill was passed over the veto by both branches of Congress on 
the day it was returned by the President, and thus became a law. 

4. The Reasons for Compromise. — The fact that the Bland-Allison 
Act was passed by both branches of Congress over the President's veto 
shows that the bill was a political necessity. The only other alternative 
was an out-and-out free coinage bill. It must be remembered also that 
it was a great gain over the issue of greenbacks, and satisfied some 
at least of the requirements for "hard money." There was a general 
and irresistible clamor for "more money ;" and this was not without 
reason, for the per capita of currency in circulation was only $15.32 
in 1878, as against $20.57 m l ^S- It was not evident to all that 
silver might not rally and come back to its recently lost value. It 
was only a few years since it had been out of circulation, simply on 
account of its high value. The Monetary Commission of 1875 had 
made a report favorable to the coinage of silver, and there were hopes 
of an international agreement that would restore the use of silver as 
money in Europe. It may be easy to dismiss these considerations now, 
but it was not so easy then. It is not a just ground of reproach to have 
believed in 1878 that the free coinage of silver might prove a public 
benefit, as many able men honestly did believe who do not believe it 
now. But this does not exculpate the men who advocated the free 
coinage of silver because it would be an instrument of inflation and 
repudiation. It is fortunate that wisdom sufficiently prevailed to 
avoid such a result. The only practicable course was that of compro- 
mise, and that course was pursued. 

5. The Sherman Act. — In 1890 a free coinage bill was passed by the 
Senate on the 17th of June. The House refused to concur ; but a Con- 
ference Committee reported a bill now known as the Sherman Act, 
which became law July 14. This measure provided that the Secretary 
of the Treasury should buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver each month, at 

1 Co?igressional Globe, vol. exxxvii., p. 1250. » 

17 



the market price, and pay for it with "Treasury notes,*' to be redeemed 
by the Secretary of the Treasury in either jgold or silver coin, at his 
discretion; "it being the established policy of the United States to 
maintain the two metals on a parity with each other upon the present 
legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law." The Treasury 
notes were made "legal-tender in payment of all debts, public or pri- 
vate, except where otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract." 
Under this Act, 168,000,000 ounces of silver were bought, 28,000,000 
ounces were coined, producing $36,000,000 in silver dollars ; and 
$156,000,000 of Treasury notes were issued. The law was repealed 
Nov. 1, 1893. 

6. The Gold Reserve. — In 1882 Congress created a fund of $100,- 
000,000, known as the "Gold Reserve." It was intended as a safety 
fund for the redemption of United States notes, and has been called 
"the barometer of public confidence." Its presence has sustained the 
assurance that the United States will continue its "policy" of keeping 
all its issues of money of equal value. When this reserve falls below 
the amount indicated, $100,000,000, the Secretary of the Treasury is 
required to suspend the issue of gold certificates. The gold reserve 
has been several times reduced, and under the Cleveland administra- 
tion was restored by the sale of bonds, a necessity which has not since 
arisen. 

7. The Results of Silver Legislation. — The results of the Bland- 
Allison and Sherman bills may be specified as follows : — 

(1) The government of the United States now has in its possession 
the largest stock of full legal-tender silver of any civilized nation in the 
world, — in the aggregate, $624,000,000, exceeded only by India and 
China. 

(2) The government has bought the greater part of this silver 
011 a falling market, the annual average ratio of silver to gold having 
fallen from 17.94 to 1 in the year 1878, when the Bland-Allison law 
was passed, to 1894, when it was 32.56 to 1. Or, to state it differently, 
the silver dollar, apart from the element of credit, — that is, as silver 
bullion, — was worth ninety-three cents in 1878, and was worth forty- 
nine cents in 1894. To put the matter in a still different form, a dollar 
that should have contained 416.66 grains of pure silver in 1876 would 
require nearly 800 grains, to be of equal value in 1900. The reason 
for this depreciation is apparent, when it is remembered that the 
silver production of the United States and of the world has 
more than doubled since 1878; while that of Europe has more than 
quadrupled, with not a single European mint open to the free coinage 
of silver. By the depreciation of silver now owned by the United 
States, the government has lost between fifty and sixty millions of 
dollars. 

(3) The fluctuations of the gold reserve, occasioned by the heavy 
exportations of gold under the Cleveland administration, indicated a 



18 



timidity on the part of foreign holders and buyers of American secur- 
ities; for, as we have seen, the gold reserve is, to some extent, an 
indicator of public confidence in the ability and purpose of the gov- 
ernment to maintain the gold standard. While it has not been de- 
structive, it cannot be said that the silver legislation has been favorable 
to the foreign credit of the. United States. The intimations are plain, 
that a further move in the direction of the free coinage of silver would 
drain the country still further of its gold, instead of increasing other 
exports. 

(4) It should be clearly noted that the silver legislation of the 
United States has had no permanent effect in restoring the price of 
silver or arresting its decline. It has steadily fallen, in spite of all 
efforts to sustain the market by purchase. The Sherman Act in 1890 
produced a temporary rally, but this was purely speculative and of 
short duration. During 1891 the price fell back to its former level, and 
went on falling, until the law was repealed. It is evident that nothing 
but strictly "unlimited coinage," if confined to the United States, could 
appreciably raise the price of silver, except in the same spasmodic 
way. 

8. The Policy of Parity. — If, in the light of all these facts, we ask 
the question, What has maintained an honest dollar in the United 
States? that is, a dollar of uniform and international value, we must 
answer, It is the policy of parity between all dollars issued by the 
government. Any time within the last twenty-five years, the free 
coinage of silver would have sent gold to a premium, and enforced 
upon the people a debased dollar, inflicting a partial repudiation of 
debts and the destruction of credit. We can see, in the consequences 
of compromise legislation, which has hitherto been the only available 
means of resisting free coinage, what a complete concession would 
have involved. The government has put its credit between the people 
and financial ruin, and the people have trusted it. The issue before 
the people now is, Shall the policy of parity be maintained? 

VI. DEBTORS AND CREDITORS. 

^The free coinage of silver would work injustice between debtors 
and creditors, but it is not certain which would suffer most. 

1. The Delusion of Cheap Money. — It is evident that the free coin- 
age of silver would increase the amount of credit money in the country 
without increasing credit, and that it would, therefore, be more dif- 
ficult than now to maintain the parity of silver dollars with gold. It 
is thought by many that this is not necessary. If the government 
issues dollars in great quantities, prices will rise ; and so, relatively to 
other things, money will be plenty, that is, it will be cheap. One 
dollar, if it is a legal-tender, will do as well as another to pay debts 
with ; and when dollars are plenty, it will be easier to pay debts. 

19 



All this is true, and yet the statement contains a most vicious fal- 
lacy. If we double the amount of money in circulation, it would seem 
as if we could buy twice as much. We cannot do so, however ; because 
everything, except labor, will cost twice as much. What is the advan- 
tage of having two dollars, each worth fifty cents, over having one 
dollar worth one hundred cents? It is certain that, by doubling the 
amount of money in circulation, we shall not be able to obtain with 
our money as much as we do now. When silver bullion is taken to 
the United States Mint, and fifty cents worth of it is paid for by the 
government with a silver dollar, who gets the money? The dealer in 
bullion or the mine-owner that sends it there? But how will that help 
you to get any more money? The silver speculator may make millions, 
but you are no better off than before. But he will, perhaps, spend his 
money, and it will go into the circulation. How is this money to get 
into your possession? That is the interesting question. It may be 
deposited in a bank, or carried to Europe in a letter of credit ; but you 
will not be benefited by that. 

At the present time the United States has a larger per capita cir- 
culation than Great Britain, which has $17.05 to each person, while 
we have $25.42. France and Belgium have a larger per capita circula- 
tion than either Great Britain or the United States, and yet they are 
not so wealthy, nor is wealth more evenly distributed. The people of 
those countries hide their gold and silver in their beds, and bury it in 
the fields ; while the American people put their money in the banks 
and pay it out in checks, so that a small amount of money does a great 
deal of service in balancing exchanges. Moreover, we have never, since 
the settlement of the country, had so large an amount of money in 
circulation as in the last few years. In i860, it was only $13.85 to each 
person ; in 1865, when greenbacks were plenty, it was only $20.57. I* 
cannot be said with truth that there is too little money. The chief 
difficulty has been to get possession of it ; but doubling its quantity in 
the hands of speculators will not help us to do that. 

2. The Motive of Inflation. — When we touch the bottom of the mat- 
ter, it becomes evident that the great motive to silver inflation, apart 
from the owners of mines and of bullion, is that it will make easier the 
payment of debt. It cannot, of course, be pretended that this is a just 
or an honorable motive ; for what the debtor is supposed to gain, the 
creditor is supposed to lose. It is justified by the ignorant and by the 
sophistical, by referring to the "Crime of 1873," and by the pretence 
that gold has appreciated so that it is more difficult to get than it was 
in former years ; for which the only proof is that general prices are 
lower, which may as easily be caused by good crops and general pro- 
ductiveness as by a rise in the value of gold. At the present time, 
thanks to the large balance of trade in our favor, the United States 
possesses the largest stock of gold of any nation in the world. 

20 



Nor does it cover the point of honor to say that existing debts 
were contracted upon a silver basis, and are now required to be paid in 
gold. Most existing debts were contracted in "lawful money of the 
United States," which, at the time they were contracted, was gold, 
silver, and paper, kept at parity by the prudent policy of the govern- 
ment. Justice requires that these debts be paid in the same kind of 
money that was borrowed ; but this argument cannot be expected to 
prevail with the Dick Turpin consciences of political demagogues, 
who pretend to rob the rich for the benefit of the poor, while, in truth, 
they are robbing both for the benefit of themselves. 

3. Debtors and Creditors. — Nearly every man in a civilized state of 
society stands constantly in the double relation of debtor and creditor. 
He always owes some one, and some one always owes him. The only 
exception is the absolute pauper. A man who owes more than is 
owing to him will not be likely to pay his debts in any kind of money, 
however cheap. He is insolvent. A man to whom more is owing than 
he owes is not, on that account, a proper mark for fraud, unless pros- 
perity is a crime to be punished by those not guilty of it. All men, 
therefore, are deeply interested in that relation between debtor and 
creditor called "credit." Primarily, it is faith in human sincerity and 
honesty. In savage and barbaric communities it does not exist. It is 
the highest fruit of civilized society, and, therefore, the most sacred. 
When the debtor makes war on the creditor, "credit" is destroyed, and 
is not easily restored. The extinction of credit shows itself first in a 
panic, every one seeking, as soon as possible, to recover his own be- 
fore it is too late. This inevitably involves financial ruin to men of 
all classes ; for it means paralysis of production, distribution, and con- 
sumption, an arrest of all economic functions except the collection of 
debts. 

Can it be supposed for a moment that men will wait for what is due 
them when money is steadily depreciating in value? The sooner debts 
are recovered under such circumstances, the better for the creditor. 
Will he be likely to wait for the slow machinery of legislation to in- 
validate his debt, or will he collect it as soon as possible? Now, the 
proposition for the free and unlimited coinage of silver operates for 
the invalidation of debts by making them payable in a cheaper money. 
The Chicago platform contained a threat to force this inferior money 
upon every one, by making it illegal to draw contracts in any other 
money. Can that be good money, which must be forced upon people 
against their will? Is not this a threat to debase the currency? If 
not, why is it necessary to compel people to make contracts in it, and 
forbid their employing the present standard? A bad dollar that no 
one wants to take is a dishonest dollar when a debtor is forced to take 
it. It impairs every existing contract, and the freedom of contract. 
It is a blow at the right of property, and at simple equity between man 
and man, and has in it the seed of anarchy. 

21 



Let us now suppose that such inflation and consequent deprecia- 
tion are forced upon the business world : how would it operate ? Every 
creditor would be disposed, as quickly as possible, to collect his debt 
before money had lost its present value. Most mortgage debts are 
now collectible, being usually drawn for one to three years. Fore- 
closures would follow ; numerous properties would be thrown upon 
the market; buyers would be few; the creditors would bid in the 
properties, and the debtors would lose their equities in them. All gold 
would be withdrawn at once from the circulation, which would in- 
volve a serious contraction of the volume of currency. For a time, 
money would be less plenty than it is now. Credit would be ex- 
tinguished, and it must be remembered that ninety per cent of the 
business of the country is done on credit. It is no exaggeration to 
say that the debtor would be crushed under his burdens. What is 
propagated as the debtor's deliverance would, in all probability, prove 
to be the debtor's doom. 

4. Who are the Debtors? — It is important just here to consider who 
are the greatest debtors in the United States. First come the United 
States Government, the States, and the municipalities. Considered with 
reference to their bonds, when not drawn in gold, the free coinage of 
silver is meant to be a measure of partial repudiation. But many State 
and municipal bonds are drawn in gold for long'terms. Unless some 
legal quibble should defraud the debtor, gold would have to be bought 
at a premium for the interest and principal of such bonds, creating an 
additional burden of taxation. 

Among the largest debtors are the railways. Their bonds are 
largely drawn in gold ; and a premium upon it would not only wipe out 
all dividends, but, in most cases, render the companies insolvent, with 
the consequences of insolvency to their employees, stockholders, and 
bondholders. When it is remembered how many thousands of widows, 
orphans, and prudent people who have saved a little money hold mu- 
nicipal or railroad securities, the enormity of the proposition to de- 
fraud the creditor becomes apparent. 

The next class of debtors on the list is the banks of deposit. NearH 
all the money of the people is intrusted. to them, with nothing to show 
for it but a credit on the bank's books. Suppose all these depositors 
want their money, in anticipation of its depreciation : what would 
happen? The banks would, of necessity, be closed, and all payments 
suspended. It may be said, Why should people want to withdraw 
their money under a free coinage law, when they can be paid in silver 
now? The answer is very simple. Because a silver dollar is now as 
good as a gold dollar, on account of the policy of parity which the 
government has established and thus far maintained; but the free 
coinage of silver would destroy this parity. No one wants "cheaper 
money" who can get back the good money he parted with. For that 

22 



reason, every one who can will try to get it back, when it is in serious 
danger, and will refuse to wait until its full recovery is impossible. 

5. Who are the Creditors? — But now let us see who the greatest 
creditors are. Prominent among them are the savings banks, with 
5,687,818 depositors, and $2,230,366,954 of deposits, mostly loaned on 
bond and mortgage. Who are these depositors who constitute so 
large a class of creditors? They are chiefly laboring people, who, by 
economy and prudence, have saved little sums averaging from $50 to 
$500. These are the creditors who are to receive their hard earnings in 
''cheap money," — in dollars worth fifty cents ! 

Another large class of creditors is the life insurance companies. 
In the United States they have policies in force to the amount of 
$14,694,465,770, and affecting probably 30,000,000 persons. The 
funds of these companies are chiefly invested in mortgage bonds. 
Could these companies ever pay their risks, if they were defrauded of 
half their investments? Most of them would certainly become in- 
solvent, and fail to pay the policy holders. Those that survived could 
pay only in proportion to what they received as creditors. And who 
are these policy holders? They are men of all classes, — ministers, 
teachers, professional men, merchants, farmers, clerks, whose savings 
have been sufficient to enable them to take out a policy of insurance 
on their lives, for the sake of their wives and children when their hands 
fall helpless and their busy brains are still. And these rapacious cred- 
itors, also, are to be paid in "cheap money." 

VII. PRICES AND WAGES. 

The free coinage of silver would increase the cost of living, but 
would not increase porportionally the wages of labor. 

1. The Wage-earner as Creditor. — It is important to remember that, 
among the creditors of the country, the largest class consists of the 
wage-earning part of the population. More than any other class, the 
wage-earners are shareholders in the great creditor institutions for 
saving and for mutual insurance; but, apart from this, they are di- 
rectly and personally prospective creditors to the whole extent of their 
income. All who are paid for their services, whether by the day, week, 
month, or year, at fixed rates, belong to the class of expectant creditors. 
For them, and for all who would deal justly by them, the question is, 
How would they be affected by the free coinage of silver ? 

2. The Difference between Commodities and Services. — Whoever has 
a commodity for sale can put upon it an anticipatory price. He may 
not get it to-day, but, if he holds on, he may get it to-morrow. Thii 
is what leads to speculation in wheat, cotton, bullion, and other com- 
modities. An anticipatory price is a speculative price. 

It is impossible to speculate in personal services with any success. 
A man who withholds his labor in the hope of getting a higher price 
for it, usually loses his place, and is thrown out of work. By uniting 

23 



with others, he may sometimes and for a while force an increase of 
wages ; but, while this process of forcing is going on, he remains idle, 
and, consequently, without pay. He must sell his services to-day, or 
he loses to-day's income. 

This important difference between commodities that can be kept 
for a profit and labor that cannot be withheld except at a loss, is the 
principle that operates to raise prices without raising wages, or to 
raise prices much more rapidly than zvages. 

3. The Verdict of Experience. — This principle is not merely theo- 
retical; it is proved and illustrated by universal experience. A few 
examples will serve to establish this. 

The statistics of wages and prices for the period from the begin- 
ning of the Civil War and the issue of legal-tender notes are excep- 
tionally full and accurate. Says Professor Taussig: — ■ 

"Money wages responded with unmistakable slowness to the in- 
flating influences of the Civil War. In 1865, when prices stood at 217 
as compared with 100 in i860, wages had only touched 143. The 
course of events at this time shows the truth of the common state- 
ment, that, in times of inflation, wages rise less quickly than prices, 
and that the period of transition is one of hardship to the wage-receiv- 
ing class/' 1 

A comparison of wages paid for all kinds of labor shows that they 
are uniformly higher in gold standard countries than in countries on 
a silver basis, and higher in the United States than anywhere else in 
the world. 2 

The experience of Japan teaches an important lesson. While on 
the silver basis the price of staples increased 28 per cent and wages 
only 14 per cent, or only half as rapidly. As a result of experience 
Japan has adopted the gold standard. 

Mexico is a sufficiently near neighbor of the United States to be 
particularly instructive. Wages have risen nominally in Mexico with- 
in the last few years, as silver has depreciated, but far less rapidly 
than prices; and they are from one-third to one-half lower than they 
are in the United States. The exchange value of a Mexican silver 
dollar, containing more silver than the American dollar, is about 48 
cents. 

If wages rose in this country under a system of free coinage, which 
is uncertain, it would be much more slowly than the prices of com- 
modities. To sustain the present scale of living, it would be necessary 
that they should be more than doubled: No sane man can dream of 
this. The injustice of free coinage to the wage-earner is, therefore, 
evident. It zvould double his cost of living without doubling his in- 
come. 

4. Our Experience Under the Gold Standard. — Ever since the re- 
sumption of specie payments in 1879 favorable conditions have 

1 Quoted by White, Money and Banking, pp. 163, 164. 2 World Almanac for 1896, pp. 158, 159. 

24 



repeatedly produced an increase of wages upon a gold basis. The 
chief cause of such increase has been a spirit of confidence on the part 
of producers in the wisdom of legislation. The most remarkable 
advance in wages in the history of recent times is exhibited in the 
information furnished by labor unions and showing the increase in 
wages made in the years 1897, 1898 and 1899 under the existing 
sound money policy. 

VIII. AGRICULTURAL PROSPERITY. 

The free coinage of silver would not conduce to the agricultural 
prosperity of the United States, which will profit most from 
general prosperity. 

1. The Agrarian Argument. — The movement for the free coinage 
of silver has been promoted by a propaganda originating in the silver- 
producing States, and addressing itself largely to the agricultural 
classes. Aside from the incitement of sectional jealousy and hostility, 
the movement has proceeded mainly along this line of argument : ( 1 ) 
Parallel with the fall in the value of silver, there has been a decline 
in the price of agricultural products, especially wheat; (2) This de- 
cline is owing to the demonetization of silver by the "Crime of 1873," 
the appreciation of gold, and the efforts of Wall Street and foreign 
powers to keep the United States on a gold standard; (3) The only 
cure for this unjust state of things is to overcome the political su- 
premacy of the East, through the free and unlimited coinage of silver 
at the old ratio of 16 to 1. 

These teachings have been spread throughout the country, especially 
in the West and South, by a wide distribution of literature, and the 
personal work of agents maintained by the wealth of the silver-pro- 
ducing interests. Large numbers of honest men, unfamiliar with the 
facts of our monetary history, or with the great principles that underlie 
economic relations, have been deceived by the misrepresentation of 
facts and the fallacies of reasoning contained in these teachings. 

2. The Relation of Wheat and Silver. — The representations of the 
advocates of free coinage have created the impression, in many minds, 
that there is a natural relation of equivalence between 412.5 grains of 
standard silver and a bushel of wheat. This great staple, which was 
worth a dollar a bushel in 1872, has at times been worth only about 
fifty cents. Wheat, therefore, seems, at first sight, to have followed 
the fortunes of the silver dollar ; and if we could once more make that 
dollar the standard, it would seem as if we might thereby restore the 
price of wheat. 

The absurdity of this idea, however striking at first thought, be- 
comes apparent when we consider that there is no causal relation be- 
tzveen the two orders of fact. Wheat and silver rise and fall in value 
quite independently of each other, according to the fluctuations of de- 
mand and supply. The prices current show this clearly. In 1861 



wheat was as low as 55 cents a bushel, yet a silver dollar was then 
worth more than a gold dollar. In 1882 wheat was worth $1.40, and 
a silver dollar was worth only 85 cents in gold. In 1894 wheat was 
as low as 50 cents a bushel, and a silver dollar was equal to only 46 
cents in gold. It is evident that there is no natural relation, not to 
speak of a divinely appointed harmony, between the silver dollar and 
a bushel of wheat ! 

The fact of a temporary decline in the price of wheat is evident, 
but the inference as to its cause is wholly false. What, then, is the 
true explanation? Since 1872 the grain-growing area has increased 
with a rapidity unprecedented in the history of the world. Enormous 
new tracts have been devoted to the raising of wheat in both North 
and South America and in Asia. In the United States alone, the de- 
velopment has been remarkable. In 1875 the acreage of wheat grow- 
ing in this country was 26,381,512 acres. In 1891 it was 39,916,897 
cres, an increase of more than 50 per cent. The crop, in 1875, was 
)2, 126,000 bushels, the largest in many years; but in 1891 it was 
lore than 100 per cent greater, being 611,780,000 bushels. There has 
been, also, a large increase in the production of other cereals, some of 
which are competitive with wheat. 

3. The Free Coinage of Silver not a Cure. — If the free silver theorist 
is mistaken in his diagnosis, his prescription has no value. But he is 
more oblivious of facts in his remedy than in explaining the disease. 
He argues that the free coinage of silver would increase the price of 
agricultural products, and thus relieve the farmer from the curse of 
low prices. Let us see if this is so. 

The free coinage of silver would either restore the ratio of 16 to 
1, or it would not. Let us suppose for a moment that it would. The 
silver dollar will then continue to be as good as a gold dollar, but it 
will be no better. What, then, is to increase the price of wheat? 
If the inflation of the currency raises the price of wheat above the 
gold price in the world's market, this currency being equal in value 
to gold, the importation of wheat at gold prices will afford a profit. 
Importation may be depended upon, until the price is depressed to the 
gold price in the world's market. The American farmer would thereby 
create a competitor in his own domestic market. Nothing could save 
him from returning to the gold price in the world's market, except a 
protective tariff on breadstuff s, but this is no part of the free silver 
programme. 

Let us now suppose, which is practically certain, that the free coin- 
age of silver would not restore the ratio of 16 to 1. What would 
follow from this? The money of the United States being thereby 
depreciated in value, it would require more of it to represent present 
value ; therefore prices would rise, as they always will when the cur- 
rency is depreciated. Would that increase the demand for wheat? 

26 



Not at all. If foreign countries imported American grain, it would 
be at no higher price than the gold price in the zvorld's market, — that 
is, at the present price. Reduced to a gold basis, the price would be 
no higher than it is now. Everything would be valued on a gold basis, 
but paid for on a silver basis. It should be clearly seen, once for all, 
that no commodity can possibly rise above its gold price in the world's 
market without attracting competition and a consequent fall to this 
basis, except upon one condition, namely, that its price is maintained 
by a Protective Tariff. Upon a gold basis, or upon an international 
bimetallic basis, a protective tariff can accomplish this result; but it 
can never be accomplished by inflating the currency. The interest of 
the American farmer, therefore, lies in building up a diversified indus- 
try in the United States, which will secure a better market by with- 
drawing competition in the field and promoting prosperity in the 
workshop; and in extending American commerce, loading our own 
ships with our own grain, and making Chicago, instead of London, 
the grain mart of the world. 

IX. COMMERCIAL HONOR. 
The only foundation of commercial success is commercial honor, 
which the free coinage of silver would openly violate. 

1. The Foundation of Credit. — The commercial system of the world 
would be impossible, and we should return to the barbaric method of 
primitive times in matters of exchange, if it were not for the existence 
of what is known as "credit." When subjected to analysis, this is 
found to be public faith in a system of legally sustained equity between 
men and nations. It is the product of a long moral and intellectual 
evolution, and represents the best development of the human con- 
science and the human intellect. It assumes the right of personal 
property, the protection of contracts under the law, and the justice 
of ultimate legal tribunals. Men believe in it because they believe in 
them, and a blow at any one of them is an injury to public and private 
credit to that extent. 

Every thoughtful man is able to see, in the Chicago Platform, hos- 
tility to all of the three assumptions upon which public and private 
credit rests. In so far as it proposes the payment of debts contracted 
upon a gold basis with money conformed to a silver standard, in the 
face of the present disparity between them, it is an assault, however 
covert, upon the right of property. In so far as it proposes to pay 
the bonds of the United States in money inferior to that with which 
they were bought, it assaults the legal protection of contracts. In so 
far as it brings under criticism the decisions of the Supreme Court, 
the highest tribunal in the land, and proposes to modify its judgments, 
it aims a blow at public confidence in our system of justice. The prin- 
ciples and purposes alleged are, therefore, revolutionary in their nature, 
and would tend to unsettle the credit of the men, communities, or nation 
that should deliberately apply them. 



2. Free Coinage as Repudiation. — In the light of the foregoing 
pages, there can remain no doubt that the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver at the ratio of 16 to I, when a standard silver dollar is worth 
only about fifty cents as bullion, and when there is not a mint in Europe 
open to free coinage, would be an act of repudiation. The only mean- 
ing of the proposition is that the United States is to lend unlimited 
credit to an issue of money without anything in return, and is to pay 
her debts with such money. If the ratio were maintained, the depos- 
itor of silver at the Mint would take away double the value he brought, 
without making any return to the government. Why should the gov- 
ernment throw away its credit in this fashion ? and having become care- 
less of it to an "unlimited" extent, how could it preserve its credit? 
If the ratio were not maintained, the result would be a depreciation 
of all the national money except gold, which would then be at a 
premium. In that case the government would either have to bear a 
new burden to obtain gold for the payment of its gold debt, or partially 
repudiate that debt by payment in an inferior money. In the present 
condition of things a dollar of 412.5 grains of silver is, of necessity, 
a credit dollar. Its unlimited issue would make it a dishonest dollar. 
Dishonest payment is the ruin of credit, and the ruin of credit is the 
ruin of prosperity. 

X. FALLACIES OF THE FREE COINAGE THEORY. 

The injustice and inexpediency of the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver are evident from the analysis of the question already 
given. It remains, however, to point out that the strategic 
points upon which the advocates of the theory base their 
reasoning are transparently fallacious. 

1. The Fallacy of Method. — A subject of such profound practical 
importance demands the patient and impartial examination of facts. 
This the advocates of the free coinage of silver carefully avoid. In 
place of the facts, they set up sectional and class prejudices, proposing 
to use animosity in the place of conviction. The accepted Bible of 
the silver movement is Coin's Financial School, by W. H. Harvey, 
which deals mainly in caricature, sophistry, and inflammatory per- 
versions of fact. It is skilfully adapted to appeal to the ignorant and 
discontented, but never ventures upon solid argument. 

In speaking of the monetary unit, Mr. Harvey implies that silver 
was chosen as the original and exclusive unit of value, because, "in 
the days of Washington and Jefferson, our Revolutionary forefathers 
had a hatred of England, and an intimate knowledge of her designs 
on this country !" Then follows this flourish of rhetoric: "They had 
fought eight long years for their independence from British ^domina- 
tion in this country; and when they had seen the last redcoat leave 
our shores, they settled down to establish a permanent government, 
and among the first things they did w r as to make 371.25 grains of silver 
the unit of values. That much silver was to constitute a dollar. And 

23 



each dollar was a unit. They then provided for all other money to be 
counted from this unit of a silver dollar!" 1 

Aside from the utterly unhistorical character of these statements, 
they appeal to no other impulse than that of hatred and vindictiveness. 
The silver dollar is represented as having a sacredness to Americans 
like the Stars and Stripes ; so that it becomes a patriotic duty to coin 
it without limit, even at a loss, because our forefathers adopted it as 
a sign of independence and as an act of rebuke to a foreign power ! 

But what are the facts? England did not adopt the single gold 
standard until 1816. The adoption of the silver dollar by Congress 
in 1792 was not "among the first things" our Revolutionary fore- 
fathers did ; they did not adopt silver to show "their independence ;" 
they did not discard gold on account of "designs on this country," or 
from "hatred of England;" and they did not make silver "the unit 
of values," or decide that 371.25 grains of silver should alone "consti- 
tute a dollar." 

2. The Fallacy of the Unit. — The unit in the system of coinage 
established by the law of 1792 is not 371.25 grains of silver. The unit 
is the "dollar;" and the dollar is related to a bimetallic standard of 
value, gold and silver, at a ratio of 15 of silver to 1 of gold, by weight. 
The coin first named is the gold "eagle." This was to contain "two 
hundred and forty-seven and four-eighths of a grain of pure, or two 
hundred and seventy grains of standard, gold." The silver dollar was 
to contain "three hundred and seventy-one grains and four-sixteenths 
parts of a grain of pure, or four hundred and sixteen grains of stand- 
ard, silver. . . . The proportional value of gold to silver in all 
coins which shall by law be current as money within the United States 
shall be as fifteen to one, according to quantity in weight, of pure gold 
or pure silver; that is to say, every fifteen pounds weight of pure 
silver shall be of equal value in all payments with one pound weight of 
pare gold/' 2 

Is it true, in the light of this law, that tne unit of value is 371.25 
grains of silver; or that, "in considering which of these two metals 
they would thus favor by making it the unit, they were led to adopt 
silver because it was the most reliable?" "The one selected," says Mr. 
Harvey, "would thereafter be unchangeable in value. . . . The 
metal in it could not be worth less than a dollar, for it would be the 
unit of value !" 3 We have, then, the preposterous statement, that 371.25 
grains of silver can never change its value; because it is the unit! 

But a careful reading of the law shows that the ultimate unit of 
value is "one pound weight of pure gold" Hamilton himself so un- 
derstood it; for he said of the Spanish silver dollar, "That species of 
coin has never had any settled or standard value, . . . while gold 
has a fixed price by weight." 4 He fixed his ratio by taking 15 pounds 
of silver to 1 of gold. 

1 Coin' 's Financial School, p. 7. 2 Art of Apri 1 , T-02. 

t, Coin's Financial School, p. 8. 4 Report on the Establishment of a Mint. 



The following table shows the true relations of the whole subject : — 

Arithmetical unit = the dollar. Physical unit = a dollar of gold or of silver. 

( half dollar / eagle {$lo) 

Physical parts of _ J quarter-dollar. Physical multiples _ J double eagle (#20) 

a dollar _ 1 hXdime of a dollar ~ 1 half eagle ( ? s) /* , 

(cent ( q uarter - ea gle ($2.50) 

Bimetallic stan- _ ( 15 pounds of silver equiva- Ultimate Standard of _ I x poun( j f so \^ 
dard \ lent to 1 pound of gold value I 

Hamilton started with gold as the basis of all his calculations. 
Finding that 24.75 grains of gold had been regarded as equal to a 
Spanish milled dollar, a coin in current use, not by choice, but by cir- 
cumstances of trade, he fixed the value of the dollar as equivalent to 
24.75 grains of gold. Multiplying this by 15, — the ratio decided upon, 
— he arrived at the result, 371.25 grains of silver, as the proper weight 
of the silver dollar. Had his mental operation been what the silver 
theorists represent, he would have taken as his basis of calculation, 
without any reason, 371.25 grains of pure silver. 

3. The Fallacy of the Quantitative Ratio. — The most convincing 
thing in the free coinage theory at first sight is the brilliant demonstra- 
tion that all the silver in the world stands to all the gold in the world 
at a ratio of 15 2-3 to i. 1 Supposing that Mr. Harvey, or any other 
living man, knows exactly how much of the two metals there is in the 
world, — which is highly improbable, — this ratio merely proves that, 
if all the people in the world zvould use gold and silver interchangeably 
at this ratio, the metals zvould have this relative value. As a ground 
for universal bimetallism, — assuming that the facts are as stated, and 
that more money is universally needed, — this quantitative ratio may 
be of interest. 

4. The Fallacy of the Restored Ratio. — The fact brought to light 
in the last paragraph, — assuming it to be a fact, — is, however, pro- 
foundly significant in relation to the adoption of free coinage by the 
United States alone. If the normal ratio of value is 15 2-3 to 1, based 
upon all the gold and silver in the zvorld, it is evident that free coinage 
of silver by the United States alone, when all the European mints are 
closed to silver, would attract a disproportionate amount to our mints; 
so that the quantity of silver would prevent the re-establishment of 
the ratio. In order to establish and sustain it, we should have to coin 
all the surplus stock and annual product of the zvorld! If Mr. Har- 
vey's figures are right, universal free coinage of both gold and silver 
would be required to keep the market ratio at the quantitative ratio. 
Does he expect the United States to do this alone? His expectation 
is evident from his alternative: "Gold may go out of circulation," 
he says, "but its doing so does not disturb the practical effect of 
bimetallic prices. There should be a law making it a forfeiture of the 
debt to discriminate in favor of one form of national currency against 
another. The present law allowing gold to be named in the bond is 

i Coin's Financial School, Appendix. 
30 



statutory treason." 1 His remedy for want of parity is, "Put less gold 
in the gold dollar. Bring the weight of the gold dollar down till they 
are on a parity." 2 

5. The Fallacy of Falling Prices. — There is an appearance of serious 
and honest argument in the tables of comparative prices, by which 
an attempt is made to show that a given amount of silver will buy the 
same amount of commodities, roughly speaking, as it would twenty 
years ago ; while a given amount of gold will buy a greater quantity. 
It looks for a moment as if silver is, after all, a less variable standard 
of deferred payments than gold, and as if gold had become too rare to 
meet the demands of commercial life. 

The following table 3 shows that, while most articles fell in price 
during the period 1 865-1890, the value of a man's labor increased from 
66 upon the scale of 100 in 1865 to 172.1 in 1890 as measured by the 
gold standard. The chief decline was in manufactured articles: 



1845 



1850 



1855 



1865 



1870 



1875 



1880 



1885 



1890 



Meat 

Other food 

Cloths and clothing 

Fuel and lighting 

Metals and implements 

Lumber and building materials . . 

Drugs and chemicals 

House Furnishings 

Miscellaneous 

Average of all prices 

Paper money 

Purchasing power of wages 



79 4 
82.8 
97.1 



110.8 
106.7 
121 
102.3 
114 8 
102 8 
100 
84.4 



86. 

80 

91. 
102. 
114. 
102. 
123 
125. 
107. 
102. 
100 

90. 



100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 



197 

240.3 

299 2 

237.8 

191.4 

182.1 

271.6 

181.1 

202.8 

216.8 



174 3 
146.3 
139.4 
196.5 
127.8 
148.3 
149.6 
121.6 
148.7 
142.3 
81 1 
114.1 



140.4 

135 

120.1 

156.5 

117 5 

143.7 

144.2 

95 

122 9 
127.6 

88.8 
124 1 



103.6 
116 9 
104.5 
100 2 

96.3 
130.9 
113.1 

85.2 
109 8 
106.9 
100 
132.3 



107 6 
97.2 

84.8 
89 6 
77.4 

126 6 
86.9 
70.1 
97.5 
93 

100 

162 



99 5 

103.4 
82.5 
92 6 
73.2 

123 7 
87.5 
69.9 
89.7 
92.3 

100 

172.1 



The obvious reason for the fall in prices of manufactured articles 
is the improved processes of production. Better machinery, better 
methods, close competition, new transportation facilities, have com- 
bined to cheapen this class of articles. Therefore, a dollar will buy 
more of them than it ever would before. And yet, there is no scarcity 
of money. The whole case is comprised in the statement, that im- 
proved means of production have made a dollar go farther than it did 
twenty years ago, and this cannot be regarded as a public calamity. 
If the American people prefer a dollar which they can spend more 
quickly and get less for, the free coinage policy provides for it. 

But, if prices have fallen, does that justify the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver? Will that constitute a just and expedient relief? 
This has not been shown by any argument thus far advanced in de- 
fense of the free coinage theory. On the other hand, it is evident that 
a financial panic, the loss of our foreign credit, the instability of 
values, the open sea of "unlimited" cheap money, would be worse for 
all classes than the present condition of public and private security. 
An even and honorable measure of values is the strong foundation of 
business prosperity. It will be wise for the American people to see 

1 Coitus Financial School, pp. 137, 138. 2 Idem, p. 138. 3 Abstract of the Eleventh Census, p. 192. 



their course plainly, before they indulge in legislative experiments to 
give an artificial value to products which the growth of enterprise has 
cheapened, and to absolve the debtor from his honorable obligations. 
The only advantages which could possibly follow from a free coinage 
law are such as belong to a depreciated currency. 

XL CONCLUSION. 

It will doubtless be represented in the coming campaign that the 
proposed free coinage law would give us an "honest dollar." Those 
who have read this pamphlet will be able to form their own opinion of 
that; but, certainly, the intentions of a political party should be evi- 
dent from its platform We have presented elsewhere the financial 
planks of the two leading parties. Before deciding where to look for 
an "honest dollar," it may be well to compare those platforms again. 

In order to interpret aright the intention of the two parties, we 
must go back to the platforms of 1896, for these show the purposes of 
both in their naked truthfulness. They display the motives which 
the Bryan Democracy is now disposed to conceal beneath the fantastic 
mask of "Imperialism." 

The Republican platform of 1896, reaffirmed in 1900, is "unre- 
servedly for sound money," "unalterably opposed to every measure 
calculated to debase our currency, or impair the credit of our country." 
It proposes to keep our silver and paper currency "at parity with 
gold." It promises to maintain "inviolably the obligations of the 
United States." Now, what has the Democratic platform to say about 
"sound money," or the "credit of the country," or "parity" between 
the different forms of money, or inviolable "obligations?" Not one 
word. On the contrary, it speaks of the "burden of debt, public and 
private," the "enrichment" and "impoverishment" of classes of citi- 
zens by each other, and "financial servitude to London." It demands 
that a debased coinage shall be made legal tender foi all debts, public 
and private, and proposes to force this inferior money upon the peo- 
ple by prohibiting contracts in any other. It is not difficult to de- 
termine from the platforms of these two parties which is the guardian 
and which is the enemy of a uniform standard of value, of the credit 
of the country, and of the obligation of contracts. The one has the 
clear ring of business honor; the other defines its aims and purposes 
in terms of personal greed and public irresponsibility. The one stands 
for law and equity ; the other declaims of revolution. The one is the 
champion of political order; the other is the pupil of social anarchy. 
The one calls upon the American people to unite in mutual trust and 
helpfulness to maintain the public credit; the other sets class against 
class, and sows the seeds of mutual hatred and distrust. Between 
them every man must choose. 



\Ve have been moving iri untried paths, but oui 
kteps have been guided by honor and duty. 

—William McKinley. 



Problems in the Orient 



Hawaii Safely on the Smooth Highway 

of American Enterprise and 

Prosperity 



With Pacification in the Philippines Come Questions of 
Land, Labor, Education and Good Government 



Hints for Us from Java and Ceylon — Malays Will Work and Make 

Exemplary Citizens — Slavery and Polygamy Doomed — Uncle 

Sam's Territorial Class— Manila's Great Future — 

A Flexible Policy Vital— China's 

Open Door Dependent. 



By THEODORE W. NOYES. 



(From Editorial Correspondence of the Washington Evening Star.) 



PROBLEMS IN THE ORIENT. 



THE HALF-WAY HOUSE. 

Hawaii Under Annexation— Evidences of Prosperity— William H. 
Seward's Prophetic Utterance. 

When the Nippon Maru steamed into Honolulu harbor yesterday 
morning ample evidence was furnished of the vigorous impulse which 
recent events have given to the development of the Pacific communities 
from San Francisco to Manila. A week ago, when we passed through the 
Golden Gate, not only San Francisco, but the whole Pacific coast from San 
Diego to Seattle, was in a ferment of business activity. New blood, warm 
and rich, v/as pulsating through the veins of commerce. The section after 
a period of lethargy had awakened to its work as the strong man refreshed 
by sleep. Everybody was busy, pushing hopeful. Everywhere seemingly 
boundless energy and cheerful confidence prevailed. 

Here in Honolulu harbor similar conditions were met. Many of the 
external appearances were unchanged. The waves still rolled lazily up 
the sands of Waikiki. Unclad youngsters still paddled about in their 
rough coffin-shaped boats and invited opportunities to dive for coins. 
Hawaiian canoes, with their balancing outriggers, darted here and there. 

Punch Bowl still looked down upon a city buried in a park, with here a 
roof and there a tower or steeple showing through the green and irregular 
surface of the dominating foliage. But the harbor, once a harmonious part 
of a scene of peaceful beauty, a lazy Elysium, is now overflowing with ships, 
which fill the air with smoke and unaccustomed noises, and which banish 
the possibility of the old day-dreaming through the hustle and bustle of 
intense business activity. The change is brought home practically to the 
Nippon Maru, for every docking-place in the harbor is occupied, and she 
is compelled to anchor out in the channel and to land her passengers in 
small boats. 

The hostilities in the Philippines are responsible in part for the present 
over-crowding of the harbor. Irrespective, however, of this temporary and 



extraordinary demand upon Honolulu's docks, the commercial growth of 
the city is such, it is said, that the ■•docking facilities are becoming inade- 
quate with the result that ships are often subjected to long delays in dis- 
charging their cargoes, and the demand is urgent for an enlargement by 
dredging of the present harbor. 



HOXOL.UL.TTS GROWTH, 

The population of Honolulu has been rapidly increasing and must now, 
Mr. Thurston estimates, exceed 40,000. Everything rentable. is rented and 
the demand is not satisfied. Several hundred new buildings, including 
business blocks, have been erected since I visited here two years ago. 
Suburban subdivisions are climbing high up the hillsides. Real estate 
values have vastly increased. Enlargement of population is indicated by 
the extraordinary demand for letter-boxes at the postoffice. Notwith- 
standing the large number of additional boxes which have been furnished 
there are still over a hundred applicants unsatisfied. Business develop- 
ment is shown by the crowding of the harbor with ships, and by the fact 
that the island government has accumulated nearly two millions of surplus, 
largely customs duties~upon the expanded volume of imports. 

A long drive through Honolulu, new and old, to Punch Bowl and to 
Waikiki gave visible corroboration of what had been said concerning 
Honolulu's boom. Here and there were semi-tropical suggestions, as, for 
example, growing taro, Chinese men, women and tiny children gathering 
rice, canal-furrowed banana orchards, lofty cocoanut palms and a wonder- 
ful luxuriance of vegetation and foliage. But pervading and dominating 
the scene was a distinctly American city, vigorous, bustling, springing up 
and pushing outward in every direction. 

We can deal the more promptly and confidently with the first of our 
recent island acquisitions because it is already Americanized, and the 
natives, educated, Christianized and civilized through the labors of Ameri- 
can missionaries, are ready, under the wise limitations which were applied 
in the recent republic, to participate in a territorial form of self-goverr- 
ment. They have not been massacred or oppressed by the whites. They 
have not been rendered sullen and mistrustful by centuries of Spanish mis- 
rule. They arc prosperous and content. The dominant whites have 
learned how to co-operate with them and to influence them, and have not 
abused their control. The difficult problem when is to be "solved by us in 



our other island possessions has been worked out for us in advance by 
Americans in Hawaii. The easiest, quickest and wisest way to govern 
satisfactorily in the islands is to adapt existing conditions to American 
forms, to continue as far as possible the methods which have commended 
themselves by their results, and to utilize to a large degree in public serv- 
ice the men who have so well learned the lesson of sustaining the white 
man's rule in the tropics without degrading or ill-treating the natives. 



THE ESSENTIAL LINK. 

Probably the London or New York of the future Pacific will not spring 
up in Hawaii. The comparatively small size and limited resources of the 
islands perhaps forbid. But a large, prosperous city, not alone as the 
market of steadily increasing domestic imports and exports, but as the 
Half-Way House between America and Asia at which every Pacific- 
traversing ship will naturally call is reasonably certain to be developed 
and to prosper in exact accordance with the expansion of Pacific trade. 

When the commerce of this ocean was represented by a single Spanish 
galleon, sailing annually from Manila to Acapulco, the author of Anson's 
Voyage said in 1746: 

"It is indeed most remarkable that by the concurrent testimony of all 
the Spanish navigators there is not one port betwixt the Philippine Islands 
and the coast of California; so that from the time the Manila ship first loses 
sight of land she never lets go her anchor till she arrives on the coast of 
California." 

Now when this commerce has been multiplied by the thousand and 
will speedily be multiplied by the tens and hundreds of thousand, we have 
happily changed all that and an admirable and attractive intermediate 
port is provided. 

In 1852 William H. Seward said: "Henceforth European commerce, 
European politics, European thought and European activity, although 
actually gaining force, and European connections, although actually be- 
coming more intimate, will nevertheless relatively sink in importance; 
while the Pacific ocean, its shores, its islands and the vast region beyond 
will ttecome the chief theater of events in the world's great hereafter." 
This bold prediction, visionary at the date of its delivery, is rapidly being 
verified. The Pacific is steadily outstripping the Atlantic in volume of 
trade. The acquisition of the Philippines, in connection with the new 



development of Japan, the re-making of China, the near-by completion of 
the Siberian railroad and the construction of an isthmian canal will tre- 
mendously increase the commerce between America and Asia, and Hono- 
lulu will be an essential link in the American commercial chain connecting 
the two hemispheres, and will participate in Pacific business activity and 
prosperity. 



PHILIPPINE PROBLEMS. 

Land Teaure the First of Them— A Court to Pass on Titles— Prej- 
udice Against Friars Not Against Religion— Enforce- 
ment of Law and Order. 

General MacArthur thinks well of the capabilities of the Filipinos, but 
warns against going ahead too fast in the attempt to impose the American 
system and methods upon an Asiatic people, at this time sensitive and dis- 
trustful. The local civil governments which are being established will, he 
thinks, prove excellent schools of instruction in American methods. 

General MacArthur pointed out that many of the rich mestizos — half- 
castes with Chinese blood — who, next to the Spaniards, have been in control 
in Luzon, are to be reckoned as an obstructive factor in our solution of the 
Philippine problem. They have no desire for American methods with hon- 
est administration for the benefit of the whole people. They have bought 
special privileges and exemptions from the executive and judicial repre- 
sentatives under the Spanish rule when the occasion required, and the prop- 
osition that they shall be treated like every one else under a system of even- 
handed justice which aims to benefit the people and not a few individuals 
comes as a shock and a disappointment to such persons. 

Concerning the land problem, General MacArthur thinks that there 
should be a properly constituted court — like the Court of Claims — which, 
upon formal application, will look into questions of title in respect to the 
tracts claimed by the monastic orders. 

He is of the opinion that the Chinese must not be allowed to come in 
to any greater extent than in the United States. Labor openings' and 
opportunities must be guarded and preserved for the Filipinos and they 
must be judiciously pushed into work. We are not to conduct Philippine 
affairs with immediate personal gain to ourselves in view, but are to so 



regulate conditions that the material prosperity of the Filipinos may be en- 
hanced. The English firms which control Philippine trade naturally wish 
Chinese cheap and reliable labor in unlimited quantities, but for the good 
of the Filipinos, which is the motive for our intervention, the Chinese must 
not be permitted to come in without restriction and to drive the Filipinos 
entirely out of the labor field. 

IAXDLOKDIS1I TO BE MET. 

The evil of the holding by monastic orders of title to boundless tracts, 
including whole provinces of the most valuable lands in Luzon, endangers 
the future of the island. The soil cannot remain indefinitely the property 
of alien landlords, whether ecclesiastical or lay. Luzon is not to become 
another Ireland, with the evil conditions of that unhappy island magnified 
a hundredfold. The people who inhabit the land, who cultivate it and 
develop it, must have an interest in it. It is said that the orders have not 
valid record title to much of the confiscated land of which they have taken 
possession by virtue of their relations with the Spanish Government. As 
has been suggested, some sort of a tribunal should examine into the whole 
question of these titles. If no other effective method is discovered these 
extensive alien land holdings may be broken up by the imposition of a very 
heavy ground tax. Land is almost neglected as a source of revenue under 
the Spanish tax system which we are enforcing. 

The Filipino hatred of the friars is not directed against them as Roman 
Catholics. The mass of the Filipinos are nominal Catholics, and there is 
no religious revolt whatsoever. The churches are well attended. For 
example, I observed hundreds flocking at an early hour in the morning to 
mass at the church in Calasiao. The Roman Catholic Church will, in its 
own interest, do well to consider how far it is wise to alienate a Catholic 
population by attempting to force upon the people as its representatives 
men who are feared and detested. Of course, generalizations about the 
friars as a body will fail to fit the cases of some individual priests, who, as 
good men, may be personally acceptable to their parishes. But on the 
broad question of making the cause of the friars its own the decision of the 
Roman Church is eagerly awaited, both by the Filipino people and by the 
Protestant denominations of the world, which are ready to take advantage 
of any blunder in policy which may be committed. 

There is no reason why American Catholics should side with the friars. 
These men are Spaniards, with more than the natural national grudge 



against Us. They a^s tne essence of Spanish ^government in the 
Philippines, which we have overthrown. They hate us and spit upon our 
flag. In most cases, if returned to the villages, they will become centers of 
anti-American sentiment and influence. If Luzon is to be gradually 
Americanized, this task will be aided, so far as the influence of the Roman 
Church extends, only through English-speaking priests. 

HOW PREJUDICE MAY BE REMOVED. 

In Panay, as in Luzon, the monastic orders claim ownership of the 
most valuable lands in the island, and have been driven out by the people. 
Speaking to me on this subject at Iloilo, General Hughes said that in his 
opinion the Catholic Church should put in every parish a sensible English- 
speaking priest, to dispel gradually the prejudice against the Spanish 
friars and to counteract the influence of the native priests, who are almost 
all insurrectos, and in many cases ignorant and corrupt. 

Everyone who undergoes the experiences of the railroad trip to Dagu- 
pan becomes unfailingly the enthusiastic advocate of the policy of' dis- 
criminating as soon as possible between the scattered Filipino bands still 
in arms and the insurgent army. Treat the war against the latter organiza- 
tion as over, declare amnesty, maintain no grudge or animosity against 
former hostiles submitting in good faith, and by prompt fulfillment in 
specific shape of general promises of good government and redress of old 
Spanish grievances make such submission easy and permanent. On the 
other hand, the wandering bands who kill and rob Filipinos as well as 
Americans, who attempt to wreck, and pillage even native trains, and who 
brutally murder their American prisoners when closely pursued, should be 
treated, when captured, not as prisoners of war, but as bandits, to be 
pursued and exterminated like train-wreckers and similar murderous 
robbers in our Western States. This policy is in the interest and for the 
protection of the Filipinos as well as of the Americans. 

While declaring that the Filipino war is over, let us remember that 
it is not over permanently or in truth unless we take advantage of the 
opportunity to remove as far as possible the causes of war. By dis- 
persing the insurgent army we have gained the chance, hitherto lacking, 
to demonstrate to the people of the Philippines the good faith of our 
assurances and the beneficence of our control. Certain Filipino leaders 
have endeavored to seize arbitrary power in the islands for themselves, 
raising the delusive cry of independence. War has determined that their 



ambitions are not to be gratified. But there is nothing in the results of the 
war which alters the attitude of the United States toward the Filipino 
people. The Republic is still bound to correct as far as possible the evils 
of Spanish misrule and to satisfy the reasonable aspirations of the Filipinos 
for better and freer government. 



MAHOMETAN FILIPINOS. 

The Treaty with the Sultan— Problem of Slavery and Polygamy^- 
Sonie Suggestions of Policy— The Grounds for Confidence. 

When the Senate ratified the treaty with Spain we annexed, in addition 
to other acquisitions, a half million followers of Mahomet, a miscellaneous 
assortment of sultans, dattos (chiefs), and their followers, a nineteenth cen- 
tury reproduction of the feudal system which regulates their relation to one 
another, and certain fruitful and beautiful tropical islands which they 
inhabit. 

The Sulu Archipelago proper, Mindanao and Palawan (for the exact 
location, size, and population of which see the geographies and the ency- 
clopedias), contain the bulk of the Moros or Mahometan Filipinos. 

The conditions of the problem set for us in this part of the Philippines 
differ widely from those which confront us in Luzon. Here are no insur- 
gents and no friars to vex us; but in their place Mahometan polygamy and 
the semi-slavery of the feudal system promise the possibility of trouble for 
the future. 

Spain's sovereignty here, to which we have succeeded, though fully 
recognized, was exceedingly feeble, and was bolstered up by agreements 
with and concessions to the Moro sultans or dattos, and especially the 
potentate who lives on this island of Jolo. 

The sultan of the Sulu Archipelago claims political and religious juris- 
diction not only over that group of islands, among which he includes Min- 
danao, but also over Palawan and North Borneo. His religious control, as 
representative of the prophet, is more widely recognized than his political 
and military sway. Mindanao, which has sultans of its own, does not recog- 
nize him at all. Palawan also has a sultan. Even in the sultan's own 
island of Jolo there are dattos who, while grudgingly owning allegiance to 
him, like the most powerful of the barons of the middle ages, believe them- 



10 

selves stronger than their liege lord, and quarrel with him, and are entirely- 
ready to fight their nominal superior. The sultan has, however, in the Sulu 
group 120,000 people and 20,000 fighting men, of Mahometan contempt for 
death and of piratical and blood-letting tendency and inclination, who 
would probably respond enthusiastically to his call to arms, especially if a 
holy war were declared; so that, in spite of his troubles as a ruler, he is 
entitled to receive and has received a certain degree of consideration from 
the meddlesome Americans who have intervened so recently and so vigor- 
ously in Asiatic affairs. 

PEACE Of MAHOMETAN AMERICA. 

Through the wise diplomacy of General Bates and the tact of officers 
serving under him in dealing with the problem the relations between the 
United States and the Moros are distinctly amicable, and a dangerous 
period in the history of American operations in the Philippines has been 
safely passed. With the Tagalogs on the warpath it was essential that the 
Moros should not become actively hostile. With the Sulu sultan, who had 
expected to succeed to Spanish sovereignty in the Sulu group, and who 
was disappointed and sulky over the advent of the Americans, General 
Bates succeeded in making a written agreement, subject to the approval 
of the President and Congress, renewing several of the features of the 
treaty by which Spanish sovereignty had been recognized. General Bates 
has also given verbal and effectively pacifying assurances to other sultans 
and dattos, as, for example, of religious liberty under American control. 
The Moro idea of a Christian, based on their experience with the Spanish 
pictures a fanatic whose highest aspiration is to cut down the hated Mos- 
lem in the same fashion that their own juramentadoes seek with certain 
confidence the joys of highest heaven through a death achieved while slay- 
ing Christians. A Christian proclaiming religious liberty is inconceivable 
to them and unrecognizable by them. And thus it happened that the Sultan 
of Sulu assured his people that the Americans were not Christians, but 
Presbyterians, and our sovereignty is for the time throughout all of the 
Mahometan Philippines cheerfully accepted. 

SUGGESTIONS OP POLICY. 

A few conclusions, based upon what one sees and hears here, impress 
themselves as obviously reliable, even upon the casual, hasty observer who 
can penetrate but little beneath the surface of things, 



11 

It is evident, for instance, that an agreement with the Sultan of Sulq 
will not suffice to bind in amity more than a fraction of our half million 
Moros in the Philippines, and that rupture of this tentative agreement will 
not be absolutely certain to render hostile more than the same fraction. It 
follows that the simple, verbal understandings reached by General Bates 
and his subordinates with Mindanao Sultans and dattos, and also with some 
of the Sulu dattos, are as valuable in their way and should be followed up 
as carefully as the more elaborate written agreement with the Sulu Sultan, 
which requires the red tape accompaniments of a treaty, is submitted for 
consideration and approval by the senate, and, when approved, becomes a 
binding record fixing the Sultan's treaty-making status. It follows, further, 
that we should cultivate friendly relations and secure and retain strong 
influence over all the Sultans and dattos, not making formal written con- 
ventions with them (unless it is absolutely essential, as appeared to be the 
case in dealing with the Sulu Sultan while the Tagalog revolt was at its 
height), and neither unduly magnifying the latter Sultan to the detriment 
of the other chiefs, with the result of inflaming his vanity and avarice and 
of rendering him doubly difficult to deal with, nor unwisely depreciating 
his religious and political influence, with the result of upturning friendly 
relations and of precipitating hostilities, which, while crushing the Sultan, 
would be bloody and protracted. 

It appears that a discrimination must be made in laws and form of 
government between Moroland and the rest of the Philippines. The con- 
ditions are entirely different in the two sections. Legislation which would 
be wholesome in one would threaten immediate war in the other. 

(iO SI.OWL.Y WITH THIS MOBO. 

To withdraw from the southern Philippines and to wash our hands of 
responsibility for the control of them is apparently an impossible alterna- 
tive. If we hold the islands (as we will) we must, however, exercise our 
authority in such a way as to save life and promote happiness on both sides 
of the Pacific and to spread the blessings of civilization in such fashion 
that they do not become curses to our beneficiaries. 

Slavery is hateful to the American idea. Unmistakable slavery, though 
of the mild feudal type, exists in the southern Philippines. Shall we abolish 
it offhand, shedding American blood to reconcile the Moros to what they 
will look upon as confiscation of their property? Or shall we proceed 
cautiously and peaceably to eradicate the evil, perhaps through some 



13 

moderate measure of compensated emancipation, such as that which with 
many safeguards of economy was put in operation by the Dutch in Java? 

Polygamy is antagonistic to American sentiment. It is part of the 
religion of Mahomet and prevails among the comparatively wealthy few 
in our Mahometan islands. Shall we bring on " a holy war " in the 
Philippines by demanding the immediate eradication of polygamy and the 
exodus from the harems of all but wife No. i? Or shall we follow the 
example of exceeding forbearance set by other Christian nations with 
Asiatic and Mahometan dependencies and our own precedent in winking 
for a time at the social customs of the American Indians ? Polygamy is a 
luxury of the rich. Education and contact with civilization will render it 
more and more expensive every year, will steadily increase the discontent 
among the plural wives, and will doubtless gradually abolish the evil of 
many simultaneous wives. 

If we decide that the immediate extirpation of neither slavery nor 
polygamy from the Philippines is worth the shedding of a drop of American 
blood, we may also conclude, with advantage, to go slowly at first in regard 
to the imposition of unaccustomed taxes upon the Moros. An export tax 
in practical effect reduces the price of what they sell ; an import tax is 
made to increase the price of what they buy. The Chinese middleman 
with the duties as a pretext swindles the Moro by making the reduction of 
the selling price and the increase of the buying price respectively much 
more than the amount of the duty in each case. The military authorities 
will doubtless find a way of preventing this imposition. In regard to the 
equities of taxation, it is, of course, to be remembered that American occu- 
pation brings and will continue to bring to the Moros trade, prosperity, cir- 
culation of money, and enlargement of taxpaying capacity, and that the 
islands must as soon as possible produce the revenues necessary to meet 
the expense of their economical government. But it is far more important 
for the immediate present that the Moro should not conceive the idea that 
he is being taxed and oppressed in novel ways to which even the Spaniards 
did not resort, than that funds should be secured for public improvements 
in the Sulu Archipelago, which can well wait that more convenient season 
when all will be quiet in the Philippines. 



THE JAVA EXPERIMENT. 

Results which Point the Way for JLuzon— natives Recognized— The 
Land Distributed— How Slavery and Polygamy Ceased. 

America's comparative inexperience in dealing intimately with Asiatic 
peoples and in grappling with and mastering for the highest use and benefit 
the conditions of soil and temperature which prevail under a tropical sun 



13 

gives to all the pertinent precedents for the wisest solution of the Philip- 
pine problem an indefinitely multiplied value. 

What the Dutch have well done and ill done in Java — an island not 
much larger than Luzon and inhabited by a people in whom, as in the 
Filipinos, Malay blood predominates — can not fail to furnish both example 
and warning in meeting in the Philippines similar difficulties to those which 
have been solved for good or evil in the beautiful southern island. 

So what the English have well done and ill done in the tropical garden 
of Ceylon and in dealing with the Cinghalese is profitably to be considered 
in deciding what will be wise and beneficial for our own tropical islands and 
the peoples who look to us for guidance and development. 

Batavia, where one lands in Java, is the political and financial capital 
and commercial metropolis. The modern residence city, with low, wide- 
spreading white houses, each setting well back from the broad tree-lined 
street and surrounded by an extensive tropical garden, stretches over a 
vast area, whose surface is further diversified by occasional canals, which 
are an especially notable feature of the old Dutch city. There are sections 
which need only a sprinkling of windmills and cows to suggest Holland. 
Batavia consists of the ancient city, now a business section, reputed to be 
unhealthful, in which are the old stadthuis and other historic structures and 
memorials; Chinese and Arab settlements, and the modern residence city 
already mentioned, which includes numerous attractive suburbs, and which 
is adorned by the usual complement of parks and parade grounds, 
statues, and public buildings, including a fine museum. 



WORLD'S FINEST BOTANICAL GARDEN. 

Forty miles inland is the summer capital, Buitenzorg, built among the 
hills at a cool and healthful altitude. Here is the summer residence of the 
governor-general in the finest botanical garden in the Orient, where the 
Dutch (who are noted botanists and gardeners) have worked wonderful 
results from the productive, tropical soil, and have concentrated in a few 
hundred acres a miniature Java, displaying the finest specimens of all 
tropical products. Every Javanese garden is a delight to the botanist, but 
here the luxuriant growths are scientifically classified, and experiments in 
the cultivation of new plants of economic value to the planters of the island 
are made. Here are the tallest kanari trees, arching over the finest ave- 
nues, the largest lotus leaves, groves of tree ferns, avenues of royal palms, 
the banian-like warringen trees, wonderful clusters of bamboo, and the 
greatest profusion of tropical fruits and spices. 

The railroad between Batavia and Buitenzorg traverses a low-lying 
level section of the island, upon which rice and cacao especially are grown. 
It resembles the rice and sugar-growing portion of Luzon north of Manila, 
which is crossed by the railroad to Dagupan. In contrast with the densely 
populated and closely cultivated acres of Java the corresponding section 



14 

of war-stricken Luzon seems now deserted and neglected, but there are the 
same terraced rice fields in both islands, and hundreds of the same gray 
and clumsy water buffalo are everywhere in evidence. 

AJLIj MALAYS. 

In comparison with Java, which in 1898 contained 26,000,000 people 
and has now probably passed Belgium as the most densely populated por- 
tion of the world, the Philippines, even in times of peace, are thinly inhab- 
ited. But the men, women and children who swarm in Java, on the streets, 
in the fields, the houses, and the markets, are distinctly of the same race as 
the scantier populations which people the Philippines from Luzon to the 
Sulu archipelago. All are Malays, though they differ in some details of 
dress, in language, and in religion. 

The government of Java employes natives as far as possible in the 
official positions which come into immediate • contact with the native 
population. Every province is divided into regencies, with a native regent 
in nominal charge who receives a monthly salary of from 1,000 to 1,200 
guilders or $400 to $480. The real governor of the regency is the Dutch 
resident, who represents in it the governor-general. Every regency is 
divided into districts, over each of which a native wedana presides, at a 
monthly salary of from 200 to 250 guilders, or from $80 to $100. Assistant 
wedanas have charge of subdistricts, at a monthly salary f rom 100 to 150 
guilders, or from $40 to $60. 

The small annual land tax or rent paid by the Javanese for the govern- 
ment land leased out to them for cultivation is received by a native collector 
called a lurah (a government official) and turned over by him to the wedana, 
the native chief of the district. It often occurs that the cultivator pays his 
annual land tax by giving the lurah a certain proportion of the produce. 
This official turns the goods thus tendered into cash, paying the wedana 
the annual land tax. 

The extent to which the natives are utilized by the Dutch in subordinate 
positions is to be noted ; also the liberal compensation made for the services 
rendered, and the good policy of thus reducing friction by intrusting to 
natives unpopular tasks, like collecting taxes from their own people. The 
regents and wedanas are men of standing and influence in the community, 
and through them the Dutch exercise unlimited control over the natives. 
The Spanish in Luzon destroyed the petty native rulers and substituted in 
their stead Spain's rule. They also, under the Maura municipal govern- 
ment law of 1893, utilized the natives in many of the same functions 
intrusted to them by the Dutch ; but while the latter with these offices con- 
ferred high honor and a salary, the Spanish imposed unpaid and obligatory 
positions upon unwilling recipients, many of whom were financially ruined 
through holding an office which they could not safely refuse. This small 
difference of detail caused the Spanish policy in this matter to increase the 
native's detestation of his rulers, while the policy of the Dutch wonderfully 
strengthens their hold upon the Javanese. 



15 
POLYGAMY AND SLAVERY. 

The Javanese are nominally all Mahometans. Polygamy has alwayr 
prevailed among them, but outside of Djokia and Solo there are few poly- 
gamists, except among the very rich. The luxury is too expensive. There 
is no challenge to arouse their fanaticism over polygamy as an article of 
faith by the Dutch Government, which leaves their religion and everything 
which in any shape is connected with it severely alone. 

The same kind of slavery prevailed in Java as now exists in the southern 
Philippines until abolished by edict shortly before our civil war. Compen- 
sation was provided to the owners of the emancipated slaves in the following 
amounts, expressed in guilders, a guilder being about 40 cents : 

Slave under 10, 50 to 120 guilders ; between 10 and 20, 100 to 220 
guilders ; between 20 and 30, 150 to 350 guilders ; between 30 and 40, 125 
to 300 guilders ; between 40 and 50, 100 to 200 guilders ; above 50, 40 to 100 
guilders. 

But such limiting and restricting conditions were attached that very 
little money was paid for this compensation. For instance, a registration 
of slaves had been ordered ; but a great part had not been registered. The 
Government would only pay for slaves registered, and would not pay for 
those suffering from any permanent disease (as leprosy), nor for escaped 
slaves longer than three months after date of the edict, nor for slaves con- 
demned to forced work (convicts), nor f or slaves on which on January 1, 1859, 
taxes had not been paid for four years. 

In most cases, while the edict nominally freed the slave, the latter con- 
tinued to the end of his days in practically the same relation of feudal 
servitude to his master. But with the growth of the new generation the law 
gradually became operative and slavery was ended. 



WILL MALAYS WORK? 

They Do in Java— They May in the Philippines— Their Historian 
Defends Them— Spanish Oppression Destroyed Industry. 

The record of Java throws light on a syllogism which is supposed to 
have an obvious and practical bearing upon the labor problem in the 
Philippines: " Malays will not work ; Filipinos are Malays; Filipinos will 
not work." 

The generalization that Malays will not work is reached by calling 
Malays who will work by some other name and attaching to the title only 
the characteristics of the worthless remnant. There is a Malaysian archi- 
pelago as well as a Malaysian peninsula, and the bulk of the Filipinos may 
turn out to be Malays after the order of those who live and labor in Java 
and not in the class of the Malay loafers of the Straits Settlements, 



16 

A like hasty generalization ascribes to the Chinaman, universally, in 
contrast with the Malay, the attributes of industry, commercial probity, and 
capacity to labor effectively anywhere, unaffected by fatigue, tropical heat, 
and disease germs. This generalization lumps indiscriminately the myriads 
of Chinese water rats and ex-pirates, and the millions in whom decades of 
official robbery and oppression have ingrained untruthfulness and deceit 
with the comparatively small commercial class, in whom training has made 
business honesty instinctive, and with the coolie, who may be either lying 
or truthful, but who has developed in the school of hard necessity into per- 
haps the most effective and least expensive human laboring machine in the 
world. 

The disposition among all men in the languor-breeding tropics is to 
work only as necessity requires, which in favored sections, if one's wants 
are few, is very little, nature supplying freely the means of supporting life. 

There are also differences in the aptitudes and inclinations of the 
different tropical people as to the kind of life-supporting labor to which 
they will have recourse when forced by necessity to work. One will culti- 
vate the soil, another will draw his food from the sea with the hook or net, 
and another will hire the service of his muscles in exchange for food or the 
money with which to buy food. 

But the record of Java shows that the Malay under pressure can occupy 
satisfactorily every field of labor and can develop a tropical garden which 
is the admiration and delight of every visitor and which supports well one 
of the densest populations on the face of the globe. 

Ramon Lala defends his countrymen against the charge of indolence 
other than lassitude which is bred in everyone, Europeans included, by the 
tropical heat. 



FILIPINOS' APPARENT LAZINESS, 

In explanation of the Filipinos' apparent laziness he says: 

"Deprived by the Spaniards from all active participation in the affairs 
of government, and robbed of the fruits of industry, all incentive to 
advancement and progress was taken away. He therefore yields with 
composure to the crushing conditions of his environment, preferring 
the lazy joys of indolence rather than labor for the benefit of his 
oppressors. * * * 

" In the more civilized districts where modern and humane business 
methods prevail hundreds of thousands are employed to the profit both of 
themselves and their employers." 

Unwillingness ^to work without pay in advance, which is sometimes 
cited as rendering unsatisfactory the Filipino laborer, is pronounced by 
Lala to be '* undoubtedly the result of generations of Spanish robbery, 
where these people were forced to labor for their employers — frequently 
the priests — having no reward save the lash or promises of a golden crown 
in heaven." 



17 

If Lala's diagnosis of the case is accurate, it is easy to see how, with- 
out any great trouble, we can largely increase the Filipino's working 
efficiency by supplying the incentive of full security to life and property 
and the enjoyment of the fruits of his toil. 

In the Philippines, which extend from the northern edge of the tropics 
to a point less than 5 degrees from the equator and include a vast variety 
of soils, of altitudes, and of temperatures, which work out varying results 
upon the men who live subject to their environment, a diversity in the 
human products as well as in the fruits of the soil is naturally expected 
and realized. Not all the Filipinos will labor in the same way, and some 
will not work at all. But if we must generalize let us say, and make it 
good, that the Filipinos in general will work, like the Javanese; not binding 
ourselves by this generalization to force the Filipinos to the total exclusion 
of other peoples into occupations for which they are conspicuously unfitted 
— without guaranteeing, for instance, that a Mabini or an Aguinaldo would 
make an efficient wharf coolie, or that an ex-pirate follower of the Sultan 
of Sulu would prove a reliable comprador or a model house servant. 



THE LESSON FROM CEYLOW. 

Wise Handling of the Public lands— The Ophir of the Ancients— 
Natives in the Offices— Luzon May Equal It. 

Ceylon lies approximately between 6 and 9 degrees north of the 
equator; Java between 6 and 9 degrees south of the equator. The wet and 
dry seasons in the two islands do not coincide, though both claim to be 
always wet, if sometimes wetter. Ceylon, however, in March, when I 
visited it, was suffering prolonged drouth in its hottest month, during the 
interval between the two monsoons which bring it rain, and failed to dis- 
play the overflowing richness of tropical vegetation which was in evidence 
in Java during the rainy season in February. The plantation and labor 
exhibits of the island seem on a smaller scale than those of Java, which is 
twice the size of Ceylon and has eight times its population. With these 
limitations the effect produced upon the observer by Ceylon is similar to 
that which has been noted in the case of Java. Both islands are beautiful 
tropical gardens, cultivated to the highest degree, and displaying intense 
human industry directed by the keenest intelligence. 

Colombo, the seaport and metropolis, with its excellent hotels, fine 
drives, and attractive shops, corresponds to Batavia. Kandy, hidden in 
tropical foliage, 75 miles away in the hills, beautifully and healthfully 
located, represents Buitenzorg. Even the counterpart of the latter's 



18 

famous botanical gardens is found at Peradenya, near Kandy. In moun- 
tain sanitariums there is Nuwera Eliya in Ceylon to offset the Sindanglaya 
and Tosari in Java. The ruins of the ancient Buddhist city of Anurad- 
hapura in Ceylon tell the same story of an ancient and superior civilization 
once flourishing in that island which is proclaimed concerning Java by 
Boro-Boedor and Brambanan. The mountain and valley scenery and the 
tropical vegetation seen on the trip from Colombo to Nuwera Eliya are to 
be compared with those observed in Java. 

Terraced rice fields, extensive tea plantations, a small showing of 
coffee, bananas, palms, and bamboo are conspicuous in the vegetation of 
both islands, and even the same peculiar red earth is to be seen. 



THE OFHIR OF THE ANCIENTS. 

Ceylon, with its rubies, sapphires, amethysts, and other precious stones, 
its elephants, its cinnamon and other spices, is believed to be the Ophir of 
the ancients. 

It is estimated that' about 800,000 acres of land (say 600,000 suitable 
for hill-country products, tea, cinchona, coffee, etc., and pasturage, and 
200,000 lower down for tea, cocoa as well as cocoanuts, and cinnamon) are 
held by European planters, against nearly three times this aggregate held 
by natives. 

It is estimated that the total area of the island which may be cultivated 
is from five to five and one-half million acres, of which from two and one- 
half to three and one-half million acres, according to varying estimates, are 
under cultivation. Thus there are approximately 2,000,000 acres of land in 
Ceylon still held by the government which may be taken up and cultivated. 

Though the government did not become a direct cultivator of the land, 
through a series of active and intelligent governors-general and other offi- 
cials it co-operated heartily with the large individual land-owners in devel- 
oping the agricultural resources of the island. 

The British planters in Ceylon have associated themselves to experi- 
ment and investigate in order to work their property to the best advantage, 
and through their intelligent and co-operative labors much has been done 
for the development and prosperity of the island. When blight had 
destroyed the coffee plants, which were their main product, and Ceylon's 
resources seemed exhausted and the island threatened with bankruptcy, 
they abandoned coffee, revolutionized the agriculture of the island, substi- 
tuted tea, and pushed the new experimental product with tremendous 
vigor, with the result of rehabilitating the island financially and introduc- 
ing an era of renewed prosperity. 

The Cinghalese are free from famines and epidemics, industrious and 
well-employed. They are apparently prosperous and happy in spite of the 
habit of growling, which may be accepted as evidence of the extent to 
which they have been Anglicised, 






19 
MORE THAN SELF-SUPPORTING. 

Ceylon as a colony pays ; that is, its receipts readily meet its expendi- 
tures, and its possession, instead of involving any drain on the imperial 
treasury, is a financial gain to England. 

Though it contains 3,000,000 of Asiatics, its affairs are so well regulated 
and its docile population has so little real cause for discontent that a single 
regiment constitutes Great Britain's military representation on the island. 
The force in Ceylon in 1898 was composed of 1,483 Europeans and 238 
natives. There is also a volunteer regiment, paid for by the island, which 
in 1898 numbered nearly 1,100, including officers, made up of British-born 
Eurasians, Malays, Tamils, Cinghalese, and others, and a police force of 
1,600 men, of whom only 42 are Europeans. 

The English in Ceylon, as in India, have respected the rights, tradi- 
tions, and religions of the natives, and have increased local prosperity, 
while expanding imperial trade by creating extensive public works, which 
have developed to the utmost the resources of the colonies. India imports 
more from Great Britain than any nation of the world, and stands third in 
exports, being surpassed (1895) only by the United States and France. 

The lessons taught by India are many and valuable, but when I 
traveled through it in the spring it was cursed with famine, plague, cholera, 
smallpox, dust and heat, and its external appearance and the condition of 
its people forbade its use as a shining example of a prosperous and 
obviously well-managed colony. Attractive Ceylon furnished much greater 
inspiration to the study and emulation of British colonial methods. 

The English policy in respect to the education of the natives, which 
includes teaching them systematically the English language, is clearly, as 
I have already said, that which the United States should adopt, rather than 
the Spanish and old Dutch policies of forbidding the natives instruction in 
the language of the dominating whites and of keeping them ignorant in 
order that they might continue docile. There is a confession involved in 
the abandonment by the Dutch of this policy. 



L.UZON CAN EQUAJL. JAVA OR CETLON. 

The geographical position of the Philippines is such as to give to the 
islands a wonderful variety of climates and temperatures and a correspond- 
ing diversity in products. Their greatest dimension is along the north and 
south line. They stretch from near the northern edge of the torrid zone at 
21 degrees north latitude for more than a thousand miles to a latitude less 
than 5 degrees from the equator. Luzon covers nearly twice as many 
degrees of latitude as the larger Java, which stretches east and west. It is 
also farther from the equator, and approaching as it does to the edge of the 
temperate zone, through the addition of the low temperature contributed by 
the altitudes attained by its hills and mountains it has a wide range of 
products — from rice, sugar and coffee to tobacco and hemp, from tropical 



20 

growths to many which flourish in the temperate zone. It is located in the 
same volcano belt with Java, and its soil on this account displays the same 
extraordinary fertility and productiveness. It has as large a percentage of 
arable land and as favorable conditions of sun and rain, and, as stated, it 
is fitted by nature to produce a wider diversity of crops than either Java or 
Ceylon. There is no reason why Luzon should not be developed into a 
tropical garden, highly and scientifically cultivated like Java and Ceylon, 
just as beautiful to the eye, just as prosperous and profitable commerciaUy, 
with people at least as well governed and just as well fed and content. 



POLYGAMY AND SLAVERY. 

How They Became Extinct in Java and Ceylon— The Policy of Mutual 
Interests— Good Roads as a Factor. 

On other points of doubt in our Philippines problem besides the vital 
ones of land and labor, Java and Ceylon speak with equal distinctness. 
Concerning Mahometan polygamy they say: Ignore it; permit it to die 
out naturally, as a barbarous and costly luxury. Concerning slavery of the 
mild type that prevails in the Philippines they say: While not countenanc- 
ing it (and never forgetting that the Constitution does not permit it to exist), 
do not be impatient if its complete abolition is not accomplished in twenty 
minutes. "Britons can never be slaves," and "the slave's fetters drop from 
him as soon as he passes under the British flag." Yet Ceylon was fifteen 
years a British possession before the abolition of slavery was proclaimed, 
and another fifteen years and a legislative enactment were required to make 
the proclamation effective. The suggestion of compensated emancipation 
in General Bates' agreement with the Sultan of Sulu is in line with the 
precedents. Both Java and Ceylon offered to compensate the slave owners, 
though in both cases, for the reasons stated, they managed to accomplish 
emancipation with the payment of very little cash. I was told by a British 
official in Singapore that at the present time through compensated emanci- 
pation England is slowly making Britons (who can never be slaves) of a 
section of the population of Zanzibar. 



NATIVES AS OFFICIALS AMD AS SOLDIERS. 

Java and Ceylon not only advise the most considerate treatment of the 
natives in all relations with them — protection of their means of support and 
their employment wherever possible in civil official positions — but also give 
a hint concerning the extent to which they can be safely utilized in the mil- 
itary force as auxiliaries. Two-thirds of the Dutch army in Netherlands- 
India are natives, The single imperial regiment in Ceylon has over 200 



21 

natives associated with it, and by its side is a volunteer regiment of Ceylon 
Asiatics. (Spain, prior to the last insurrection, maintained inthe Philippines 
a civil guard numbering 3,482 and an army of 13,291, of whom only 2,210 were 
Europeans.) Exclusively European officers are employed as a natural 
safeguard, and as a similar precaution native troops are stationed elsewhere 
than in their home province. Java and Ceylon suggest for the Philippines, 
after the islands are quieted and on a genuine peace footing, the extensive 
use of natives as auxiliaries, with American officers, and with Tagalog and 
Visayan soldiers stationed in the southern Philippines and Moro soldiers in 
the Tagalog and Visayan islands. The good policy of the immediate use 
of native troops, on the same basis as the Macabebes, arming them at first, 
perhaps, with an inferior rifle using different ammunition from the Regular 
Army supply and difficult to replenish by deserters, has been strongly urged 
in conversation with me by several capable army officers. 



MUTUAL INTERESTS, 

The teaching of the Dutch and English policies in the Java and Ceylon 
of to-day is that American welfare and that of the Filipinos coincide and 
are promoted together ; that whatever advances the material interests of 
the Philippines will benefit the Republic also, and that the nation can not 
permanently and with success selfishly separate its interests from those of 
the islands, but must profit by sharing in the local prosperity, which in co- 
operation with the Filipinos it will create and develop. 

At every step of the present stage of Luzon's development the expe- 
rience of Ceylon and Java will repay study. 

If the uses to which the precedents of the Dutch and English islands 
may be put, superficially suggested by me, are systematically and thor- 
oughly developed, Java and Ceylon may hold a lantern to guide Luzon's 
footsteps in safety over many a dark and difficult path. 

The development of Java and Ceylon is due largely to the network of 
railroads and connected highways — broad, hard, smooth roads — which cover 
the surface of the island, and are gradually opening up every nook and 
corner. In this important work the government can, directly or indirectly, 
most effectively co-operate. The extensive railroad and highway system in 
Java has been already touched upon. Incomparatively small Ceylon there 
were over 297 miles of railroad open in 1896, the construction of 71 miles in 
addition had been sanctioned, extensions of 152 miles had been surveyed, 
reported on, and recommended to the secretary of state, extensions of 130 
miles had been roughly surveyed and estimated, and of 50 additional miles 
projected. The planters are urging the construction of other lines, aggre- 
gating 260 miles, including one which will give direct communication with 
India by way of Adam's Reef. The government operates and extends the 
railroad system at a profit. The net earnings of 1896 were 3,690,042 rupees. 
There has been a profit every year of the government's control except the 
first two, 1865 and 1866. 



QOOB ROADS. 

The same vigor is shown in the extension of roads. In i8q6, 1,239,800 
rupees were spent upon 3,492 miles of road. Since 1883 an average of a 
million rupees a year has been spent on highways. Between that year and 
1896 nearly a thousand miles have been added to the highly improved 
(metalled) roads. The system has also the benefit of a thoroughfares 
ordinance, imposing a poll tax, under which 635,002 persons were enrolled 
in Ceylon in 1896 as liable to perform labor. 

Before Luzon's resources can be equally developed it must be blessed 
with railroads and highways like those of Java and Ceylon. Its harbors 
along the sea and its interior waterways give it a start in facilities of com- 
munication. But its 120 miles of railroad must be multiplied, and it must 
be opened up everywhere by a system of good roads in place of its present 
wretched apologies for such highways. The municipalities of Luzon have 
not availed themselves of the permission granted by law to levy a tax on 
real estate for the construction of highways and other public improvements, 
and there are few worse roads to be found anywhere. Both in Java and 
Ceylon a poll tax, involving the liability to do unpaid work for the public, 
is imposed as a substitute for the old system of compulsory labor. So in 
Luzon every adult male Filipino, with certain exceptions, was under obliga- 
tion to give to the State fifteen days' labor a year or commute the service by 
money. But much of the fund thus collected was diverted from its legiti- 
mate purpose, and the road work done by individual Filipinos was not 
systematically and effectively utilized, and from its haphazard application 
was practically wasted. Through the authorized municipal tax and through 
judicious use of the unpaid workmen, commuting their poll tax, Luzon 
should readily equip itself with a system of good roads, a monument to 
compulsory human labor which will bless the workmen. 



UNCXE SAM'S PUPItS. 

The Territorial Class— Cases of Compulsory Education— For the 
Good of the Governed— Alaska and the Philippines. 

The Philippines enter at the foot of Uncle Sam's primary class in 
republicanism and self-government. At the head of the class stand 
organized territories like New Mexico; in the middle are Hawaii, the Dis- 
strict of Columbia, Alaska and Porto Rico. They are all in the same class 
because the ultimate government of them lies in a body outside of them- 
selves in which they are not represented and in whose acts they do not 
participate. A territorial delegate, unrecognized by the Constitution and 
voteless, is not a part of Congress, does not constitute representation in 



23 

Congress, and is merely a petitioning agent of the territory, with the privi- 
leges of the floor of the national legislature. The actual status of the terri- 
tory in its relation to the Union does not turn upon the possession or non- 
possession of a delegate, or of any privilege granted by a legislature in 
which it is not represented. If any territory is in slavery all are slaves, 
notwithstanding variations in the number and weight of their respective 
shackles. 

It is an honor to be entered in the republic's school, even in the primary 
class and at its foot. No one who understands what the Filipinos have 
gained in escaping to Uncle Sam's premises from Spanish monastic rule, 
from the bloody dictatorship of Aguinaldo, from anarchy, cr from the 
threatened blood-and-iron domination of a European military despotism, 
has any tears to shed over the alleged unhappy lot of the people of the 
Philippines. 

To be a territorial citizen of the United States is to enjoy a dignity less 
only than that of being a state citizen or a national citizen of the United 
States. 



TERRITORIAL CITIZENSHIP. 

Injustice to Uncle Sam and deception of this newcomer to his own 
injury are involved in the efforts which have been made to foster discon- 
tent in the republic's latest pupil, and to convince him that he is the victim 
of outrageously unfair treatment. He is taunted with entering the national 
kindergarten under compulsion, and with being humiliated and degraded 
among his associates by this neglect to secure his consent. 

In establishing the jurisdiction of Congress over the Philippines as 
territory belonging to the United States the same " consent of the governed" 
will have been obtained from the Filipinos as was secured from the inhabi- 
tants of the land contained in the Louisiana purchase, of Florida when 
annexed, of the territory conquered and purchased from Mexico, of Alaska, 
and from the Indians who were the first occupants of the original thirteen 
states. The same consent to government by Congress which the District 
of Columbia and Alaska now give will be given by the Filipinos. In all of 
these cases the benefits of the proposed government are held to be so 
obvious that the consent of the governed is assumed. Forcible resistance, 
contradicting this assumption, is immaterial. Nevertheless and notwith- 
standing and in accordance with the precedents the consent of the 
rebellious Tagalogs to government by the United States will be presumed, 
as was that of the people of the south after the civil war, and that of the 
rebelling Mexicans in California and New Mexico after our acquisition of 
that territory. 

It appears that all the members of Uncle Sam's primary class were 
entered therein without their consent, and that there is at least nothing 
peculiar or discriminating in the course pursued toward the Filipinos. 



24 
ALASKA ANi> THE PHILIPPINES. 

In the case of both Alaska and the Philippines the republic's under- 
taking is to furnish a government for the territory without participation by 
the people therein until the time when the population shall become fitted 
in numbers and character to take part in the government. If that time 
never arrives, then the territory will continue indefinitelywithout direct 
participation in the government of the republic. When Alaska was annexed 
there was no more reason, than in the case of the Philippines, to expect that 
it would ever acquire sufficient population, of the kind entitled to repre- 
sentation in Congress, to enable states of the Union to be carved from it. 
The objects sought in the annexation were national; the local interest and 
the Alaskan's rights under the Constitution were not at all considered. 

If the Constitution was not smashed into fragments by the annexation 
of non-contiguous Alaska without the consent of the Alaskans, and by 
American government of Alaska without participation therein of the 
Alaskans, then the Constitution is uninjured by a similar annexation of the 
non-consenting Philippines and their government by the United States 
without Filipino participation. 

There are more Filipinos than Alaskans, but the constitutional ques- 
tion cannot turn on the numbers of persons involved. The Constitution is 
as badly shattered in principle by the purchase and governing without their 
consent of a hundred Alaskans as of a thousand Filipinos. 

The people of the temperate zones cannot live and labor to advantage 
either nei.r the pole or under the equator. For sound national reasons, 
distinct from the desire to form new states of the Union, we have annexed 
a large slice (580,000 square miles) of the arctic regions, with the white and 
red men who inhabit it, and now a small slice (114,000 square miles) of the 
tropics peopled by yellow and black men. 



ON AMERICAN PRINCIPLES. 

We will hold and govern both, not, for the present at least, as an integ- 
ral part of the union of states, but on American principles, in the manner 
best adapted to their conditions, and promoting to the fullest extent the 
welfare of their inhabitants and of the republic as a whole. 

Though there is not the slightest promise of immediate action in the 
direction of so wise and equitable a policy, the District of Columbia, with 
increase of its permanent resident population, may some day, without 
necessarily losing its status as national territory governed directly by Con- 
gress, be permitted to enjoy the privilege of participation in the national 
councils as a quasi-state. The discovery of gold in Alaska and the rush of 
population toward it give some slight promise of similar privileges in time 
to that region, which would have appeared impossible and preposterous if 
suggested concerning it when it was purchased. The Philippines seem 



hopeless how as the seat of future states. I do not believe that the islands 
will ever be states of the Union. But in the light of the prospect of the 
happening of the impossible in Alaska, who will venture to predict with 
confidence on the subject? 

But if the Philippines never graduate from the primary class in self- 
government during the existence of the republic, and the archipelago is 
left in time as the sole member thereof through the promotion of its class- 
mates, it will nevertheless have been during the entire period of tutelage 
far better governed, more prosperous, more peaceful, more content and 
more free than under any alternative form of government which is among 
the reasonable possibilities of its future. 



OUR ORIENTAL CAPITAL. 

The Bright Future of Manila-Some Things Xeeded— Variety in Sur- 
roundings—Possibilities of Development, 

Manila will grow in wealth, population, and commercial importance, 
not merely in proportion to the development of the Philippines, but corre- 
sponding to the increase of American trade in the Pacific, and especially 
with China, for which it will naturally be the principal distributing point, 
With the opening of an isthmian canal under American control, with the 
laying of necessary American cables in the Pacific, with the creation of an 
American merchant marine, and with the sincere application of the princi- 
ples of the merit system to our foreign consular and diplomatic service, 
and especially to the delicate task of governing the Philippines, tha 
desired result of American supremacy in Pacific trade will be attained, and 
Manila will wrest the commercial scepter from the strongest and most 
prosperous of her competitors among Asiatic cities. 

Manila possesses some features of unique interest. It can show to the 
tourist a Spanish walled city of the middle ages, with moat and bastions, 
fort and dungeons, and with palaces, churches, and residences of Spanish 
architecture and suggesting nothing else than a Spanish town. There will 
not be seen anywhere a greater mixture of races than in Binondo, the cos- 
mopolitan, modern, business section of Manila, where Asia, Europe. 
America, Africa, and Australia come together. Tobacco factories furnish 
Asiatic rivals in interest to those of Seville and Habana. Native markets 
supply scenes of unique interest to the European or American. When 
"this cruel war is over" and a period of peaceful development follows the 
series of struggles which have cursed Luzon and checked progress in 
Manila, the fine gardens about the handsome residences of Manila, now in 
many cases neglected, will blossom and bloom in tropical luxuriance. A 
fraction of the intelligent care bestowed en its vegetation by Honolulu 
(which lies on the dry side of Oahu) will render Manila a tropical paradise. 



26 

THE CITY'S NEEDS. 

Among the city's conspicuous needs are one or more carefully man- 
aged, clean, and comfortable American hotels. A strong national bank, 
with American correspondents in the great cities of Asia, is as necessary to 
Manila as it is for the reaping of the full benefits by Americans of the 
vastly increased trade with Asia, which the United States is to enjoy. The 
bankers are the money-makers of Asia. We must create and use our own 
merchant marine and our own banking system in the competition for 
Asiatic trade. It must not be permitted that the American shall continue 
to find his gold dollar worth less in silver in the banks of Manila than in 
the banks of any other large Asiatic city. 

Manila bay is much too large for a safe harbor at certain seasons of the 
year. A perfected harbor improvement, such as that which has buiit up 
Colombo, is much to be desired. Botanical and culture gardens like those 
of Buitenzorg, Peradenya, Calcutta, Penang, and Singapore are to be 
fostered in Manila, not only, as already pointed out, for a useful, practical 
economic purpose in the highest development of the agricultural resources 
and capabilities of the island, but also as providing an attractive park and 
breathing place, both for resident and tourist visitor. 

The botanical gardens and the water-works reservoir, beautiful as at 
Singapore, should add new drives to that provided along the water's edge 
outside the walled city by the famous Luneta. 

Manila has close at hand and soon to be in quick communication with 
it a wonderful variety of sites suitable for sanatoriums. Mountains, hills 
and lakes are in the immediate vicinity. At the mouth of Manila Bay lies 
mountainous Corregidor, demonstrated through its use by our army for 
hospital purposes to be always cool and healthful, the ideal site of a sum- 
mer resort, which mingles in desirable proportions the atmosphere of the 
hills and of the sea. Within easy reach farther in the interior are 
picturesque mountain towns, like Majajay, with the waterfall of Botocan, 
600 feet high and 60 feet wide, as an additional attraction. A 20-mile 
ride in any direction from Manila will give any required tempera- 
ture, any desired mixture of sea and mountain air. In his suburban 
residence the business man of the Manila of the future will be able 
to sleep, after an hour's railroad ride from the city, in a tempera- 
ture of 40 F. Cool and healthful spots may also be found close at hand 
and easily accessible through the Pasig, fringing the great basin of 
Laguna de Bay. 

MAKIL.A'8 SUKltOUMDItfGS. 

Forty-five miles south of Manila is Lake Bombon, with a most inter- 
esting smoking volcano, Taal, on an island in its center. South Luzon 
boasts two other volcanoes, Bulusan and Mayon, the latter 8,900 feet high. 
This Luzon Vesuvius is next to Apo in Mindanao (over 10,000 feet in 



27 

height), the highest mountain in the Philippines. (America boasts the 
highest mountain in the Pacific Ocean in Mauna Kea, on Hawaii, 13,805 
feet high.) A funicular road to Mayon's crater, may reasonably be 
expected. There are also sulphur springs to add to the attractions of 
Mayon. The tobacco-growing region of North Luzon, with its great river, 
the largest in Luzon, and its mountains and hills, has not yet been 
developed as to its sanatorium capabilities, but the whole region lies in the 
coolest latitudes attainable in the Philippines, the altitude of its mountains 
is considerable, its scenery is magnificent, and in connection with the 
development of Aparri, at the mouth of the Cagayan, into a city of great 
commercial importance from its location and as the nearest point in 
Luzon to San Francisco, to Honolulu, to Hongkong, and to Japan, there 
will doubtless be found an abundance of convenient health resorts there to 
refresh the weary citizens. 

The mountain region of Benguet, in North Luzon, lies at a general 
elevation of 4,000 feet above the sea level, and has some peaks 7,000 feet 
high. It is said to be always cool and comfortable, with pure air and fine 
water. The Spanish planned to build a sanatorium there. In the winter 
season there is frost and sometimes snow and ice. In the warm season the 
average temperature is about 65 degrees Fahrenheit; and in winter the 
mercury goes down to about freezing point. The province is also rich in 
mineral springs, carrying sulphur and iron especially. Tea and coffee, 
apples and other fruits of the temperate zone grow well there. Gold is 
found in the Benguet district. A mountain railway connecting by a short 
level line with Dagupan would enable one to reach Benguet from Manila 
in twelve hours. 

A steamer ride of 14 miles up the Pasig River from Manila brings one 
to Laguna de Bay, the largest body of fresh water in the Philippines, 25 
miles long by 21 miles broad. Its eastern shore line rises in mountains 
and at one of its southern ports some famous hot springs issue. 



THE REAL PHILIPPINE QUESTION. 

How to Govern-lfot Shall We Abandon— Wise Discriminating Xjaws 
—Flexibility Vital. 

I do not intend to discuss the constitutional question or to attempt to 
forecast the Supreme Court's decision upon it, but if the welfare of the 
parties in interest, both Filipinos and Americans, is to be considered in the 
matter, the United States will not be held to include the Philippines either 
for the purposes of uniformity in duties or for conferring upon the Filipinos 
indiscriminately national citizenship. 



28 

In the discussion of this matter the dangers to American industries 
and interests have been thoroughly considered, but not enough attention 
has been paid to the injury with which the Filipinos are threatened. 

To extend the Dingley law to the islands would, to cite for example a 
single important item, increase the duty on rice (the Filipino's bread) a 
thousand per cent over the Spanish rate. It would work disaster, discon- 
tent, and probable riots in the northern and central Philippines and certain 
bloodshed in Moroland, whose people, unaccustomed to taxation, were 
worked up almost to the point of revolt by our attempt to collect the com- 
paratively light duties exacted by the Spanish law in Luzon and the 
Visayan Islands. 

Under the treaty ceding Louisiana at the beginning of the century and 
under the first congressional legislation concerning Hawaii at the century's 
end the duties to be paid in these possessions were not uniform with those 
exacted in the United States. If the uniformity provision of the Constitu- 
tion did not apply to this territory of the United States from the moment of 
annexation, it does not apply to the Philippines. If Congress could speci- 
fically authorize the collection of Hawaiian duties in Hawaii instead of the 
rates imposed by the Dingley law and could continue these non-uniform 
rates until it was ready in its wisdom to extend the American tariff with an 
organized territorial government to these islands, then the same course may 
constitutionally be pursued in respect to the Philippines. And for this con- 
siderate treatment petitioning Filipinos should ever pray. 



FIL.IPISTO CITIZENSHIP. 

Full national citizenship would be a burden upon the mass of Filipinos, 
and conferring it would tend to deteriorate and discredit that citizenship. 

In handling this branch of the Philippine problem we should treat 
national citizenship as a precious thing, not to be lightly conferred, not to 
be imposed where it would become an unbearable burden. The injunction 
not to cast pearls before swine not only warns the pearl owner against 
wasteful extravagance, but recognizes that swine are not for their own wel- 
fare to be fed on pearls. 

The interests and welfare of the Filipinos themselves demand this 
treatment, in order that there may be a considerate flexibility in the govern- 
ment and laws applied to them which would be impossible if the islands, as 
an integral part of the United States, were subjected to the constitutional 
limitation concerning uniformity of duties and the other restrictive provisions 
applicable to the states of the Union. 



2d 
CHINA'S OPEN DOOR. 

The Pliilipjjines Relation to It— Uncle Sam Plants a, HeaA'y Fooi on 

the Threshold. 

The Philippines not only hold out promise of vast direct commerce 
like that which Netherlands-India has furnished to Holland, but in con- 
nection with the Hawaiian Islands, Guam, Tutuila, Alaska and the Aleutian 
Islands they place the republic in such relations of proximity and intimate 
touch with Asia, and in such a commanding position from the naval and 
military standpoint that its rights as a Pacific power, commercial or other- 
wise, are sure to be respected. 

With England and Japan the United States desires open ports in Asia. 
It stands with them against the dismemberment of China and for equality 
of trade. 

Every diplomatic and consular officer of the United States in Asia, 
every individual American there, whether merchant, missionary or con- 
cession seeker is more respected and safer in his rights as a result of the 
possession of the Philippines and of the events which led up to it. Even 
the powers of Europe recognize our increased prestige in Asiatic affairs, 
and comply as they would not have dreamed of doing two years ago with 
our request for pledges of scrupulous observance of the treaty rights of the 
United States in the sections of China leased to foreign powers. 

The weak and corrupt central government of China is pushed and 
pulled this way and that by the representatives of the European powers at 
Pekin, and has little control over the vast population and immense areas of 
the celestial empire. There is no spirit of nationality or patriotic loyalty 
permeating the people. North and South China provinces speak different 
dialects and hate one another cordially and to the murder point. The 
Chinese detest the Tartar soldiers of the Manchu government at Pekin and 
the sentiment is reciprocated. 

The beginnings of a wonderful American trade with this people have 
been made. They are fast learning, for instance, to use our flour and our 
cotton goods. Southern cotton and western wheat, after passing through 
American mills, find here entrance to an unlimited market. 



PHYSICAL POWER IN CHINA. 

Existing conditions in China make eternal vigilance and decisive 
action the price of trade retention. Our merchants, no less than our mis- 
sionaries, need ready and prompt protection, and against the maneuvers of 
foreign powers at Pekin no less than against the rioting secret societies, 
rendered doubly dangerous by the weakness and personal apprehensions of 
the Chinese governing clique. 

In China even in commercial affairs and in trade concessions the physi- 
cal power to hold what has been granted or won by untiring and intelligent 



30 



energy is essential to its retention, and the people of the impotent nation in 
the clash of conflicting interests inevitably go to the wall. 

Through possession of the Philippines the United States has now a trad- 
ing emporium, an army and a navy at the very door of China. In combina- 
tion of land and naval forces quickly available we are to-day not lower 
than the third power in Asia; and when American lives are threatened or 
attacked by Boxers or any other Asiatics, and when our commercial hold- 
ings in Asia are menaced from any quarter, the value of Manila as a safe- 
guard of American interests is and will be demonstrated more and more 
convincingly. 

Occupancy of the Philippines increases our chances of retaining our 
present trade in China and of vastly enlarging it, and tends to prevent the 
closing of the open Chinese door in European spheres of influence, the 
forcible annexation of the previously leased sections and the inevitably 
resulting dismemberment of the Chinese empire, accompanied by interna- 
tional war. 

Thus the Philippines are a valuable asset for the purpose of tropical 
commerce in themselves, with their vast area of rich and productive acres; 
they are a serviceable asset for bargaining for reciprocal open doors with 
other powers in the Orient; and they are an important factor in the fight for 
the vast trade of the Asiatic continent, since by means of them Uncle Sam 
plants a heavy foot across the threshold of the open door in China, and 
will perhaps prevent it from being closed. 



PLANS AND POLICY OF THE 
REPUBLICAN PARTY. 



By Hon. Cushman K. Davis, United States Senator, 

of Minnesota. 



It is tritely said, and as often denied, that the stability of the Republic is 
involved in each pending- national election. There is more than a grain of 
truth in this hackneyed assertion. In a free government every moment is 
fraught with progressive or retrograde tendencies and the strain of these con- 
tending forces often tests severely the endurance of political institutions. The 
subject of our destiny is therefore a proper one for earnest consideration. 

This campaign is portentous. Others have been conducted on a few- 
issues, economic or moral. In this one the Democratic party and its candidate 
demand the reversal of every policy, domestic and foreign, monetary, financial, 
protective and expansive, which has made the administration of President 
McKinley one of the most glorious in our history, by the splendor of its naval 
and military achievements, by its revival of dying industries, by its financial 
legislation, by its making the United States the first money power in the world, 
by its extension of our sovereignty, and by our advancement to the very fore- 
front of international influence. 

Attack on our Achievements. 

The measures and policies which have wrought these imposing- political 
results are severally and respectively condemned, either in themselves or in 
their just consequences, and their abrogation is demanded by the declaration of 
Democratic principles made at Kansas City. 

This declaration does not denounce the administration of President McKin- 
ley for its failures. It condemns it for its achievements. It declares them to be 
destructive of true prosperity and subversive of our institutions. It demands 
that the gold standard shall be abolished, and that protection to American 
industry shall cease. 

Want the Flag Lowered. 

For the first time the sovereignty of the United States over territory held by 
an unquestionable title is to be abandoned and the flag lowered and that, too, 
in capitulation to a flagrant insurrection against its authority — all this, and 
more than than this, is demanded by the Democratic party as a reason for its 
investiture with power and is promised to the American people in case power is 
g-iven to do it. Such demands, such promises, such threats, such consequences 
will receive the most considerate condemnation of the people. 



No Democratic platform, no Democratic speaker expresses any satisfaction 
with our triumphs in war, or with the abounding- prosperity of our people, or 
with our international ascendency. How can they rejoice in a prosperity which 
falsifies every prediction they made four years ago, and the approval of which 
now would refute every claim they can possibly make for their political 
restoration ? 

McKinley Has Kept Faith. 

The present administration has kept the faith in which the American people 
invested it with power, has performed every act to which it was pledged and has 
fulfilled every expectation which has arisen from sudden events which were not 
foreseen four years ago. 

It has enacted a statute which protects American industries, capital and 
labor, and under its operation this country has become prosperous to a degree 
that no one dared to predict or even hope in 1896. 

It has, by statute, placed this country upon the foundation of the gold 
standard, the standard of stability and civilization. 

Foreign Relations Conserved. 

It has so wisely conducted our foreign relations that there is not now 
between us and any European power any menace to our peace or safety. 

It has forever quieted, by treaty, the vexatious situation in Samoa, which 
had for a long time been a cause of irritation between this country and Germany. 

It has negotiated treaties of reciprocity with Prance and other nations which 
will open wider the European markets to our manufactured and agricultural 
products. 

It has released its diplomatic agents and other American citizens in China. 

It has conducted a great war to a triumphant conclusion within four months 
from its commencement, without a single military or naval reverse, and, as a 
result, has expanded our possessions, and increased immeasurably our prestige 
as a nation. 

Growth of Our Business. 

The limitations of this brochure do not permit me to exhibit the details of 
onr wonderful prosperity during the eventful years of President McKinley's 
administration. I must restrict myself to a brief statement of the increase of 
our foreign trade and of its nature. 

The total foreign commerce of the last fiscal year surpasses by $319,729,250 
that of any preceding year and exceeds in the aggregate $2,000,000,000? The 
imports of the year were $849,714,670, and the exports were $1,394,186,371. 

An analysis of this astonishing aggregate discloses an enormous growth im 
oar exports of manufactured articles. The total export of these articles for the 
year amounted to $432,284, 306, an increase of more than ninety-two millions of 
dollars over those of the preceding year. This was thirty-one and one-half per 
cent, of the total exportation and an increase of ISO per cent, over the exports 
in 1891. 

After the World's Markets. 

American manufacturers now find a market in every part of the world. They 
compete successfully in many markets with rivals who have been long- established, 
and this is but the beginning of a commercial expansion which can be checked 
or limited only by a disastrous reversal of the economic policies of this country 
which alone have rendered such expansion possible. For what has been pre- 
dicted by the advocates of protection from the beginning has come to pass; the 
protection of home industries has diversified and increased production, has given 
variety of employment and higher wages to labor, has made what were once 
articles of luxury utilities of common enjoyment, has enabled our manufactur- 
ers to supply the domestic market, and this perfection of the policy, having thus 
been obtained as to that market, our people were enabled to and did become 
competitors in the foreign markets of the entire world. This exhibit of our pros- 
perity as to exports demonstrates what must have been the volume of our inter- 
nal commerce during the same period. There are no statistics to accurately 
express this, but the great internal commercial and industrial activity for the 
last three years, the abounding prosperity which its has created, sufficiently 
demonstrate the immensity of these transactions. 



Prosperity Hitherto Unparalleled. 

In every element which goes to constitute our prosperity as a nation the 
last three years have been the most productive in American history. At the 
close of the last Democratic administration we were a debtor nation. Our gold 
was being- exported and the outflow could not be checked. Our securities of all 
kinds were held abroad as investments. We have paid our debts within the last 
three years. To do this we took up first those securities in part payment; pay- 
ment was made to us in gold for a portion of what remained due and for the 
balance we became and are a great creditor nation. We are becoming the 
banker of the world. Our capitalists undertake a great Russian loan, and have 
bid three times the amount of the English loan of fifty millions of dollars now 
upon the market. No man need to # be told that these great financial operations 
could not possibly have been conducted, or even thought of, had the United 
States been upon the free coinage basis in the ratio of 16 to 1. 

"Imperialism" not Paramount. 

The real, the paramount question before the American people is not "imper- 
ialism." It is whether these conditions and the policies which have produced 
them are to be abandoned or even put to the chance of abandonment in the pur- 
suit of — theories, I was about to say, but not of theories — in the repetition of 
experiment which have always proved disastrous in the very respects in which 
our prosperity is now so abounding, for it is never to be forgotten that the 
Kansas City platform, while it denounces expansion and what it calls "imper- 
ialism," also .specifically condemns the policy of protection as enforced by the 
statute which passed immediately after the inauguration of President McKinley; 
condemns our financial policy and the gold standard under which money has 
become more abundant than it was ever before and interest lower ; and twice 
demands the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. This 
implies that, in case of Democratic success, these policies are to be reversed and 
the American people taken back again to the beginning of the road which 
started in depression and disaster and which has been traversed wearily, yet 
triumphantly, until it has taken us to the very heights of prosperity. 

Condition of Merchant Marine. 

This unprecedented development enforced the immediate consideration of 
the increase of our merchant marine, in view of the fact that nearly all these 
enormous freights had been carried by the ships of foreign nations. The flag- of 
the United States was almost a tolerated alien in its own ports. 

The Republican party has always cherished the maritime interests of this 
country. It has believed in the efficiency of the sea power whether for peace or 
war. It has not seen with any satisfaction the disappearance of our flag- from 
ports and seas where it formally shone like a glorious constellation; nor the pay- 
ment annually by the people of this country of more than $100 000,000 freight 
money, seamen's wages, supplies and insurance premiums to subjects of foreign 
states; nor the diminishing numbers of American seamen who over and over 
again in our history have been the very right arm of our defence and power. It 
has always contended that the American product ought to be carried in Ameri- 
can ships. 

Ship Building Encouraged. 

And now when, as the fruit of the Protective system, it has come to pass 
that articles of American manufacture are filling- every market of the world; 
when the American iron bridge spans the upper Nile; when American iron pipes 
are laid beneath the streets of Glasgow and across the immense plains of West- 
ern Australia; when cotton fabrics, manufactured in the Southern States, are 
sold in China and Japan; when locomotive engines built in the United States are 
traversing Siberia and our iron rails are laid in Burmah and India; when war 
vessels are built in our ship yards for Russia and Japan; when our machinery is 
at work in the mines of Africa — the Republican party, by a bill pending in Con- 
gress, purposes to advance our merchant marine (at the same time creating an 
auxiliary to our naval power), to a position somewhat commensurate with the 
necessities of this great commercial expansion. Every other maritime state long 
ago adopted this policy upon the soundest civil and military principles. The 

3 



tame Enlightened principle was the foundation of the Republican policy of aid 
oy grants of land and in some cases by subsidies of money in the construction of 
canals and railways. The results as to land transportation and the expansion 
of the populated area of the country have been miracles of this miracle-working- 
age. The land now needs the sea to dispose of its overwhelming production and 
the American people need their share of the lucrative returns to those ''who go 
down to the sea in ships." But the Democratic party, subject to its incurable 
and degenerate atavism, standing as always with its face to the past and its 
back to the future, denounces this policy in the Kansas City platform as a "false 
pretense of prospering American ship building would put unearned millions into 
pockets of favored contributors to the Republican campaign fund." There is 
nothing small in a Democratic platform when it treats of money in any amouut 
and this talk of increased millions "being put into the pockets of contributors to 
a Republican campaign fund" is simply magnificent mendacity. 

Dollar and Man Together. 

Mr. Bryan asserted at Indianapolis that there is a present conflict between 
the man and the dollar. As in these bounteous times of Republican policies 
dollarless men are scarce, it is pertinent to inquire how few dollars must a man 
have in order to be wronged by every other fellow who has a few more or many 
more dollars? What is Mr. Bryan's minimum? What is his maximum ? Is it 
the field against $5,000 or a farm or home worth $5,000? 

The fact is that the dollar and the man have been working together beauti- 
fully and profitably to each other for the last three years. How they did not 
so work for four years before everybody knows. More dollars have been paid 
for wages and for higher wages in the United States during President Mc- 
Kinley's administration than anywhere in any equal period of the world's 
history. That part of Mr. Bryan's speech at Indianapolis would have been 
heard with delight at Paterson, New Jersey, before a midnight conclave of 
anarchists. 

But if the dollar is devouring the man, now at this instant, why not release 
the man by 16 to 1 right off? The Philippines and Aguinaldo can surely wait 
until the American citizen is released from the fangs of his own property. 
Why was Mr. Bryan silent at Indianapolis in the presence of such a devouring- 
and paramount laceration ? 

What of Discarded "Issues." 

And why like reticence respecting the income tax, that other panacea of 
reform and relief? 16 to 1 was taken out of the rag bag of the Chicago plat- 
form and exhibited at Kansas City, but the income tax was suffered to remain 
in that chiffonier of unfashionable, discredited, tattered and infected old 
clothes. Neither income tax nor 16 to 1 was produced at Indianapolis. L,ike 
the woman who rushed for the train hugging her band-box of finery and for- 
getting her twins, who were squalling for her in the waiting room of the station, 
Mr. Bryan starts on his political journey waving an imperial mantle and 
utterly forgets to fold to his breast and take with him this legitimate and 
duplex progeny. 

The question as to the trusts (so-called) is one of the most important and 
difficult of the present time. It is not a question upon which parties are divided 
and opposed, for both parties condemn them. In the sense of being combina- 
tions to regulate production by crushing competition and to raise prices when 
competition ceases, they are unquestionably an evil of the greatest magnitude. 
They have always existed in every industrial and manufacturing nation and 
'they have always been unlawful. There is another kind of combination to 
which the word "trust" in its later misuse does not properly apply, and that is 
those large consolidations of capital, intelligence and labor, made necessary by 
the vast extension of modern commerce, which stimulate the production of the 
raw material and change it into various forms of utility, and which, employing 
in a thousand ways skilled and unskilled labor of every description, pays 
immense sums in wages and cheapens the price of the ultimate and finished 
product. 

Trusts of Two Sorts. 

The trust of the first class is hostile to every material and social interest. 
The trust of the second kind is a most efficient agent in the creation of national 



Und personal prosperity. Demagogues may attempt to confound them, but Ih-J 
people will say that they differ essentially. The two are in fact hostile to each 
other, and nothing- is more certain, unless all history is false, than that in tune 
and by natural and economic processes the latter will exterminate the former 
even in their most thoroughly entrenched strongholds. 

But in the meantime the action of government is necessary to assist as far 
as possible in extirpating the harmful and unlawful combinations. 

The President in his last annual message called the attention of Congress 
to this subject in wise and comprehensive terms. That the only legislation 
which can completely remedy the evil was defeated is due entirely to the vote of 
the Democratic members of the House of Representatives. 

The Republican party, by the Sherman act, passed during the administra- 
tion of President Harrison, afforded remedial legislation upon this subject. 
That the remedy was not complete was not the fault of the statute, but was due 
to the limitations of our system of government. 

The Constitution empowers Congress to regulate commerce with foreign 
nations and among the several states. The power of Congress is limited to that 
regulation. Production and commerce within any state are exclusively subject 
to state jurisdiction and are entirely exempt from federal regulation or inter- 
ference. This has been so often decided by the Supreme Court as to become 
matter of common knowledge. 

Power of State Control, 

The forty-five states, exercising power within their exclusive sphere, have, 
with few exceptions, placed no limit upon the right cr purposes of incorpora- 
tion, or upon the capitalization of corporations or their power to do business in 
any manner or place, or upon their power to consolidate with each other. The 
states have seldom reserved any efficient right of visitatorial control. 

Hence it is that Congress cannot adequately legislate as to the production 
and commerce within a state, even as to cases where the purposed ultimate 
destination of the product is another state, its power being limited to the 
regulation of interstate and foreign commerce. The state, on the other hand, 
cannot legislate respecting interstate and foreign commerce. 

The deadlock thus produced by our constitutional system was so effectual 
that it was perfectly apparent that, if anything fully efficient were to be done 
by federal legislation, it must be under the authority of an amendment to the 
Constitution of the United States. 

The President having, as I have said, laid this subject before Congress, 
such an amendment was proposed by the Republicans in the House of Repre- 
sentatives during the last session. It provided that "Congress shall have 
power to define, regulate, prohibit or dissolve trusts, monopolies or combina- 
tions, whether existing in the form of a corporation or otherwise. The several 
states may continue to exercise such power in any manner not in conflict with 
the laws of the United States." 

Democrats Favored the Trusts. 

Here was such an opportunity as the Democracy had never had to demon- 
strate the sincerity of their declarations. The amendment came to a vote. The 
Democracy (with one or two exceptions) voted solidly against it. The Republi- 
cans ( with one or two exceptions ) voted for it. The Democrats could have fur- 
nished the votes necessary for the two-thirds vote required by the Constitution. 
They did not. They voted against the proposition with practical unanimity. 

And upon what ground ? Upon the ground that the proposed amendment 
would diminish the existing sovereignty of the states upon this subject. This 
is an assertion by them that it is a subject of state jurisdiction under the Con- 
stitution as it is, except as to interstate and foreign commerce. The Supreme 
Court has denned the limitations of legislation, as I have stated. The legisla- 
tion which the Democracy vaguely promises would be void when tested by their 
own arguments and votes upon the amendment. In other words, the Democracy 
purpose, and have voted, to leave the power of legislation just where it now is, 
while the Republican party proposed to vest it in Congiess to the fullest extent 
necessary. 

In such a gituation thus produced by them, how can they pretend that it is 
such a vital federal question, or that they, if in power, could give any federal 



relief? They leave the rem^d}' where it is, and the utter impossibility of 
unanimity of state action demons rates that the Kansas City platform upon this 
subject is the merest "sounding- brass." 

Trusts Cou!d Go Abroad. 

But it is said place the products of unlawful combinations on the free list? 
This would attack the protective system and would not produce the desired 
result as to the combinations. The result would be to give business abroad to 
trusts fc med or to be formed for purposes of manufacture there and exporta- 
tion to this country. The European laborer aud artisan would get the wages 
now paid to the American, and the American public would be under an uncon- 
trollable dictation of prices by foreign combinations. 

The Democratic party is an artist's model and will pose for any j^tudy. 
While it is declaiming against protection, trusts, monopolies, special interests 
and the tyranny of the dollar over the man, it is the champion and serf of the 
greatest of existing special unitary interests — that of the silver mine and of that 
hybrid, the mulatto' 16 to 1 dollar. Its declared intention was four years ago, 
and now is. to make the people of the Unite d States the enforced purchaser, by 
the United States, of all the silver that exists, or can be produced at a price 
about double its present market value, payment to be made by the government 
to the owner of silver. 

Democrats in Many Trusts. 

It is plain that trusts are not a party question. Men of all part ; es promote 
and otherwise engage in them. The late Governor Flower, an eminent Demo- 
crat, assorted, a short time before his death, that trusts are justifiable and 
beneficial to the public and advised every young man to get into one as quickly 
as he could. Trusts are not the offspring of Protection. There is no duty on 
petroleum and yet the Standard Oil Company has grown to be the most colossal 
monopoly the world has ever seen. Mr. Havemeyer, of the sugar trust, is 
a faithful Democrat. His raw material is unrefined sugar and it is taxed 
by a tariff. He wants free sugar for the profit of his trust and accordingly 
proclaims the tariff to be the mother of trusts— that is, of all trusts except- 
ing his trust. There is no tariff on ice, yet the Democratic ice trust of New 
York is a flourishing concern. Mr. Van Wyck is one of its creators and is in it 
deep. He was a delegate to the Kansas City convention and, to prove that the 
great Democratic heart beat true to Humanity, oppressed by trusts, he was 
placed on the committee on resolutions to express correct principles upon a 
subject in which he is so deeply interested and of which he knows so much. 

And so the Tammany tiger, with this Kansas City declaration about his 
neck, is imbedded and visible in a transparent block of Democratic trust ice. 

Duty in the Boer War. 

The administration of President McKinley has done its full duty to this 
country in the matter of the Boer war, and it owed no duty to any nation except- 
ing the United States. 

All history attests that humanity is so constituted that nations from the 
beginning of time have made wars upon other nations which were not justified 
by any standard of international morality or even by mere expediency. The 
people of neutral nations, who have no material concern in such wars, rightfully 
express their individual sympathies with one or the other belligerents. This 
moral force sometimes produces the most beneficial results. It sometimes, how- 
ever, embitters the controversy and aggravates the injustice of the victor. 

The duty of nations, as nations toward each other in such case is prescribed 
by rules which all experience has taught to be absolutely essential to maintain 
the peace of the world. The first and great rule is that each nation owes a 
primary duty to its own people, to preserve their peace and in every proper way 
to secure their advantage. From this cardinal obligation has grown the doctrine 
&f neutrality, of absolute abstention from becoming a party to controversies be- 
tween other states, except in cases where it is clearly demanded by the most 
imperative considerations of national safety or honor. The general observance 
of this duty has done more to keep the world at peace than any other human 
ig-ency. Were it not observed mankind, as represented by nations, would be 
iniversally and continually at war. 



Nations Their Own Judges. 

Nations are independent of each other. Each judges for itself whether it 
shall go to war, continue at war and upon what terms war shall cease. In this 
equality of the independence of states no nation has the right to pass judgment 
upon the actions of any other nation. So long as wars shall be waged, they 
will in some cases be just and in other instances unjust and oppressive. 

The United States has always observed this great and conservative principle 
of neutrality more scrupulously than any other nation. It has also inflexibly 
required its observance by other states in all controversies in which it has ever 
been engaged. It has been and it is now the great armed Neutral of the world, 
and from that status it has derived much of the high consideration in which it 
has been held by all other nations, and which it has never enjoyed so com- 
pletely as it does today. 

We were neutral between Spain and Cuba, when every impulse of human 
sympathy struggled against this performance of international duty. It was 
not until long after the conduct of Spain had become dangerous to our peace 
and safety ; it was not until after American citizens had been imprisoned and 
executed in violation of the law of nations and of the specific guarantee of 
treaties ; it was not until after that act of compendious murder, by the destruc- 
tion of the Maine in the harbor of Havana, that the United States intervened 
by the war, the results of which have been so glorious to this government and 
to humanity. 

Neutral in Many Instances. 

In the year 1899 England and the South African Republics went to war 
with each other. I believe it to have been an unnecessary war and the Boers 
have had the sympathy of the American people. People sympathize with each 
other rightfully in such cases, but governments are great and distinct political 
personalities which, as to each other, are entitled to rights and are subject to 
liabilities. And when the popular sympathy, as it has so often done, demanded 
certain official action by this government as to the Boer war it asked the gov- 
ernment to go beyond its legitimate scope of action. 

France, at the close of the last century, was our ally. She rose from the 
dungeons of oppression and trampled upon their ruins. She smote her opressors 
with the manacles which had bound her. She confronted confederated Europe. 
The world knew that with all the cruelties with which this infuriated priestess 
of liberty immolated her victims, she was fighting for human freedom, and for 
the rights of the common man and woman of our race. And yet the United 
States, under the advice and restraint of Washington, was neutral in act and 
expression, in opposition to the most insistent demands that we should array this 
government in favor of our ally by treaty, especially as against Great Britain, 
so recently our enemy. 

When Germany continued against the French Republic the war which it had 
begun against Napoleon III, the United States was neutral in act and expres- 
sion, although demand was not wanting that it should express its sympathy as 
a government, with the new Republic. 

Would Resent English Interference. 

With what resentment we would treat a declaration by the parliamentary 
body of any government in Europe denouncing our conduct as between Spain 
and Cuba, or condemning our occupancy and operations in the Philippines, 
questioning onr title, stigmatizing our policy, anathematizing our alleged 
injustice. 

During our Civil War Great Britain was not neutral. She committed no 
warlike act, but she failed to observe that abstract neutrality above de- 
fined. But her parliament passed no such resolutions as have recently been 
demanded of Congress. We resented bitterly the unfriendly and un-neutral 
acts and negligences of Great Britain. We triumphed in the Civil War, and 
then, under the shadow of the Alps which have brooded over the freedom of 
Switzerland for more than a thousand years, that Areopagus of the nations, the 
Geneva Tribunal condemned Great Britain to pay to the United States $15,000,- 
000 as the penalty for her passive negligence in performing the duty of 
neutrality. 



Washington warned his countrymen against interference in European con- 
troversies, and yet these wise men of this generation would so involve us wher- 
ever human sympathy goes out in any controversy, no matter where its scene. 

Not a Don Quixote. 

The United States is not the Don Quixote of the nations. It has enough to 
do to attend to its own concerns, its own controversies, and in building deep, 
high and impregnable, wherever its sovereignty extends, an edifice of Freedom, 
temple at once and fortress, to receive and shelter every man who may seek its 
sanctuary. 

President McKinley did not fail in the situation of which I am now speaking-, 
to safeguard the interests of our country, and at the same time to perform, to 
the most extreme degree permissible, the beneficent acts which are warranted 
by the general principles of international law and by treaties. And in doing 
this he did what no king, emperor or other president has offered to do. 

By the treaty of The Hague, which was ratified by the Senate early in the 
present year, and to which Great Britain is a party, it is stipulated as to contro- 
versies or wars between nations, that any other power may, without offense, 
tender its mediation or friendly offices to avert war or to stop it. The President 
of the United States, proceeding under this humane convention, and for these 
purposes, tendered the mediation and good offices of this government to Great 
Britain and the South African Republics. Great Britain rejected this offer. 
But by this tender the whole duty of the United States was performed by the 
President. 

I repeat that in doing this he did what the head of no other government hat 
offered to do — not even Holland, the mother country of the gallant Boers. 

It is a pertinent question to ask these censors of a duty thus well performed 
what more extreme action they now ask this country to take ? Have we not 
enough questions of our own to deal with ? 

Democrats Silent on China. 

When the Republican party met in convention on the 19th day of June, 1900, 
the situation in China was so serious, concerning the safety of the legations in 
Pekin and that of the missionaries throughout the empire, that the declaration 
was made in the Philadelphia platform that "the American government must 
protect the persons and property of every citizen. whenever they are wrongfully 
violated or placed in peril." 

When the Democratic party declared its principles on the 5th day of July, 
1900, there was no certainty and little hope as to the legations or the Americans 
throughout China. Conditions had become desperate. 

The legations had been under siege and it was generally believed that the 
entire diplomatic body with their wives and children had been massacred by 
indescribable tortures and atrocities. Communications remained cut off. No 
articulate word of hope could be heard through the cloud of horror which had 
been interposed between Pekin and the world. But the ear of humanity seemed 
to hear from behind that dreadful veil, the dying cries of men, women, children 
and babes, tortured, violated, killed, mutilated and thrown to dogs. 

The Democratic convention was as silent as the Empress Dowager on this 
situation which had convulsed the entire body of European and American civil- 
ization. That convention of American Boxers proceeded and nominated two 
American mandarins. And these candidates and their oracles prated of imper- 
ialism and militarism when it seemed that all the military resources of this 
nation, and perhaps all the combined warlike power of civilization on land and 
sea would soon be under the severest tests of duty and danger they had ever 
been subjected to. 

Why Were They Silent? 

Why were the Democratic party and its candidates silent upon this agoniz- 
ing topic ? It was because to utter one sentence of sympathy, of patriotism, or 
of national duty or honor would refute their declarations respecting imperialism 
and militarism. It was that to pilfer power there is no recantation that the 
Democratic party will not make, no shame that it will not rejoice in, no outrage 
on liberty at home and abroad that it will not tolerate or condone, no detection 



that it will not glory in, no act of apostasy that it will not commit, no pillory 
that it will not stand in unabashed. 

Its history proves this. This is the free trade party which ran Horace 
•reely, that apostle of protection, for the presidency. 

Where Are Cross and Crown? 

This is the party that four years age prophesied ruin, widespread and com- 
plete, to the people unless all silver offered should be bought by the United 
States and coined at once at a ratio of 16 to 1. Where are now the cross of gold 
and crown of thorns that were set up and exhibited four years ag-o in that 
political and hypocritical passion-play ? They have been taken down and 
removed, pending the election merely, as mere stage properties. Another 
scenic illusion is on the boards : 

— "the swelling act 

Of the imperial theme" 
is billed for performance and the "well graced actors" are fretting and strut- 
ting their hour upon the stage. The Democratic party was silent respecting our 
relations with China because to deolare opinions upon that subject which the 
American people would not receive with contempt and spurn with disgust would 
cause the broomstick ghost of imperialism and militarism to vanish in an 
instant. So to speak would annihilate those "paramount issues," because it 
would admit what even the blind, when told, can perceive, even if they cannot 
see it, that the status, the occupation and the sovereignty of the United States 
in the Philippines are at this moment and in this great crisis for civilization 
commanding and absolutely indispensable. They vindicate the wisdom of 
holding those possessions, unless the United States is to recede to the shores of 
the North American continent, become herself a little China, cancel herself as 
a factor in the great civilizing and commercial change in the Asiatic Orient, an 
event fully as important as the discovery of America by Columbus. 

Conservatism and Courage. 

There are few events in our diplomatic and military history more honorable 
than the consummate skill, the wise conservatism, and the unflinching courage 
by which the administration of President McKinley relieved our legation, and 
at the same time maintained proper relations with the Chinese Empire. 

The policy of the United States as to China should, in my opinion, be this : 
It must rescue its citizens. It must exact indemnity for all injuries to their 
persons or property. It will insist that China shall observe all treaty stipulations 
and that, under any and all conditions of sovereignty, cession or foreign ascen- 
dency the open door shall remain open. We shall use no military force for 
conquest and have no concert with any European power, except to rescue our 
citizens and theirs. 

We covet no Chinese territory and we will acquire none. . 
We desire no territorial sphere of influence. 

We will give no approval or support, physical, moral, or sentimental to the 
dismemberment of China, or to the extinction of her sovereignty by the acquisi- 
tion of spheres of influence by any European power. 

Regeneration of China. 

All look for a regeneration of China as the result of the convulsions she is 
now suffering. It will come to pass not by the partition of that mighty and im- 
memorial empire, but by its full entry into commercial relations with the other 
nations of the world. The process will not be a long one. It has been going 
on for fifty years and has become more perfect and extensive every year. When 
fully completed the United States will be the greatest participant in that trade 
of the Pacific which Humboldt predicted more than seventy-five years ago would 
be the greatest commerce that land and sea had ever known. We need cross 
but one ocean to grasp the "wealth of Ormus and of Ind." Europe must 
traverse four seas to share it. We can produce everything which that insatiable 
market can absorb, just as now we are producing and exporting our fabrics, 
textile, metallic and miscellaneous, to every market in the world, as the direct 
result of Republican economic policies put in force during our Civil War and 
steadily persisted in by that party ever since. This is manifest destiny; it is 

9 



written by an auspicious astrology upon the sky of a visfble future. It will give 
15 millions of people to our states of the Pacific coast; it will open a career to the 
talents of aspiring youth and in every way carry the United States far along 
on that course of national grandeur for which I firmly believe it was ordained. 

Cannot Be Made Paramount. 

But imperialism is not the parmount issue of the campaign and cannot be 
made so. The adjustment of any question as to the Philippines is to be con- 
sidered after rebellion against the sovereignty and authority of the United 
States has been put down. The paramount issues this year are financial and 
economic. Shall the anti-protection party of 16 to 1 be put in power to advance 
its principles by all the enormous powers of executive influence in case Mr. 
Bryan is elected, and, win the first engagement in a campaign the next battle 
of which will be for the control of both houses of Congress ? 

The question for the plain people is, do they wish, with the instructions of a 
bitter experience, fresh and deep in their memories, to change or to submit to 
the chance of change that abounding prosperity which came with the election 
of President McKinley — a prosperity which no Democratic platform or speaker 
denies, and dare not rejoice in or even allude to. Aguinaldo can wait until the 
American people take "a bond of fate" if necessary by annihilating, for the 
preservation of their own domestic interests, the political combination which is 
at the same time their enemy and the aider and abettor of the Tagal rebels? 

Arrayed as Favoring Rebellion. 

The Democratic platform expressly arrays that party on the side of a 
rebellion against the United States. It declares that the United States is car- 
rying on a "war of criminal aggression against the Filipinos." This is the text 
of that solemn declaration of political principles, and it means that the opera- 
tions of our troops in the Philippines are wrongful, unlawful and void. 

It then demands that the United States, 1st, give to the Filipinos a stable 
form of government; 2nd, independence; 3rd, protection from outside interfer- 
ence similar to that extended to the South American states. These demands are 
stultified by the declaratory expressions of the platform. What right has the 
United States to establish any government whatever, stable or unstable, in the 
Philippines if these declarations are true ? 

To do so implies the right to dictate the form of that government, and to 
decide the question of stability without any regard whatever to the "consent of 
the governed," and as the result of a war which the Democratic platform 
declares to be one of "criminal aggression." And what right have we to impose 
our protection over them against interference by foreign powers? By such 
relations the United States would be involved in wars at the discretion of its 
own ward. 

Monroe Doctrine Perverted. 

The Monroe doctrine is perverted in this declaration. It is solely applicable, 
in the very nature of things, to the Western Hemisphere, and to the interests of 
the United States therein. It is prohibitory of the acquisition of North and 
South American territory by any European power. It does not prohibit any 
such power from waging war against any Central or South American Republic. 
War is the extremest interference by one government with another and Europe 
has done warlike acts many times against those states without any protection to 
them by us. 

Again, if these declarations of principle are valid respecting the consent of 
the governed, what becomes of the entire doctrine of acquisition of territory by 
cession or conquest, if these must depend upon the consent of the people who 
have been perhaps for centuries the subjects of the ceding state? This is to 
declare that those subjects may determine, after the transfer of sovereignty by 
cessi *i or conquest, that after all they will not consent to be governed by the 
acq iri ig state as they had been, for hundreds of years perhaps, by the ceding 
state. This is simply a declaration of the right of secession and rebellion at 
mere will and without cause. We quieted that heresy thirty years ago. I do not 
deny the right of revolution against tyranny. But here is no tyranny. The 
Pemocratic platform is the assertion of the right of any component part of any 

19 



nation to dissolve its allegiance as a matter of its own mere choice ana prefer- 
ence, and not as a right vested by forfeiture of sovereignty by the oppressions 
of the sovereign state. 

Declaration is Misapplied. 

The Declaration of Independence has been misapplied. It contains no war- 
rant for the principle that any portion of a people as a mere matter of choice or 
preference and with no cause excepting- mere desire, can justify rebellion for no 
other reasons than these. That immortal monument declared as its justification 
that "the history of the pres- nt king- of Great Britain is a history of repeated 
injuries and usurpations all having- in direct object the establishment of an 
absolute tyranny over these states." The Declaration then sets forth the 
several acts and classes of these usurpations, each sufficiently criminal to forfeit 
the rig-ht of sovereignty. And it was for these specific reasons and "therefore" 
that the colonies were declared to be free and independent and absolved from 
all allegiance to the British crown. 

If this platform is true every acquisition of territory that we have ever made 
has been subject to impeachment and defeat by the mere will of the inhabitants 
refusing to consent to be governed. Secession is thus declared to be a sacred 
right of nature, and the Union for which we fought was illegal and flagitious 
from the moment the Confederate States refused to consent to be governed. 

Settled by Civil War. 

And you, veterans of the Civil War, present here tonight in such numbers, 
many of you venerable by years, and all revered for your achievements; the 
rear guard of a generation which established this Union, and its Constitution, 
without the consent of the governed, on an everlasting basis; you who are 
marching to your last bivouac under the eternal arch of Triumph which you 
yourselves builded, did you not hear in your weary marches, in your dreary 
camps, in your battles along the line of 2,000 miles from the Rio Grande to the 
Susquehanna that the war you waged was "a war of criminal aggression" 
because it was in violation of the great principle of "the consent of the gov- 
erned ? " You made but one answer, and that answer. was that the war was 
made to maintain the sovereignty of the United States by overpowering a 
rebellion. 

The principle of consent of the governed is not a justification for riot, insur- 
rection, rebellion, treason, in such a case as is now presented in our possessions 
in the Philippines; it never was; it never will be. 

Progress Follows Expansion, 

The progress of humanity has from the beginning been accomplished by the 
extension of the sovereignty of the more civilized states over the barbarous or 
rudimentary or decaying nations. Condemn this process as visionaries may, it 
neverthless has always persisted in its operations, and in every instance, after 
it has been accomplished, has been justified by its results. The good old word 
for this was "growth;" "expansion" is a later term and "imperialism" is a word 
of still later misapplication used to excite prejudices by an epithet. 

Sovereignty necessarily implies enforced or acquiescent subordination and 
obedience. Otherwise the very first' condition of human development through 
governments fails. To require the consent of the governed whose social and 
political condition is so imperfect as to be in fact hostile and dangerous to the 
civilization which has become sovereign over them, and dangerous to humanity 
itself, is simply to require that which Providence, when it established the laws 
of human evolution, never ordained. 

American Growth Justifiable. 

The settlement and subjugation of America were justifiable, and no one 
censures our forefathers for displacing every social and political element which 
they found on this continent, and in establishing this goodly frame of govern- 
ment which has grown to be so exceeding great as to stand in the van of civil- 
ization and power. Jefferson in the acquisition of Louisiana from France did 
not consider the consent of its inhabitants necessary, although probably thirty 
thousand people of European birth or derivation passed under our sovereignty 
by the treaty. And he governed Louisiana, first by executive order, and after- 
wards under the statutory authority of Congress by methods which would 

11 



be denounced today as unconstitutional by those who profess to be his disciples. 
The same observations may be made respecting- the acquisition of Florida by 
James Monroe and John Quincy Adams and its government by Andrew Jackson, 
its first governor. The consent of the governed was not asked to the cession 
from Mexico. It was implied by the sovereignty of the ceding state. 

The transfer of sovereignty from one state to another has always been legi- 
timate, and this government has been a grantee in such transfers too often to 
permit it to question the validity of such transactions. 

Spain had the sovereignty of the Philippines as completely as it had that of 
Florida, or as France had that of Louisiana, or Mexico that of the ceded prov- 
inces, or Russia that of Alaska, or the Republic of Hawaii that of the Hawaiian 
islands. Our title from Spain to the Philippines is as unquestionable as our 
title to any of the other cessions. The present armed resistance against that 
title is rebellion and treason abetted by the Democratic party. 

Bryan Aided the Treaty. 

While the commissioners were negotiating the treaty of Paris not a word 
came from this country, from sea, or shore or the chambers of the air that 
they should not insist upon the cession of those islands. It was not until it 
was seen that a party advantage might be gained by resisting the treaty in the 
Senate that any Democratic opposition was displayed. But Mr. Bryan appeared 
in Washington and urged its ratification by the Senate. He suggested no 
amendment, the adoption or rejection of which would justify his present 
theories. The words that "the civil rights and political status of the native, 
inhabitants of the territory thereby ceded to the United States shall be deter- 
mined by the Congress," were in the treaty and were directly in opposition to 
his present contention and yet no amendment was suggested. Twenty million 
dollars were to be paid to put what to him is now "a barren scepter * * * in 
an unlineal hand," yet no amendment was suggested that would have saved this 
enormous snm by rejecting the cession entirely and allowing Spain to retain the 
islands. Mr. Bryan says that he advised the ratification of the treaty in order 
to stop the war. But the war had been stopped for months by an armistice 
which by its terms was to continue pending the negotiations, and the consider* 
tion of any treaty by the Senate is a part of its negotiations. 

No Consent of Governed There. 

In other words, Mr. Bryan advised that the United States take from Spain 
unqualified sovereignty over the Philippines, without suggesting or advising* 
any amendment or saying a single word about "the consent of the governed," 
with the prominent clause standing in the convention conferring upon Congress 
the right to determine the civil rights and political status of the native inhabit- 
ants. Nor was a word heard of the limitations or prohibitions of the constitution. 

At a later date, and as accessory to the Aguinaldo rebellion "the consent of 
the governed" became all at once very dear to the Democratic heart. Without 
that consent they never, never, could or would consent to govern anybody. 
They registered this sentiment in the platform which was read to the con- 
vention by Senator Tillman, and this particular declaration must have cloyed 
his tongue with its sweetness while he uttered it. Mr. Van Wyck was on the 
committee on resolutions to see that trusts were properly denounced. Senator 
Tillman was on the same committee to take care that the divine principle of 
"the consent of the governed" should be piously expressed and devoutly read. 

Tillman on Consent. 

On the 26th day of February, 1900, in the Senate of the United States, the 
bill for the government of Hawaii being under consideration, Mr. Tillman, 
speaking of the disfranchisement of native born American citizens in South 
Carolina, said: "We stuffed ballot boxes. We shot them. We are not ashamed 
of it. The Senator from Wisconsin would have done the same thing-. I see it in 
his eye right now. He would have done it. With that system — force, tissue 
ballots, etc., we got tired ourselves. So we called a constitutional convention 
and rre eliminated, as I said, all of the colored people whom we could under the 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments." 

I cite this utterance not so much for the purpose of reading- it as a confess- 
ion of fraud, ballot box stuffing' and murder, as to show that the Democratic 

13 



p rty in South Carolina secured the "consent of the governed" by the conimis- 
. uf these crimes, and to ask how they can assert that the war in the Philip- 
pines, by this government is one of "criminal aggression" waged to establish a 
government against "the consent of the governed." 

Disfranchised in the South. 

The constitution of Mississippi, which disfranchised half the voters of that 
state, is merely a contrivance to entice the "consent of the governed." The re- 
cent election in North Carolina, when its United States Senators wer^" t al- 
lowed to speak in many places in their own state, where electors, white and 
black, were driven from the place of registry and the polls by bands ol armed 
men uniformed in red shirts (what a contrast in attire and purpose to the ap- 
parel and purpose of the Rough Riders) was merely persuasive of "the consent 
of the governed " 

And when the black regiments which are now fighting for the flag ' nd to 
sustain the sovereignty of the United States in the Philippines retur- hone, 
m-iny of them, standing in uniforms, before the polling places in th< se states 
will doubtless each be informed that as one of the governed he must consent to 
be prevented from voting. 

Sovereignty to be Maintained. , 

The immediate duty of this government as to the Philippines is to maintain 
its sovereignty and to crush the rebellion against it. What its constitutional 
powers and limitations are .can be more profitably discussed and considered 
after the authority of the United States shall have been firmly established. The 
limitations of this occasion do not afford the opportunity to enter into an elabor- 
ate discussion of these constitutional topics. I do not believe that that instru- 
ment contains any disabling inhibitations which will prevent this government 
from governing and governing those islands as their best interests may demand 
and according to the capacities of their people. No such difficulties intervened 
in the administration of Louisiana, Florida, or the territory which we acquired 
from Mexico. Congress legislated at the last session in regard to the govern- 
ment of Alaska in some particulars entirely unwarranted by the constitution, if 
the disabling con tru:tion placed upon it by our opponents is correct. 

There are certain large and general considerations, however, which, to my 
mind, demonstrate that the authority to govern these dependencies is vested in 
Congre^.= R«*>iWt to no disabling limitations of certain provisions of the consti- 
tution, which, because they are inapplicable to such a situation, never could 
have been designed by the framers to apply to it. 

The Union One Nation. 

Py the adoption of that instrument the United States became a complete 
i nd perfect nation. The constitution did not in this act of creation disa v !<=> nnd 
mcLiiu the great political body corporate which it created. It breathed into it 
the breath of a full sovereign life, as complete and perfect as that of any omer 
nation with which it must exist in comparison, in relations, and sometimes, in 
competition. The founders did not intend to make and they did not make an 
imperfect state, fettered and disabled in its very citadel. Accordingly, Con- 
gress was empowered to declare war, to raise and support arnres. to provide and 
maintain a navy. The President was empowered, by and with the advice and 
r^nsmt of the Senate, to make treaties. These grants of power are general and 
•wi nout limitations. They necessarily imply, in order to give them full force, 
tne existence of all the powers that any government can possess, to acquire ter- 
ritory, by conquest and by treaty, for safety, for indemnity or any other pur- 
pose, as the condition of beginning or terminating a war, and they also neces- 
sarily imply, to the same extent, the power to govern that territory. The idea 
that the United States, empowered to make war and to conclude treaties of 
peace, is, at the conclusion of a successful war, absolutely disabled by its own 
constitution from exacting cession of territory and from governing territory for 
its security, indemnity or advantage finds in my opinion no warrant what- 
ever in any provision of that instrument. But its framers did not leave room 
for the least doubt upon this question. 

13 



Legislating for Possessions. 

In an article, separate from that one which contains the enumeration of 
limitations upon the powers of Congress, it is provided that "the Congress shall 
have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting 
the territory or other property belonging to the United States." The Confede- 
ration had acquired the Northwest Territory, and had provided for its govern- 
ment, by the ordinance of 1787 passed the year before the adoption of the consti- 
tution. [That ordinance was re-affirmed among the first legislative acts after 
the adoption of the constitution] It was extended to many territories which 
were established in domains thereafter ceded. It was clearly foreseen that a 
constitution for the "United States of America" might not in all its provisions 
be entirely applicable to possessions then existing or to be thereafter acquired, 
and accordingly this particular section became a part of the organic lav/, quali- 
fying whenever necessary whatever might be inconsistent by its express grant 
of power to Congress upon this particular subject. Upon this question nothing 
more judicious has been said than the expression of the Supreme Court of the 
United States by Mr. Justice Bradley: 

"Doubtless Congress in legislating for the territory would be subject to those 
fundamental limitations in favor of personal rights which are formulated in the 
constitution and its amendments; but these limitations would exist rather by in- 
ference and the general spirit of the constitution, from which Congress derives 
all its powers, than by any express and direct application of its provisi ns." 

Mr. Webster said in 1848: 

"As to the power of Congress, I have nothing to add to what I said the other 
day. Congress has full power over the subject. It may establish any such gov- 
ernment and any such laws in the Territories as in its discretion it may see fit. 
It is subject, of course, to the rules of justice and propriety, but it in snder no 
constitutional restraint.*' 

Not Disabled by Constitution. 

Many other nations who have acquired and are governing distant depend- 
encies are either constitutional monarchies or republics with grants and limita- 
tions of power as definite as our own. This is true of England, Germany, Italy, 
France and Holland. These are liberty-loving people and as jealous as we are, 
of any encroachment upon the safeguards and restriction of their constitutions, 
but in governing their vast dependencies they have done so by legislative enact- 
ments fitted to the situation and the capacity of the dependent peoples. I 
believe it never was heard before that any constitutional government with the 
full and complete powers of a nation was disabled by the very instrument which 
created it from the acquisition of territory by the consideration that it would be 
impossible to govern it when acquired. Speaking my own opinion I would hold 
the Philippines permanently and not provisionally. I would, from time to time 
as their people demonstrate their capabilities, give them the very fullest power 
of self-government they are capable of exercising. I would do as Great Britain 
did with a race of the same stock in the Straits Settlements where fifty years ago 
she found a barbarous population ruled by three separate sultans, making war 
on each other and infesting the seas with piracy. L,ittle by little she has given 
them self-government until their self-administration is now almost complete. 
It is one of the most productive, prosperous and peaceful communities in the 
world. It is loyal to the mother state and its soldiery stands ready to be mar- 
shalled in arms for the protection of her sovereignty and of civilization in China. 

No Sovereignty Over Cuba. 

Mr. Bryan, in his speech of acceptance, declares that if elected he will con- 
vene Congress in extraordinary session at once and recommend first, the estab- 
lishment of a stable form of government in the Philippine Islands, just as we 
are now establishing a stable form of government in Cuba; second, to give 
independence to the Filipinos just as we have promised to give independence 
to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while 
they work out their destiny. 

I have elsewhere considered the self-contradictory character of these propos- 
itions as tested by the declarations of the platform adopted at Kansas City. I 
will only add that the conditions and situation as to Cuba and the Philippines 
are not the same. We never had sovereignty over Cuba, we have sovereignty 

14 



over the Philippines. When we intervened as between Cuba and Spain the 
Cubans were in arms fighting- for their independence and were practically belli- 
gerents. When we invaded the Philippines the natives were not in arms. We 
never promised to give independence to them and they did not demand it at that 
time. Before we invaded Cuba, in the very declaration of war against Spain, 
this government did promise to give independence to that island. We made no 
such promise as to Porto Rico. Our title to Porto Rico and the Philippines 
rests on the same incontestable basis, and yet I have not heard that even the 
Democracy purposes or wishes to erect Porto Rico into an independent state. 

Bryan Shrinks from Responsibility. 

In declaring that he will will convene Congress for these purposes Mr. 
Bryan shrinks from the logical consequences of his own position. If elected 
President of the United States he will become the commander-in-chief of the 
army and navy conducting a war which he and the platform upon which he 
stands assert to be a "criminal aggression" against a people who ought to be 
independent, As such commander-in-chief, holding to such principles he would 
have the right to withdraw every man from the Philippines, cause our squadron 
to sail out of Manila Bay. to entirely evacuate the Archipelago, and — to use his 
own language — leave their people to work out their destiny. As President he 
could recognize the existence and independence of the Philippine Republic. A 
bold man, holding such views as these and with such powers, would say that he 
intended to exercise them, but here Mr. Bryan halts and recoils. He purposes 
to throw the responsibility upon Congress, well knowing that with a Republican 
Senate and House of Representatives no such action as he proposes to recom- 
mend would receive the least sanction. 

Militarism a Bugbear. 

I shall not detain you with any discussion of this bug-bear of Militarism. 
We are crippled today by inadequacy of our military force in performing our 
manifest duties as to our people in China. The events in that empire demon- 
strate, as did our unprepared condition at the beginning of the Spanish war, 
how suddenly and unexpectedly crises may arise which will call for the exercise 
of our military power and find it entirely lacking. A nation of seventy-five 
millions of free people, vast in extent, need have nc fear that an empire will be 
erected upon the ruins of the republic by the scattered forces of an army of one 
hundred thousand men. 

But if an increased army leads to militarism so does an increased navy, and 
yet we hear no word of protest from the Democratic party against that because 
such a protest would be carrying the argument too far; and yet a aavy, in the 
establishment of militarism or imperialism, could reduce our coast cities, could 
attack Washington, could hold the arsenals and strategic points on all our 
shores and do as much as, and possibly more, than an army could towards the 
overthrow of this government or the change of its form. A small Brazilian 
navy did this once as to Brazil and attempted it again. The truth is there is no 
danger from either of these great arms of our military service. They are the 
right hand and the left hand of our power at home and abroad. Their officers 
an i men are as loyal, as Grant and Sherman and Sheridan and Farragut and 
Porter and Worden and their soldiers and sailors were in their time. 

Magnificent History of the Party. 

If the existence of the Republican party should be closed today its histcy 
would be that of the Union saved, of a protective system under which the United 
States has become the greatest manufacturing nation in the world, of a general 
industrial development which sustains 75,000,000 of people, of a financial system 
which has created an unimpeachable credit, of all the blessings which civiliza- 
tion can confer upon humanity. 

But its existence will not end this year, nor for many years to come. Its 
august mission is not yet performed. So long as it represents, as it does now, 
national prosperity and honor, national growth with renown and right, national 
prestige in the relations of the United States with foreign powers as the result 
of the neutrality of a puissant nation, safe in the enjoyment of all its rights, 
because of its manifest ability to cause other nations to respect them, the 
Republican party will shape the destinies of the American people. 

1« 



ADDRESS OK 



HON. JAMES H. ECKELS, 

EX-COMPTROLLER OF THE CURRENCY. 



TO 



LABORING MEN 



DELIVERED AT THE 



AUDITORIUM, CHICAGO, ILL, 

Friday Evening, October 5th, 1900. 



under the auspices of 
The Business Men's Sound Money Association, 

CHICAGO. 



[ T R ADEsR ^° ? j C U N cTu> 



Fellow Citizens: 

I propose in this campaign, as a Democrat, to support William Mc- 
Kinley, the nominee of the Republican party for re-election to the Presiden- 
tial office, and on that behalf, I am upon this platform. 

I appreciate the signal compliment which the Sound Money Business 
Men's League pay in extending to me an invitation to address, upon the 
questions now at issue, so representative a body of workingmen of this city 

as are here gathered, and I thank 
them for it. I trust that before I 
am done., if any entertain the logi- 
cal deduction to be drawn from 
the expressed views of Mr. Bryan, 
that bankers in particular, and 
business men in general, are joined 
in a conspiracy to rob and degrade 
labor, that judgment will undergo 
a revision and that instead they 
will believe the interests of capital 
and labor lie along the same lines 
and that in the advance of the one 
is wrought out the well being of 
the other. 

The fact may well challenge 
the thoughtful attention df every 
laboring man that nowhere do 
the declaration of principles of the 
Democratic party as to-day consti- 
tuted, or the utterances of the Democratic candidate appeal to any business 
interest, whether that interest be small or great. In every section of the 
country business men, no matter what the calling, repudiate them as vio- 
lative of all sound rules of business conduct and destructive of those under- 
lying principles upon which the common welfare of the successful com- 
mercial world must rest. On analysis the laboring man will find that this 
almost universal rejection of Bryanism, by those who are conducting the 
great affairs of finance, of manufacturing, of trade and commerce, and who 
in the very order of things are giving the largest measure of employment 
to labor, does not arise from a selfish, a political or class prejudice, as Mr. 
Bryan would have them believe, because neither enter into the forming of 
that opinion. It is their knowledge of the subject, gained through study, 
and their knowledge gained through experience in transacting business 
affairs, which uniformly unite in a verdict against the issue promulgated 
by a debauched democracy and a theorizing populism. They do not wish 
to evade any legal responsibility, to pay less than their just proportion of 
taxes, to treat unjustly their employes or to deal unfairly with the public. 
They want only stability in money, equity in law, and wisdom of word and 
action in the Executive. They distrust Mr. Bryan, because he has made 
it impossible for them to trust him. 




JAS. H. ECKELS. 



The question which I submit with confidence to the laboring- 
man is, who has most at stake in this country, the business man 
whose energy, thrift and venture of capital, has made possible its great- 
ness, or the political demagogues who are going up and down the country 
preaching a gospel of discontent, arraying class against class and proclaim- 
ing doctrines, which if enforced would bring widespread and far-reaching 
disaster upon every interest which now stands for the use of capital and 
the employment of labor? Who to-day are employing the thousands upon 
thousands of men in mine and mill, in furnace and factory, upon the rail- 
roads and the waters, in store and office? Are they the Bryans or the 
Tillmans, the Altgelts or the Weavers, the Townes or the Crokers? I call 
your attention to the fact that these men and all their associates who write 
the platforms, map out the policies and control the action of the Demo- 
cratic party as to-day that party reveals itself, are men who know no call- 
ing but politics and contribute nothing to the support of their fellows be- 
yond the emoluments of such political offices as they may by chance secure. 
If once eliminated from politics they will find, Othello like, their occupation 
gone. I assert that these men are not as well equipped either in word or 
deed, to so well counsel with labor as are those who are in the daily life of 
business undertakings. I assert with still greater emphasis that any party 
which by wedding itself to unsound and destructive doctrines, has so com- 
pletely eliminated all employers of labor from its councils, and made im- 
possible their support of its candidates, is not to be trusted with the power 
to legislate for either labor or capital. Its influence would be injurious to 
the interests of both; its acts destructive to that financial fabric, the main- 
tenance of the integrity of which is essential to the well being of all. Re- 
member you citizens who toil day in and day out and thereby upbuild the 
country, I beg of you to remember before you give in adhesion to the cause 
of Mr. Bryan and his party as against the advice of the business world, 
that by so doing you embrace the tenets of a party solely of politicians, 
controlled wholly for the benefit of politicians, and by politicians alone. 
I do not believe as a business proposition, you can, from the standpoint of 
your own good and the good of those dependent upon you, afford to take 
the risk to which you are invited. I am certain, despite some individual 
injustice here and individual injustice there, you are better off at present 
and will be in the future, by acting with those who employ labor and not 
making common cause with men, who neither themselves labor outside of 
the realm of politics for their own advancement, nor give employment to 
others. 

But there is another phase of this question which we cannot overlook. 
If Mr. Bryan stands for any one thing more than another it is in his an- 
tagonism to all forms of aggregated wealth. If he is to be believed the 
country is menaced by the fact that each returning year shows the Ameri- 
can people to have accumulated greater wealth. He selects above all else, 
the bank, as the institution which threatens most and the banker as finding 
his source of employment in enriching himself at the expense of 
distressing poverty to his fellows. I may be pardoned if, in eftseussing 



this phase of Mr. Bryan's indictment against what he terms trusts I speak 
with at least as much practical knowledge and experience as he does. I 
submit, without fear of successful contradiction, that a bank, whether it 
be a National, State, or private one, properly conducted and honestly man- 
aged, instead of being a cause of detriment to any community or harmful 
to any interest, public or private, is a source of strength and benefit. I 
allege further that no one is more benefited by such institutions than labor. 
Over and beyond the distinctive feature of the good of savings departments, 
providing a safe and profitable place for labor's earnings, rests the greater 
good accomplished by the bank, in gathering to itself the surplus money of 
the country which would lie in idleness, and directing it into proper chan- 
nels of trade and commerce, thus making it possible to carry on the thou- 
sand undertakings which furnish the daily wage of labor. It is the bank 
which furnishes the life blood of trade; the bank that utilizes for labor 
over and over again the fruits of labor; the bank that makes accumulated 
capital a potential force in a world wide development that each recurring 
year makes this country the wonderment of its own people and the aston- 
ishment of sister nations. The laborer ought not to lose sight of the fact 
that if it was not for the assistance of banks in granting to the manufactur- 
ers necessary credit during the process of manufacturing that wages might 
be met before payment for the finished article is received from the pur- 
chaser, in almost every great institution, operation would either be greatly 
reduced or cease altogether. It bridges over that period essential to the 
laborer between the day of the raw material and the payment for the fin- 
ished, a period when the manufacturer must of needs have borrowed capital. 
Herein is the importance of the commercial bank and the necessity of it 
to the business and laboring world. The country's faith in it as a mighty 
agency for good, and the integrity of those who have to do with it, could 
have no stronger attestation than is shown in its total of thirteen millions 
depositors representing seven thousand five hundred, and fourteen millions 
of dollars of deposits. And who make up the six millions depositors whose 
reserved capital gained from toilsome labor is lodged in savings banks, to 
the extent of two thousand four hundred and thirty-six millions of dollars ? 
Who but the laboring man? Within the past year the number of such de- 
positors have increased four hundred and ten thousand, while to their 
deposits have been added two hundred and five millions of dollars. In Illi- 
nois alone there are to-day two hundred and nine thousand as against one 
hundred and sixty-four thousand savings bank depositors a year since. In 
the light of such fact will any laboring man believe the men he trusts with 
all this hard earned wealth will pursue a course which will injure him and 
destroy his savings ? Nay more, will he not go out against those who preach 
a monetery doctrine which would diminish by half that he has saved and 
defeat them at the polls? 

I would impress upon the laboring man both now and in my discussion 
of the money question how great his interest is in maintaining the integ- 
rity of the banking systems of this country. In the debasement of the 
currency of the country and in that general assault upon banks which would 

4 



follow the inauguration of Mr. Bryan's policies, nowhere would disaster 
fall more quickly and more completely than upon savings institutions. It 
is here are kept the means of those who can least afford to lose their sur- 
plus available capital, while the securities held by them are largely govern- 
ment and railroad obligations, the value of which, under a depreciated cur- 
rency, would be greatly diminished. The injury done to the creditors of 
national banks would be comparatively no greater than that done to those 
of savings ones, though such could better stand it. And yet even in the 
face of this mighty burden of responsibility which you have voluntarily 
placed upon him, Mr. Bryan would have the country believe that the banker 
prospers in the distresses of the people. I deny the doctrine as unsound 
in reason and untrue in fact. The prosperity of the banker must always 
rest in the prosperity of the community and the nation. He cannot thrive 
when factories are idle, stores closed and bankruptcy everywhere in evi- 
dence. Does Mr. Bryan dare assert that the banker increased his riches 
in 1893 and the years immediately following, when failure was to be noted 
in every section of the country and labor everywhere idle? If he does he 
has failed to study the statistics of those days, for then was demonstrated 
the economic truth of the inter-dependent relations of capital and labor in 
periods of depression and prosperity. 

There can be no money trust on the part of the banks of this country 
to the loss of the people. What has been the result of the multiplying of 
banks, the enlargement of banking capital, the increase of available bank 
deposits? Who does not know of. the continued falling of interest rates, 
the wider loaning of money, the decrease of the cost of exchange and collec- 
tions between distant points, the facilitating of trade, making through the 
joint efficiency of bank and telegraph the business marts of the whole round 
world, the place of meeting of the men of commerce of every city and com- 
munity, no matter how distant. Within the narrow limit of my own years, 
I have seen the rate of interest in Illinois, and the same history follows the 
better banking facilities in every State of the Union, fall from twelve to ten 
per cent., from ten to eight, from eight to six, and from six in this city 
to four and less. The small borrower to-day buys his borrowed money for 
six per cent, instead of eight, the farmer his mortgage money at five, and all 
because this moneyed octopus, which Mr. Bryan and his political adherents 
decry, has increased in strength and spread its operations everywhere. 
What has labor lost by this? Surely nothing, for in the cheapening of the 
rate of money and credit, the use of which the banker sells to the man of 
business, his employer has been enabled to take on a wider scope of oper- 
ation and increase the number of those whom he employs. 

I do not detract from the pre-eminent qualities of banks in other sys- 
tems, when I say that in all this beneficial advance for good to the people, 
the National bank has had the commanding position. It has been no para- 
site, drawing its sustenance from the people without giving in return. It 
has through the uniformity of its organization, methods and control made 
credits interchangeable everywhere throughout the Union. It has been the 
cheapening force in lowering interest rates by educating the people to a 

5 



general use of banks, and thereby making capital available. It has paid 
millions upon millions of taxes to the government in excess of any disburse- 
ments on its behalf. And it has given to the people a currency absolutely 
safe and everywhere current. It does not to-day issue currency as the prin- 
ciple of its creation, but as an incident to it. Mr. Bryan, if the truth were 
known, attacks that currency, not because of the power to issue it being 
lodged in the National banks, but because he stands as the nominee in the 
first instance of a political organization which is against a redeemable 
currency. The party to which he is most closely allied is the party of irre- 
deemable greenbacks and kindred fiat issues, and Mr. Bryan as their espe- 
cial champion assaults the note issue of the National banks in order to pave 
the way for a government note possessing no other value than the stamp of 
the federal government. In all this controversy, let us not for a single 
moment lose sight of the fact that Mr. Bryan and his adherents are the ad- 
vocates of a fiat money, differing only in degree as they apply their theories 
to silver or paper, but not in principle. The wild vagaries of the Green- 
back party were defeated more than twenty years ago. Are the American 
people now willing to resurrect them and vitalize an issue then held to be 
productive only of harm? 

A single word as to the patriotism of bankers and I am done with this 
branch of my subject. Mr. Bryan by his. charges impugns their patriotism 
and good faith. To his slander I reply by asking whenever was the gov- 
ernment of this great nation, in its early days or in later years, in periods 
of foreign war or civil strife, or in the piping times of peace in pressing 
need that the banker with the millions at his command failed to give aid 
and succor in upholding the country's credit and the nation's financial in- 
tegrity. While others doubted the country's solvency and withdrew gold 
from treasury and vault to hoard, he, full-firm in his faith in the ultimate 
integrity of the nation, aided the maintenance of national solvency to the 
benefit of all. In view of such a history I ask with all confidence, are not 
the interests of labor better safe guarded by the political views of that or- 
ganization which gathers to itself in this campaign the support of an inter- 
est which you have trusted and are still trusting than with a party whose 
leadership rests wholly in the keeping of self seeking politicians 1 

The difficulty with Mr. Bryan's statesmanship is that it is a statesman- 
ship of prejudice, class distinctions and misinformation. It is a states- 
manship which takes no thought of the morrow, but contents itself with the 
political advantage of today. I venture the statement that in all the range 
of American political annals there never has appeared a public man who 
has illumined so many different questions with so much misinformation. 
The leadership of Mr. Bryan found its origin in the peculiar conditions of 
the world of business and labor four years since. It has maintained itself, 
because in the Bryanizing of the organization, the democracy has been de- 
nuded of every leader of thought, sagacity, and high political principle. It 
has now neither ability for political organization, nor capacity for wise, 
safe or conservative constructive legislation. In the last analysis the leader- 
ship of Mr. Bryan demonstrates itaelf to begin and end in a denunciation 



or tne existing orcier or tnings. is it »ate to trust the governmental control 
of a gTeat nation in the keeping of a man who sees nowhere anything to 
commend; who is quick to charge conspiracy and dishonesty upon great 
numbers of people, who in daily life draw to themselves the respect of all 
their fellows? What thoughtful and inquiring citizen will from a knowl- 
edge of Mr. Bryan's past erroneous discussion of these paramount economic 
problems believe him capable of bringing about a proper solution of present 
ones? In the campaign upon which we have now entered the Democratic 
candidate, changing from the issue announced at the opening as paramount, 
has taken up the discussion of the trust question. I do not misstate the 
fact, I think, when I say he is discussing this issue in the manner which has 
characterized all the other discussions with which he has favored the pub- 
lic. He does not undertake to go into the merit of the question, for that 
would not be Bryanesque. He knows that such a course must eliminate 
the political advantage which he seeks for his party to his own advance- 
ment, and therefore he does not make it. The argument which he makes is 
addressed to prejudice, backed up by misstatements, illogical in presenta- 
tion and unfair in deduction. There is no man of any prominence today 
standing in defense of illegal combinations of capital, whether great or 
small, formed for the purpose of throttling all competition, raising the 
price of articles of consumption and burdening the people. But there are a 
vast number who, recognizing the economic soundness in the added volume 
of business to be obtaine'd through aggregated capital, properly brought to- 
gether and wisely managed, deny that from such any harm flows to eitner 
the consumer or the laborer. They go further, and assert, with an emphasis 
not to be mistaken, that far from being harmful, such combinations are on 
the contrary productive of good, most of all to the laboring man. I am 
not speaking for combinations illegal, unsound and unsafe, but solely for 
those which, though large in the amount of capital invested, have regard 
for all the rules which control in ordinary business affairs. On principle, 
I do not perceive why there is more harm or danger to the interests of the 
citizen because a thousand men are employed by one concern instead of one 
hundred, or a million dollars of capital invested rather than one hundred 
thousand. 

The misinformation which is on every hand upon this subject has arisen 
from an insistance upon a discussion of it in the light of partisan politics in- 
stead of in that of economic truth and history. If those who are now pro- 
testing so vigorously against what they deem the baneful effects of so-called 
trusts, would better inform themselves we would have more reason and less 
declamation from press and platform. I am sure I do not misdefine the 
term when I say that what they call a "trust" is not a trust at all, but 
merely the concentration of capital or labor, or capital and labor, for a 
specific, legitimate purpose. It is the unification of the resources of many 
for the common welfare. In political life it ultimately assumes the form 
of government; in finance it results in systems of banking, upholding the 
transactions of the business world; in transportation it finds fruition in 
railroads and steamboat lines; industrially it evidences itself in manufae- 

7 



turing plants, in mines and mining and the thousand forms of industry 
which make for an advanced state of civilization. It is, I assert, the high- 
est development of a complicated and efficient form of civilization, made 
more manifest as man is more and more removed from the influence of ig- 
norance, and barbarism. 

The railroad development of this country, though the illustration is not 
new, affords ample demonstration of the point I wish to make. Its history 
illustrates the process by which consolidations are effected and the benefi- 
cient results to all through such a process. Fifty years ago the railroads 
were in the hands of numerous corporations. Each line had a different 
gauge. Freight shipped a thousand miles had to be changed from car to 
car in transit many times. Every change meant the rehandling of the 
freight, injury to it and delay. No matter how small the' road there was 
of necessity a full complement of officers. By consolidating, as it was called 
in an early day, or by creating a trust, as Mr. Bryan would now term it, it 
was found that uniformity of gauge could be secured, many officers dis- 
pensed with, a single handling of freight suffice to transport it to any dis- 
tance, and a reduction of freight charges effected, without decreased earn- 
ings. The decreasing of freight charges was an invitation to ship more 
freight, with the resultant effect that after these consolidations were brought 
about the business of railroads grew as no other business ever grew in this 
country, and as it grew it furnished more avenues for the employment of 
labor, with compensation commensurate with the employment. And now 
the railroad has reached such a point that no one would be so foolhardy 
as to contend that railroad consolidations were not of the greatest benefit 
to all the people. I doubt if any one, Populist, Silver Republican or Bryan- 
ized Democrat, would advocate the return to the era of small lines separate- 
ly managed, and the abandonment of consolidated lines with one head which 
now connect the great business centers of the country. The advantage of it 
all is seen in cheap freights, more speed, more conveniences and better ser- 
vices every way. 

The same thing is going on today in the manufacturing and industrial 
interests of the country. In manufacturing two elements make up the 
total cost to the manufacturers. On the one hand the actual cost of produc- 
tion, and on the other the managerial and office expenses. In a consolida- 
tion a large portion of the managerial expense, which is considerable, is dis- 
pensed with, and it is this, whic±* is an important inducement, coupled with 
the promise of securing a larger business because of a larger concentrated 
capital invested under one management for the consolidation. The laboring 
man who actually produces the material and the finished article cannot 
be dispensed with, but the numerous officers may be, and hence the effect 
is upon the latter and not upon the former. There is no one who will 
fail to readily understand how a machine which does away with the ser- 
vices of a man who gets, if you please, six hundred dollars a year, will 
cheapen production; why then will not dispensing with an officer who gets 
ten times as much cheapen production just so much the more? No one 
can honestly contend that the combination of these plants diminishes their 



production for any considerable length of time, and so long as production is 
not reduced the laboring man is not injured. The object of the combination 
is to get more business and not less, as well as to save expense. More than 
this under centralized management when demand slackens, an adjustment of 
labor can be so arranged that complete idleness never results to all as fol- 
lows in the case of smaller concerns with a lessened volume of business. It 
is the cheapened cost of the production of the individual article that brings 
it into more general use, makes requisite the employment of more labor, and 
adds to the wealth of the nation. And unless the combination is able to 
furnish to the consumer an article equally good at a lessened cost, the plant 
which is outside of it will make impossible the swallowing up of all the 
business in the line in which engaged. I submit that if combination of cap- 
ital neither fixedly increases the price to the consumer, nor diminishes the 
number of laborers, nor the amount of wage, it cannot be either a menace to 
society or a detriment to the public good. 

The fact is and Mr. Bryan on investigation would have ascertained it, 
that as a rule labor is more steadily employed and better paid under cor- 
porations having a large invested capital and employing many men, than 
under those having a small capital and a few men. In such a corporation 
there is always an ability and power to adjust the work which under any 
circumstances is large, to the prevailing situation, so that at no time are 
all the men idle for any considerable length of time. The wage question 
with such is more easily settled and for a longer length of time, for as a 
rule the manager and the laborer readily recognize the beneficial results to 
both of co-operation and combination. 

The two years which have passed have witnessed an extraordinary de- 
velopment of industrial and other combinations. And what has been the re- 
sult? I assert that neither the laborer nor the consumer has suffered by 
any one or all of them. In the case of improperly formed and overwatered 
ones, the investing public have here and there sustained losses, but in the 
ones where business sense intervened before, held sway during and prevailed 
after the formation of such combination, the investor, who was not a mere 
speculator, has in every instance received assured dividends. The ligiti- 
mate investor's stock has not found its value in the varying quotations of 
the market list, but in the thing itself. Mr. Bryan, with his usual wanton 
recklessness, fails to draw the distinction between the use of large capital 
in an enterprise at a number of different points and those combinations 
which, formed in violation of law, are lawless in their operations. De- 
nunciation of all, serving best his purpose, he follows such a course. I 
wish to call the laboring man's Attention to this very important fact in the 

matter of these combinations of capital in industrial undertakings namely, 

that by means of them the manufacturers of the United States have, within 
the period during which they have existed, gained to themselves the markets 
of the world for American manufactured products. And what does such a 
triumph mean? It means more goods manufactured here, more labor em- 
ployed here, steadier work here, and a more satisfactory wage. The excess 
of our exports over our imports bespeaks the fact that we are now, havin^ 



applied to our natural resources, under intelligent centralized management, 
the aggregated capital of many weak concerns in one, manufacturing for the 
world and laboring for the world. As long as conflicting interests warred 
upon one another, with capital diversified, with labor struggling to adjust 
wages with many heads instead of a few, with policies and methods all at 
variance, it was impossible for us to enter successfully in competition with 
nations Avhere the capital employed was larger and the wage paid cheaper. 
In all this evolution in our industrial world, I reassert that no loss has 
come to labor. The economies introduced have not reached to him. On the 
other hand, whatever changes have been wrought, and there have been many, 
have been to his advantage. His more general and steadier employment dur- 
ing the past two years attest this fact. The saving which has been made 
under the new order of things has been in dispensing with the cost of middle- 
men and unnecessary management is to his benefit. If prices at the outset 
to the consumer were increased, it arose more from extraordinaiy and im- 
mediate demand after the years of retrenchment and idleness, and not from 
other causes. As that abnormal condition passes away and we settle down 
to a normal one, two things will become manifest. First, a cheapened price 
to the consumer, with a lessened profit to the manufacturer ; second, little or 
no disturbance in the wage of the employee, despite the falling market to the 
employer. The reason for such a state, hitherto unknown, rests in aggre- 
gated capital having now the ability to gather to itself world wide markets, 
finds its source of gain in the large increasing of its volume of business at 
a lessened individual profit. As an offset, in the increased volume the man- 
ufacturer will look for his dividends and not in a reduction of labor cost. 

I again submit that if combination of capital neither increases the price 
to the consumer, nor diminishes the number of laborers, nor the amount of 
wage, it cannot be either a menace to society or a detriment to the public 
good. It certainly does not present such a situation in the country's affairs 
as to demand unusual laws or extraordinary action. The laws which apply 
to the dealings of daily business life I deem sufficient, the laws which make 
requisite common honesty and fair dealing between man and man. I am 
certain that in so far as the laborer and employer are concerned their best 
interests lie in the direction of closer relations established, more mutual con- 
fidence entertained and the cultivation of that deep sense of respect the one 
towards the other, which always has regard for individual right and justice. 
I am not a believer in that which during the period of the French Revolution 
was termed "the all powerfulness of the law" as the best means of adjusting 
rights between labor and capital. Neither have I faith in that increasing 
desire on the part of the public to rush in oh all occasions with suggested 
settlements, but I do believe in the efficacy of a mutual regard and respect, 
a mutual recognition of rights, a willingness to treat upon a plane of 
justice and fair dealing with labor on the part of the employers, whether 
individual or associated, and a reciprocal course of conduct of labor with 
those with whom their daily welfare is most closely associated. In short 
I am against the interference with the affairs of employer and employe by 
demogogic law makers, blantant politicians and self-appointed leaders 

10 



ing personal and political advantage. As against all these I would set for 
labor the wise counsels of those of their own rank who are not in politics 
and the business sense of right and justice of their employers. Such a 
course will work out for them and their's a greater individual prosperity 
and happiness, a stronger place in public esteem for their varied associa- 
tions, and a condition when labor's difficulties with employer and employer's 
with labor will come to be the impossible thing, no longer marring the lines 
of the business world and working distress and loss to those involved 
therein. 

But there is still a more potential reason which I now propose to dis- 
cuss why labor should refuse to vote for Mr. Bryan and endorse his political 
principles. It is his boast that he yet stands by the utterances of the 
Chicago platform, which a cowardly and subservient party at his dictation 
reaffirmed at Kansas City. What does the reaffirmation of that platform 
mean? It means if once intrusted with power the Democratic party, under 
the guidance and leadership of their chief executive would attempt to give 
the force of enacted law to the issues to which it is by it pledged, an at- 
tempt that in itself would breed constant uncertainty and distrust. By 
the pronouncement of its own platform it would, if able, abrogate the right 
of private contract and thereby put a premium upon dishonesty and evasion 
of just obligations. It is against the inforcement of law and order by the 
lawfully constituted authorities in opposition to the will of mob law, if it 
speaks its true beliefs in its party preachment. It is against the country's 
courts of justice and the majesty of law, as that majesty finds expression 
in the Supreme Court according to that platform once announced and many 
times reaffirmed. It has no use for a civil service which takes from the 
party worker the spoils of office despite the fact that it gives to the tax- 
paying public a better return for the wage which the public provides. It 
means nothing on a wisely adjusted tariff system because it is swallowed up 
in its advocacy of protection to the silver interests. It has no force and 
effect when it speaks on the subject of class legislation, for Populism and 
Silver Republicanism have made Democracy wholly a party of special in- 
terests, promising through the "Be it Enacted" of legislation special relief 
and privileges. Its denunciation of trusts is a sham, branded so by placing 
the trust supporting and trust supported leaders of Tammany high in 
Democratic councils. In fine, Mr. Bryan has brought the Democratic party 
to that unhappy condition where it can work injury to all and good to 
none. 

There is one policy, however, over and above all these to which Mr. 
Bryan is wedded, which, unsafe, undemocratic and un-American, ought not 
to be forgotten in this campaign. Mr. Bryan may talk anti-imperialism, 
but back of it all is his free coinage of silver purposes. He may denounce 
trusts, but his acts in office will be in the interests of silver. His expres- 
sions of sympathy witK the Boers is but a subterfuge to make the voter 
think less upon the debased currency. Whatever his words may be now, 
his acts will if once given an election, accord with the wishes of those who 
first made him a possibility in the country* political annals. Mr. Bryan 



has not within these four years put behind him a fixed determination, if 
clothed with authority, to enforce that financial policy which would in- 
evitably result in repudiation of the nation's obligations and impairment of 
the nation's credit. It will not do for the country to lull itself into a sup- 
posed security from all danger on this score because Mr. Bryan has seen 
fit to cease talking on the money question, or because we have had some 
financial legislation. The people must not flatter themselves that Mr. 
Bryan or those with whom he counsels have changed their views on this 
subject. Mr. Bryan has not and he will not. He has found it politic for 
the present to only conceal his erroneous views. Who forgets that he was 
the strenuous advocate of silver until he had gotten through with the Popu- 
list and Silver conventions? If he no longer talks it, he still notwith- 
standing such fact, entertains and stands for it. 

And what would the adoption of such a policy mean to capital, to 
labor, to trade, to commerce, to all the interests that combined make this 
great country of ours a source of gratification and pride to every citizen of 
the republic ? It would mean to the nation loss of financial prestige, to the 
individual the inviting of the world's contempt and distrust. Every in- 
dustry Would be thrust into a caldron Of doubt and uncertainty, ending in 
a refixing of values and a reorganization of business upon the new basis in 
cases where bankruptcy had not already intervened. It would cause the 
savings banks to readjust their relations with their depositors to accord 
with tn.e lessened worth of their accumulated securities. The depositor, 
their creditor, with his earnings of ten years reduced to the savings of 
five, would either be compelled to work longer years to put himself in the 
position he once occupied or reduce to a lower plane the manner of his liv- 
ing. The commercial world, shocked and affrighted by the havoc wrought 
by such a departure from the rules of ordinary honesty and the decrees of 
economic science, would find panic and distrust and dissipated wealth 
where now is confidence and stability and multitudinous riches. I do not 
overdraw the picture, for capital, proverbially timid, would shrink back 
from a catastrophe so appalling. It would mean everywhere with the 
American a complete reversal of all its past history — the moving back from 
the proud position of financial supremacy upon which we are fast entering 
to the monetary standard of barbarous China. If it would mean all this to 
capital, what would it hold in store for labor, the labor that finds its daily 
wage through the use of capital and its continuous employment by extended 
credits to those who have need of it ? The laboring man has but the capital 
of brain and muscle, and to utilize these he must be afforded the opportunity 
to work. Make it impossible to have enterprises carried on and he is deprived 
of that opportunity; reduce the purchasing value of the money in which 
that wage is paid, or through such an act double the price of the article he 
must buy and you diminish his capital, which is the essential element in 
his well being. He, beyond all others, needs the protecting care of wise 
monetary legislation, for against the evil effects of it he stands helpless. 
The man who has accumulated a large estate might live upon his surplus 
during the period of readjustment, but the man who finds his living in 

12 



each day's toil would be rendered the hopeless victim of such an uncon- 
scionable system. The new found friends of Mr. Bryan, who four years 
since repudiated him with scorn and indignation, now lay the flattering 
unction to their souls that he would not do that which he says he will, or 
that he could not if he would, or if he could he might by the defeated party 
yet in power be bound hand and foot and thus rendered harmless. In short 
that he would exercise the presidential function in other directions only, 
and not in mat upon which his reputation has been built. I do not pro- 
pose to analyze a position so absurd and purile. It is hardly statesman- 
ship to experiment with such grave questions with one who declares his 
purpose to wipe out the gold standard if given the opportunity. It is 
playing with that fire which might start a conflagration so terrible and 
uncontrollable as to make the men who would make possible by this present 
support his elevation, lose the prestige and place on their country's roll of 
honor which years of splendid deeds and patriotic action have won for 
them. For myself I would rather for all time to come forfeit my right of 
affiliation with the Democratic party than by chance assist in giving place 
to one who might, yes who would, if placed in power, work out by the in- 
corporation of his financial views and socialistic theories into 4 the laws of 
the land, a disaster so widespread and a ruin so far reaching. 

Upon what theory then can it be argued that Mr. Bryan, in the face 
of so much that the thoughtful hold to be harmful, is a safe man to elect 
to the presidency? The importance of the office is not to be underesti- 
mated, nor its power to be gainsaid. It is a mighty instrument for good 
or a tremendous engine for harm. By force of circumstance its occupant 
enters into the civil, the social, the business life of the American people 
and it is not wisdom to say that upon a single qualification a Chief Execu- 
tive shall be selected, despite a lack of many others, vital in themselves for 
good or evil. Those who now try to reconcile their conscience with their 
new political position, repudiating Mr. Bryan as unsound and unsafe in 
every other direction, ally themselves to his cause, to his issues, to his as- 
sociates, to his un-Democracy, because they assert that his views on the one 
newer question in the country's politics are more to their views than 
those of President McKinley. I do not propose to argue this phase of the 
question at any length for it seems to me there is no justification for all 
this hue and cry of imperialism and threatened-militarism. It is an issue 
conceived and uttered by the opposition to divert from the real things at 
stake, to conceal the purposes of those who are in the confidence of Mr. 
Bryan, to make for their plans at home and not work out reforms abroad. 
Who, knowing Mr. Bryan, analyzing his mind, following the course of his 
career, passing impartial judgment upon his declarations on any question, 
will believe him capable of heading an administration which can carry 
out a successful foreign policy? How is it possible for Mr. Bryan, wrong 
on all things at home, to be right on all things abroad? But his position 
upon* the Philippines is not one that entitles him to consideration. He did 
make possible the acquisition of the Philippines by insisting upon the rati- 
fication of the Paris treaty, and now when it, his act, returns to plague 

13 



him, undertakes to disprove his responsibility by asserting that his action 
was based upon the idea of making more manifest the dangers of imperial- 
ism. Why make it more manifest? Why jeopardize, if his present posi- 
tion is correct, the liberties of the Filipinos by creating more evidence of 
title for the United States to the land he claims is theirs ? Why ? Simply 
that Mr. Bryan might have another issue in his presidential campaign, if 
he states the truth that he was against it all the time but yielded to make 
more manifest the issue of imperialism, he stood for politics then as he does 
now, for partisan purposes then as he does now, for self aggrandizement 
then as he does now. He was not patriotic then and he is not now. 

I was not in favor of the war with Spain. I believe it to be a mistake, 
but having entered upon it, I do not see in the light of all the facts as 
presented by the records that things could have been different. I was op- 
posed to colonial expansion, but that expansion is an accomplished fact, 
made so largely by Mr. Bryan's co-operation, and dealing with conditions as 
they are and not as they might have been, I prefer to trust the wisdom 
and experience of President McKinley, backed by a party that yet retains 
some conservative elements in it, to the vagaries of Mr. Bryan, supported 
by an organization which boasts that within its circle the radical rules, and 
there is neither use nor place for the conservative. The public must not 
forget that Mr. Bryan's supporters in Congress urged on the war with 
Spain; that Mr. Bryan's friends gave the requisite votes to ratify the 
treaty. The speeches of Democrats were the speeches making for blood and 
fire before the war, their votes after its conclusion bespoke either their hy- 
pocrisy or their belief in the wisdom of the treaty which they were aiding 
in ratifying, a treaty the provisions of which, judged by their present ut- 
terances, they did not believe in and the resuits of which as they now pro- 
fess to see them, they condemn. The policy which Mr. Bryan announces for 
the Philippines, if elected President, to convene Congress to create a stable 
government for them and establish a Monroe doctrine protectorate over 
them, the public knows to be idle. The great mass of the American people 
know that it is impossible to accomplish these things until conditions as to 
education, guarantee of property rights and safety of personal ones warrant 
such action. However many the errors of judgment made which wrought 
the condition which now presents itself in the colonies, the country is not 
willing without taking thought, to set adrift, though retaining a full pro- 
tecting responsibility for their acts, any people who have come to us 
through the Spanish war, educated in Spanish ways and grown in Spanish 
practices. Mr. Bryan and his friends misjudge popular sentiment if they 
think that upon such an issue they can blind the electors of the country to 
those things, which affecting the immediate country, are more paramount 
than any involved in the issue they now attempt to create. The dangers 
of military authority here, of lessened liberty to the American people, of 
enlarged power to the army, do not now and will not in the future exist, 
for patriotism everywhere and at all times has been the priceless heritage 
of the people and will continue to be for centuries yet to come. With each 
returning year a better condition will, through American influences, b* 



worked out for the people of our foreign possessions, until, fitted for a 
larger liberty, they take their place in the galaxy of republics. But it will 
come about only through wisdom of act, statesmanlike legislation, and 
education. It will not be the fruits of designing demogogues, partisan poli- 
ticians and self-enriching spoilsmen. When that day comes there is no 
patriotic citizen of the Republic but who will gladly acclaim "Hail and 
Farewell." 

In conclusion, a single word and this address is finished. It is a word 
for those Democrats who have not bowed the knee to or placed upon the 
neck the yoke of the men who have made an honorable party a hissing and 
a byword. In accepting Republican candidates now, they assume no other 
attitude than that which they took in the first instance when Populism de- 
filed the Democratic temple. They justify their course now as they did 
then, believing that their highest duty as citizens as well as party men 
makes any other action impossiole. They do not believe in any of Mr. 
Bryan's views on the one hand but on the other they approve of much that 
President McKinley has done. I believe an unbiased consideration by gold 
Democrats of all that has been done by the administration under times of 
unusual stress, will lead to the conclusion that their effort in that behalf 
was at least worth while and that much has been accomplished of great 
benefit to the country in many of its varied and important interests. The 
administration of President McKinley has been successful in making more 
secure the gold standard through enacted law and in refunding much of the 
public debt. It has maintained the national credit and improved the coun- 
try's banking system. It has sustained the country's wellbeing at home 
and its dignity abroad. Upon the issues as made up it ought to and it will 
receive the approval of that u^uy of voters who either within or without 
the lines of organized political affiliations "know their rights and dare those 
rights maintain." 

Fellow citizens, in the interest of good government, conservative admin- 
istration, sound economic laws, full and fair regard for personal and prop- 
erty rights, the elimination of class distinctions, the wiping out of class 
prejudices, the dignity and power of law, I ask you to sustain the adminis- 
tration and defeat a Bryanized and emasculated Democracy. In such a course 
lies assurance of preserving for your children's children, untarnished in all 
their integrity, those best traditions of the Republic which in the past have 
added a splendid luster to American citizenship and people, and in the 
future will gain for them a still greater weight of glory. 



15 



OFFICERS OF THE 

Business Men's Sound Money Ass'n 

OF CHICAGO. 

H. N. HIGINBOTHAM, President 
JOSEPH BEIFELD, First Vice President. 



C. E. HYDE, Treasurer 
E. E. HOOPER, Secretary 



VICE PRESIDENTS 

OWEN F. ALDIS GENERAL CHARLES FITZSIMONS 

COLONEL W. P. REND 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

D. S. PATE HENRY KUH 

LAVERNE W. NOYES JOHN T. SHAYNE 

W H. WILSON JOHN A. HEUSNER 

J. W. NYE J. A. EVERETT 

JOHN CRERAR SAMUEL INSULL 

JOHN R. GOTT JOHN G. SHEDD 

COL E. C. YOUNG B. E. SUNNY 

EDWARD TILDEN WM. H. CHADWICK 
FRED. SONTAG 



SPEECH OF SENATOR LODGE 

AT CANTON, OHIO, JULY 12, 1900 

Notifying President McKinley of His Nomination for the Presidency 

by the Republican National Convention at 

Philadelphia, June 19, 1900 

Mr. President: 

This Committee, representing every State in the Union and the 
organized Territories of the United .States, was duly appointed to an- 
nounce to you, formally, your nomination by the Republican National 
Convention, which met in Philadelphia June ,19th last, as the candidate 
of the Republican party for President of the United States for the term 
beginning March 4th, 1901. 

To be selected by the Republican party as their candidate for this 
great office is always one of the highest honors which can be given to 
any man. This nomination, however, comes to you, sir, under circum- 
stances which give it higher significance and make it an even deeper 
expression of honor and trust than usual. You were nominated unani- 
mously at Philadelphia [applause] . You received the unforced vote of 
every delegate from every State and every Territory [continued applause] . 
The harmony of sentiment which appears on the face of the record was 
but the reflection of the deeper harmony which existed in the hearts 
and minds of the delegates. 

UNITED VOICE OF THE PARTY. 

Without faction, without dissent, with profound satisfaction and 
eager enthusiasm you were nominated for the Presidency by the united 
voice of the representatives of our great party, in which there is neither 
sign of division nor shadow of turning [great applause] . Such unanim- 
ity, always remarkable, is here the more impressive because it accom- 
panies a second nomination to the great office which you have held for 
four years. It is not the facile triumph of hope over experience, but the 
sober approval of conduct and character tested in many trials and tried 
by heavy and extraordinary responsibilities [applause] . 

With the exception of the period in which Washington organized 
the nation and built the State, and of those other awful years when Lin- 
coln led his people through the agony of civil war and saved from de- 
struction the work of Washington, there has never been a Presidential 
term in our history so crowded with great events, so filled with new and 
momentous questions, as that which is now drawing to its end. 

REPUBLICAN PROMISES FULFILLED. 

True to the declarations which were made at St. Louis in 1896, you, 
sir, united with the Republicans in Congress in the revision of the tariff 



and the re-establishment of the protective policy [great applause] . You 
maintained our credit and upheld the gold standard, leading the party by 
your advice to the passage of the great measure which is today the bul- 
wark of both [great applause] . You led again in the policy which has 
made Hawaii a possession of the United States [great applause]. On 
all these questions you fulfilled the hopes and justified the confidence of 
the people, who four years ago put trust in our promises. But on all 
these questions you had as guides not only your own principles, the well 
considered results of years of training and reflection, but also the plain 
declarations of the National Convention which nominated you in 1896 
[applause]. Far different was it when the Cuban question, which we 
had also promised to settle, brought first war, then peace, with Spain. 

THE PRESIDENT'S INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBILITY. 

Congress declared war, but you, as Commander-in-Chief, had to 
carry it on [applause]. You did so, and history records unbroken 
victory from the first shot of the Nashville to the day when the pro- 
tocol was signed [enthusiastic applause] . The peace you had to make 
alone. Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines: — you had to assumealone 
the responsibility of taking them all from Spain [continued applause]. 
Alone and weighted with the terrible responsibility of the unchecked 
war powers of the Constitution, you were obliged to govern these islands 
and to suppress rebellion and disorder in the Philippines. No party 
creed defined the course you were to follow. Courage, foresight, com- 
prehension of American interests, now and in the uncharted future, faith 
in the American people and in their fitness for great tasks, were your 
only guides and counselors [great applause]. Thus you framed and 
put in operation this great new policy which has made us at once 
masters of the Antilles and a great Eastern power, holding firmly 
our possessions on both sides of the Pacific [enthusiastic and long- 
continued applause]. 

HIS ADMIRABLE DIPLOMACY. 

The new and strange ever excite fear, and the courage and pres- 
cience which accept them always arouse criticism and attack. Yet a 
great departure and a new policy were never more quickly justified than 
those undertaken by you. On the possession of the Philippines rests 
the admirable diplomacy which warned all nations that American trade 
was not to be shut out of China. It is to Manila that we owe the ability 
to send troops and ships to the defence of our ministers, our mission- 
aries, our consuls, and our merchants in China [applause], instead of 
being compelled to leave our citizens to the casual protection of other 
powers, as would have been unavoidable had we flung the Philippines 
away [great applause]. Rest assured, sir, that the vigorous measures 
which you have thus been enabled to take, and all further measures 
in the same direction which you may take, for the protection of 



American lives and property, will receive the hearty support of the 
people of the United States [enthusiastic applause], who are now, as 
always, determined that the American citizen shall be protected at any 
cost in all his rights, everywhere and at all. times [continued great ap- 
plause]. It is to Manila again, to our fleet in the bay, and our army 
on the land, that we shall owe the power, when these scenes of blood 
in China are closed, to exact reparation, to enforce stern justice, and to 
insist in the final settlement upon an open door to all that vast market 
for our fast growing commerce [applause]. 

WISDOM OF HIS ACTION IN THE ORIENT. 

Events moving with terrible rapidity have been swift witnesses to 
the wisdom of your action in the East. The Philadelphia Convention 
has adopted your policy both in the Antilles and in the Philippines and 
has made it their own and that of the Republican party [enthusiastic 
applause]. 

Your election, sir, next November, assures to us the continuance of 
that policy abroad and in our new possessions. To entrust these diffi- 
cult and vital questions to other hands,- at once incompetent and hostile, 
would be a disaster to us and a still more unrelieved disaster to our 
posterity. 

HIS ELECTION MEANS CONTINUED PROSPERITY 

Your election means not only protection to our industries, but the 
maintenance of a sound currency and of the gold standard, the very cor- 
ner-stones of our economic and financial welfare [great applause]. 
Should they be shaken, as they would be by the success of our opponents, 
the whole fabric of our business confidence and prosperity would fall 
into ruin. Your defeat would be the signal for the advance of free trade, 
for the anarchy of a debased and unstable currency, for business panic, 
depression and hard times, and for the wreck of our foreign policy. 
Your election and the triumph of the Republican party — which we believe 
to be as sure as the coming of the day [great applause] — will make cer- 
tain the steady protection of our industries, sound money, and a vigorous 
and intelligent foreign policy. They will continue those conditions of 
good government and wise legislation so essential to the prosperity an,d 
well-being which have blessed our country so abundantly during the past 
four years [long-continued applause]. 

Thus announcing to you, sir, your nomination as the Republican can- 
didate for the Presidency, we have the honor also to submit to you the 
declaration of principles made by the National Convention, which, we 
trust, will receive your approval. We can assure you of the faithful 
a::d earnest support of the Republican party in every State, and we beg 
you to believe that it is with feelings of the deepest personal gratification 
that we discharge here today this honorable duty imposed upon us by 
the Convention [enthusiastic and long-continued applause]. 



"The interests of labor are never in such great jeopardy as when intrusted to a 
man who has the gift or orator}'' coupled with unbounded political ambition and no 
business judgment or training.'' 



The iilakely Printing Co . Chicago. 



JAMES H-. ECKELS 

The Ex-Comptroller of the Currenc3/, under President 

Cleveland's Administration, Tells why he Did 

Not and Will Not Support Bryan. 



"I did not support; Mr. Bryan in 1896, and I do not intend to now. 
1 shall oppose his election this year with ail the vigor and ability I possess. 
I do not feel that I could stand lo mv convictions by remaining merely 
passive and contenting myself with simply voting against him. 

BRYAN THE ISSUE. 

"No issue set forth in any platform, no matter how cunningly 
devised and arranged, in this campaign can be made paramount to the 
issue of ~Mr. Bryan himself, his erroneous views of public Questions, his 
numerous vagaries and his demonstrated desire to find popularity and votes 
in a never-absent appeal to class prejudices and supposed race hatreds. 

"I am still a Democrat, if believing in Democratic principles correctly 
interpreted and proper!}, enforced as an agency for good constitutes true 
Democracy: but I am not one if he utterances of the platform adopted at 
Chicago four years since and just reaffirmed and re-emphasized at Kansas 
Gitv are the rightful expressions of what modern Democracy stands for. 

ISMS OF P( ),PULISM. 

"The main- isms cf Populism were abhorrent four years since to tux- 
sense of what is safe and sound in the operations of government and the 
general well-being of the people, because T viewr-1 -Vm as being funda- 
mentally wrong, and. being so; neither ' -• ■ cf t ; me rr-r errcrs of the 
party in power rcc- 1 Y' r v.c to heir ■ \ r'.ti n ex --w 1 \\ - --l — [hat 



I should support a candidate who not only approves of them, but is 
their best embodiment and most vigorous champion. 

"I have not read all of Mr. Bryan's utterances during the past four 
years, but I have taken note of enough of them to know that his views have 
not changed on any important question since 1896, and his determination 
to stir up class strife is not less manifest. Throughout all his addresses, 
public and private, is shown uniformly an apparent pleasure in preaching 
the desirability of discord between employe and employer, class and class. 
No appeal ever comes from him which is not tinged with advice to those 
who must work to distrust those who must employ. 

HARMFUL TO LABOR. 

"All this is not only un-American, but it is unjust, unfair, and harm- 
ful most of all to the laborer, for whose well-being beyond all others 
it is necessary that complete harmony between capital and labor and not 
continual antagonism should exist. The interests of labor are never 
in such great jeopardy as when intrusted to a man who has the gift of 
oratory coupled with unbounded political ambition and no business judg- 
ment or training. 

"No man is fitted for the presidency who day in and day out pro- 
claims, in the midst of a demonstrated better condition of affairs, the re- 
verse to be true in order to foment a discontent, which will gain to 
himself and party a political advantage. 

IGNORANT OR BLIND. 

"Mr. Bryan, without the statesmanship to analyze the conditions as 
they exist, and find a remedy therefor, gives utterance to nothing that 
would improve them, but only to that which would make them worse and 
cause greater injury to the great mass of the people, whose fate he 
constantly bewails. I do not believe in the public value of any man who is, 
under any and all circumstances, a faultfinder and mere protester against 
all existing order of things. 

"Mr. Bryan's friends insist that he is nothing if not intellectually 
honest and fearless. Granted that their contention is true, the inquiring 
public must then be forced to conclude that he is either woefully ignorant 
or wilfully blind. At no time since his coming into political power has' 
he made an economic prediction which has not failed of fulfillment, or laid 
down as truth an economic doctrine which has not in the course of quick 
events been demonstrated to be an economic fallacy. 

DICTATION OF PLATFORM. 

"If he does not study grave public questions in the light of past history 
and present facts and human experiences, but only views them in the glare 
of his own preconceived notions and flame of his own fiery political ora- 
tory, he is unsuited either to advise the public as a teacher or guide them 
as a leader. 

"If he was unfit because of his erroneous views and economic heresies, 
to be elected to the presidency in 1896, he is equally an unfit man now, 



for he boasts, with triumphant self-satisfaction, that he stands to-day on all 
these questions exactly where he stood then, and to make more manifest 
and clearly defined his position he compels his party to blazon such fact 
in a platform so constructed as to accord with his views and wishes. 

ALLIANCE WITH CROKER. 

"I can conceive of nothing more pitiable than the sight of accredited 
delegates of a once great political party in a national convention supinely 
surrendering their own views on a vitally important economic question 
at the behest of a once defeated presidential candidate, who only had 
brought that party into disgrace and disrepute, unless it be the sight of 
that presidential candidate and to be nominee, appealing through his con- 
fidential agent Richard Croker, .Tammany dictator, to be his chief aid, 
trusted friend and lieutenant in the emergency which confronted him. 

"Heretofore Democratic presidential candidates have gained public 
respect and strength by having the open enmity of Tammany, Mr. Bryan, 
who more than any of them has boasted of his stand for principle and 
his integrity of character, has done what Mr. Seymour, Mr. Tilden and Mr. 
Cleveland would not do. He has formed an open alliance, offensive and 
defensive with Tammany, and that too, at a time when that organization is 
known to be thoroughly corrupt, and a constant menace to all the best 
interests of good government. 

UNITY WITH POPULISTS. 

"Mr. Bryan hardly appeals to the thoughtful citizen, with whom polit- 
ical parties are only agencies for public good to the extent that they stand 
for fundamentally right principles and honest administration, when upon 
the one hand he is presented by the Populists and on the other by Tammany. 
The joining hands with one constitutes an offense against safety in gov- 
ernmental administration, the alliance with the other an offense against 
political decency, making it doubtful as to his ability, no matter how stren- 
uously he might try, to secure honesty in the conduct of public affairs in an 
administration over which he presided. 

"It is not difficult to predict what would be the outcome of any 
administration based upon the socialism of Populism and the rapacity of 
Tammany. 

REAFFIRMING OF 16 TO i. 

"I am told that not a few Democrats who refused to sanction the nomi- 
nee and platform of the Chicago convention will aid the nominee presented 
at Kansas City. I doubt if there are many who will do so. Why should 
they? The same candidate has been named, the same doctrines announced, 
only in a more offensive way. 

_ "It must not be forgotten that the reaffirming of the principles of the 
Chicago platform was the repledging of an intention, when opportunity 
is afforded, to debase the country's currency. It was re-assaulting the 
Supreme Court of the country. It means a re-alliance with the elements of 
disorder, as against the properly constituted authorities of peace, integrity, 
of property and person. It is the announcing once more of a desire 



to get into power that the sacred right of private "contract under the guar- 
anty of law may be abrogated. It is the acceptance of those elements of 
socialism which works injury to both government and people. 

"In fine, the reaffirmation at Kansas City was the re-asserting of the 
utterances made at Chicago, which, revolutionary then, are none the less 
so now. A source of menace to the country then, they are equally so 
now; and every man who, stood out against them then ought not on some 
new issue, which does not in any degree lessen the danger of these for 
harm, fail to denounce and defeat therm 

"I do not think that the fact that here and there may he some elements 
more conservative in the party than seemed to be the case in 1896, maC - . 
any difference. Mr. Bryan still gives official voice to the party's views, 
maps out its campaigns and writes its platforms. Mr. Bryan's intimates 
and advisers are still Populists and self-seekers, with the added contingent 
of Tammany bosses. lie has neither use nor care for any man who is 
conservative in his views or careful in his utterances. 

EFFECT ON GOLD BASIS. 

"If elected President the public must be prepared to see Mr. Bryan, 
as chief executive and those associated with him as cabinet counselors, 
construe every law bearing upon the currency and the powers of the 
Treasury Department in such a manner as to nullify, as 'best they can, its 
provisions in so far as they bear upon the question of the maintenance 
of the gold standard. His Populist alhes boast that they seek power 
that they may bring about the repeal of the existing law, and to this end 
they are Mr. Bryan's champions and defenders. 

"He can and will keep the country in a state of ferment and un- 
certainty in an attempt to bring about the larger use of silver as a re- 
demptive money. The experiment is too dangerous a one to be entered 
upon by any on the grounds that the gold standard is so fixed in law 
that it cannot be disturbed, no matter who may be President or Secretary 
of the Treasury. The law ought to be executed with a construction 
favorable to it to fully carry out its provisions and not in a manner 
antagonistic to them. ■ It is not a perfect law, ! but can be made so by 
its friends. It can be made abortive by its enemies once firmly en- 
trenched in power. 

BRYAN AND RECENT WAR. 

"It will hardly do for any sound money Democrat or Republican 
to support Mr. Bryan because of a supposed better position he occupies 
than Mr. McKinley on the question of colonial possessions, despite his 
worst position on the question of the monetary standard, the Supreme 
Court, the enforcement of law and the right of private contract. Mr. 
Bryan's position can hardly be as satisfactory a one on an analysis grow- 
ing out of the Spanish war. 

"He and his friends, in order to put the administration to a political 
disadvantage, urged on the declaration of war with Spain, and when it 
was over Mr. Bryan, personally, at Washington, through personal ad- 
vice and solicitation, brought into line a sufficient number of Democratic 
Senators to ratify the treaty of Paris, despite the fact that it provided 
for the purchase and taking sovereign possession of Porto Rico, and the 



Philippines, without any provision for giving them any home government 
whatsoever. The evils and burdens ot the present moment growing out 
of the Spanish war are to be laid as much at the door of Air. Bryan and 
his party as at that of Mr. McKinley and his. His explanation of his 
reason ior wishing the treaty ratified is wholly superficial and does not 
bear analysis. 

POLICY ON PHILIPPINES. 

"I imagine that self-government will come quite as readily through 
the administration of Mr. McKinley as through that of Mr. Bryan, it 
will not come under either until the Philippines are fitted for it, property 
rights safe and personal ones protected. I hardly believe Mr. Bryan 
:ou!d do more than send a commission there, as the President has done, 
in order to take steps looking to supplanting the military government 
with a civil one. 

"The country will not sanction the immediate abandonment of those 
islands to disorder and pillage. When a time comes that there is safety 
in a constitutional home government, only remaining within the sphere 
of the influence of the United States, and public sentiment is to this end, 
it can be put down that Mr. McKinley's administration will readily grant 
it, for I believe it is generally admitted that no one is more ready to put 
himself in touch with public sentiment than the President, or act in ac- 
cordance therewith with more alacrity. If Mr. Bryan means an im- 
mediate abandonment of our control m the islands he must certainly fail 
of support, for no thoughtful person will sanction a policy which will 
make the country ridiculous in the eyes of the world. 

WOULD NOT TRUST HUT. 

"If Mr. Bryan and his party had stood out as they should have 
against the Spanish war, and had opposed instead of assisted in ratifying 
the Paris treaty, they would be in a better position to confront Republican 
plans and" purposes, for they would at least be consistent with their action. 
As it is now they urged the war, but now wish to avoid the consequences 
in order to gain political power by so doing. As it is, I don't see that 
Mr. Bryan is less of an expansionist, through force of circumstances 
which he assisted in creating, than is Mr. McKinley. The difference is 
certainly not great enough to make any man surrender his convictions 
on other great questions to accept him upon one. 

"It may also be fairly doubted whether a man with so many erroneous 
ideas as to the conduct of the domestic affairs of the nation can be 
trusted to have right ones when it comes to managing our foreign prop- 
erties. 

AS TO PORTO RICO. 

"As to the question growing out of the Porto Rican tariff, I believe 
[he administration made a most egregious error, but as Democracv Is 
now constituted and controlled, it stands for nothing so far as a tariff 
policy is concerned. Tt has abandoned all the advantages of its position 
i n this question, by advocating in its silver policy the very worst kind 
of protection. Mr. Bryan stands responsible for making it a party 
unable to manfullv advocate a Democratic tariff doctrine. 



"It is to-day, under Mr. Bryan's leadership, a party emphasizing a 
desire for special privileges and class legislation, appealing for the sup- 
port of every element of discontent by falling in with and advocating the 
particularly special legislation which such element stands for. Its dema- 
gogy is manifest on every hand. 

RAISING THE BOER ISSUE. 

"What thoughtful and inquiring person can possibly believe that either 
Mr. Bryan or the delegates at Kansas City are really deeply solicitous 
to the extent which it is made to appear that they are as to the alleged 
wrongs of the Boers in South Africa? It is not manifest, through the thin 
disguise of a love of human freedom, rights and Republican form of 
government, that Mr. Bryan and his followers hope for the German and 
Dutch vote as a determining factor in the election because racial affilia- 
tions with the Boers and a supposed race prejudice against Great Brit- 
ain, and not because the question or the integrity of the Boer republics 
is so dear to them. 

"It is absurd that the great questions with which we have to do 
affecting the vital interests of the United States shall 'be overlooked in a 
debate upon how Great Britain shall conduct its own affairs, especially in 
the face of a proclaimed reaffirmation of the Monroe Doctrine, which 
means, properly interpreted, that the people of the United States shall 
attend to their own affairs and let European nations look after theirs. 

CONFIDENCE IN GERMANS. 

"Having voiced such a sentiment, the Kansas City convention, under 
the inspiration of Mr. Bryan, immediately proceeds, for political effect, to 
express a wish to interfere with a European government in a matter 
strictly its own. I think such politics cheap, and unstatesmanlike, quite 
benath the dignity of any great party or leader. 

"I shall be surprised if any German voter, heretofore the bulwark 
of the country, against every assault upon the integrity of the country's 
currency system and protesting against any debasement of the country's 
coin, will not aid and abet such a proceeding because of a belief in any, 
injustice done by Great Britain to some affiliated race ten thousand miles 
away. The Germans know that militarism, so-called, in this country is 
beyond the range of possibilities, but the assaults which Mr. Bryan and 
his followers would make if in power is something that would entail 
loss in every direction to the property interests which by labor and saving 
they have accumulated. 

CALLS HIM FAULT-FINDER. 

"Such utterances are all on a par with Mr. Bryan's constant reiteration 
of having here an un-American financial system forced on us by and for 
the benefit of the English and against our own interests. He cannot but 
know that such statement is made for political effect, and that by making 
it he impugns the good faith and patriotism of more than half the voters 
who do not agree with or support him. 

"If Mr. Bryan was a statesman and not a mere declaimer and dealt in a 

— 6 — 



statesmanlike manner with American problems we would not be treated 
to the floods of petulant fault-finding and appeals to prejudice which are 
manifest in all that he says, but would have instead suggested solutions, 
grounded upon principles, and in accord with the facts of national history 
and national experience. 

DISTRUST HIS WISDOM. 

"I am sure the American people rightly distrust the wisdom of one 
who thus far in life has been a living expression, in every address he has 
made, of that best definition of the essential elements of stump speech, 
namely, to claim everything and denounce well. 

"I am not unmindful of the fact that there are many conditions in this 
country requiring careful, thoughtful and statesmanlike dealing with. 
There are many evils to which labor is subject that need to be remedied. 
Likewise there are many prejudices unjustly entertained against capital, 
but in neither instance can they be dealt with to the good of all by any 
one who brings to them none of the elements of a statesman and all of 
those which wholly make up the successful stump-speaker and campaign 
orator. 

WHERE REMEDIES LIE. 

"I believe that more of the remedy lies without the pale of enacted 
legislation than within it, and that neither labor nor capital is benefited 
by public utterances on the platform in legislative halls and through the 
columns of the press to the effect that there is an irrepressible conflict 
between them. 

"I do not believe any man benefits his country by being a preacher 
of discontent, strife between classes, social and political pessimism, financial 
error, and continuous financial gloom, despite surroundings and widespread 
prosperity, and therefore I do not believe in Mr. Biwan. 

"There are some things in President McKinle}^'s administration and 
official acts I am not in accord with. I do not accept Republican doctrines 
as against pure Democratic ones rightly interpreted and incorporated into 
the administration of public affairs. But as between Republicanism and 
Populism, filtered through the channel of Bryanism, I prefer Republican- 
ism. 

DENIES HIS DEMOCRACY. 

"There is no Democratic doctrine presented this year and no Demo- 
cratic candidate. Mr. Bryan was first named by the Populist because he 
best stood for Populistic doctrines. He was only indorsed by the conven- 
tion at Kansas City, called under alleged Democratic auspices, because 
Bryanism, Populism and Democracy as now made up are synonymous 
terms. 

"The combined forces of the elements of discontent of the country 
having gathered in one fold and found without a dissenting voice a can- 
didate so many sided as to respond with an equal degree of satisfaction to 
each one's peculiarism, it seems to me the part of wisdom to meet them 
in another election, and again demonstrate that the electorate of this country 
in every critical time always stands ready to do that which is wise, putting 
down the wrong thing and putting* up the right, 



ink 1 ; 
use 


r . .'rii' 
[ fav< 


. do whatever 1 


• 1 i 

be 


nder 
>etter 


all existing Con- 
or! in his hands 



TO VOTE FOR McKir 

"I am coing to vole for President Mel 
consistently can to aid in Ins election, not ibec 
or approve of all his poiiiical acts, but becai 
ditions I believe the affairs of the country wii 
than in those of Mr. Bryan. 

"T hope some time to see the Democratic party recreated, advocating 
Democratic candidates and Democratic principles, but it cannoi be more 
than a disturbing force in the country's daily history until it rids iiself 
o: a leadership which has brought it to its present low estate, and ceases 
making itself the lying-in asylum of those elements of discontent which, if 
once entrusted With Governmental power, would w T ork injury at home 
and loss of standing abroad. 

ADVICE TO DEMOCRATS. 

"It can live under defeat without complete and ultimate destruction, 
but a victory gainer! by it with a candidate holding the views oi Mr. 
Bryan, and a platform pledging the party to carry out the things ad- 
vocated at Chicago in 1896, and in Kansas City this year, would work- 
such results to the country that it would pass forever out of political 
power at a recurring election, without the smallest minorities to do it 
on, 'Unwept, unhonoreel and unsung.' 

"The Democrat who wishes to save his party's future will only a if! 
that end by defeating Mr. Bryan and burying his platform. Its ultimate 
recurrence \o power and prestige lies in the independence of Democrat- 
who are such on principle, and not through expediency." 



President flcKinley's Administration 



SPEECH OF 

HON. CHARLES DICK, OF OHIO 

In the House of Representatives , 

Saturday, June 2, 1900. 



[Part of the Congressional Record.] 

Work of the Treasury Department. 

Four achievements in the management of the public finances and revenues 
under the Administration of President .AIcKinley stand out with marked promi- 
nence: 

First, in point of success, is the Dingley tariff; second, the reform in the cur- 
rency: third, the war loan of 1898; and fourth, the settlement of the Pacific Rail- 
road indebtedness. 

Perhaps never before in the history of this country have so many important 
fiscal achievements been accomplished in so brief time. With the exception of 
the Pacific Railroad settlement, these events bear, to a considerable degree, rela- 
tionship to each other. ' Underlying the success of the war loan of 1SD8 and the 
reform in the currency was the basis of prosperity established by prompt and 
effective tariff legislation. The President well understood the necessity for speedy 
modification in the tariff. Within forty-eight hours after his inauguration he 
issued a proclamation for an extra session of Congress to assemble March 15, 
1897. The brief message sent to Congress when it convened on that day clearly 
demonstrated the urgent necessity for prompt action. Said the President: 

"Congress should promptly correct the existing condition. Ample revenues must 
be supplied not only for the ordinary expenses of the Government, but for the 
prompt payment of liberal pensions and the liquidation of the principal and inter- 
est of the public debt. In raising revenue, duties should be so levied upon foreign 
products as to preserve the home market, so far as possible, to our own producers; 
to revive and increase manufactures: to relieve and encourage agriculture; to 
increase our domestic and foreign commerce; to aid and develop mining and 
building; and to render to labor in every field of useful occupation the liberal wages 
and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are justly entitled. The neces- 
sity of the passage of a tariff law which shall provide ample revenue need net be 



further urged. The imperative demand of the hour is the prompt enactment 
of such a measure, and to this object I earnestly recommend that Congress shall 
make every endeavor. Before other business is transacted let us first provide 
sufficient revenue to faithfully administer the Government without the contracting 
of further debt or the eon tinned disturbance of our finances." 

REPUBLICANS QUICKLY GIVE PROTECTION. 

The House of Representatives promptly responded to the President's mes- 
sage. On the same day in which it was read in the House, the late Mr. Dingley 
of Maine, chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, introduced the new 
tariff bill. Such unusual expedition had been made possible only by the untiring 
work of the members of the Committee on Ways and Means for several months 
previous. 

The bill was passed in the House of Representatives March 31, 1807, less 
than a month after the inauguration of President McKinley and two weeks after 
Congress had convened in extra session. It passed the Senate July 7, 1897, with 
amendments. Two days later its consideration was begun by a conference com- 
mittee of the two Houses, and it finally passed the House July 19 and the Senate 
July 24. It became a law on the latter day when the President signed the bill. 
Thus, within five months (no other tariff law was ever passed in so short a 
time) after the inauguration of the President a new tariff law was placed on the 
statute books. Under its beneficient influences the United. States has enjoyed 
a commercial and industrial revival the greatest in its history. The hopes of the 
President as expressed in his message have been realized; ample revenues were 
provided for the ordinary expenses of the Government, and in providing them 
duties were levied upon foreign products so as to preserve the home markets: 
manufactures have revived and increased; agriculture has been relieved and en- 
couraged; domestic and foreign commerce have been increased; mining and build- 
ing have been aided and developed, and more liberal wages have been paid to 
labor. 

RESULTS OF THE DINGLEY TARIFF. 

Under the operation of the Wilson Act, from September 1, • 1894, to July 
24, 1807, a period of thirty-five months, there was a total deficit of $108,003,248. 
This deplorable state of the revenues was largely responsible for that lack of 
confidence which prolonged the hard times inaugurated by the panic of 1893. 

The Dingley tariff became a law July 24, 1807. Under its operation ample 
revenues have been provided, as urged by President McKinley. During the period 
of thirty-two months the law has been in force, July 24, 1807, to April 1, 10(H). 
the receipts of the Government from all sources, exclusive of Pacific Railroad 
items, were $1,224,320,008. Deducting from these receipts the Treasury Depart- 
ment's estimate of collections under the War Revenue Act, amounting to $183,708,- 
538, there were net receipts of $1,040,018,070. The expenditures for the same period 
aggregated $1,360,663,400, and deducting the Treasury Department's estimate of 
war expenditures of $372,000,000, the net expenditures for the period stand at 
$004,663,406, leaving for the thirty-two months' operation of the Dingley tariff an 
excess of net receipts over net expenditures of $45,954,664. 

It is proper to compare this surplus under the Dingley law with the deficit 
of $108,003,243, which was shown at the end of thirty-five months' operation of 
the Wilson Act. 

THE DEMOCRATIC DEFICIENCY. 

"In raising revenue," said the President in his message, "duties should be 
so levied upon foreign products as to preserve the home market, so far as possible, 
to our own producers." That the home market has been preserved to our own 
producers is shown by the great reduction in the importation of manufactured 
articles. In the fiscal year 1806 the imports for consumption of manufactured 
articles were $328,037,228, and in the fiscal year 1807, all of which elapsed prior 
to the enactment of the Dingley law, they were $323,324,020. In the fiscal years 
1808 and 1800 they averaged about $240,000,000 per year, being in 1808, $227,467,- 
240, and in 1800, $250,801,751. Thus, in manufactured articles the reduction in 
importations immediately following the enactment of the Dingley law has aver- 
aged $75,000,000 per annum, while the amounts consumed by the home market 
have greatly increased, as is shown by tin 1 great increase in the importation of raw 
material for use of manufacturers, stated in the paragraph which now follows: 



HELPED FARMS AND FACTORIES. 

The President uvged that the new duties be so levied as "to revive and in 
crease manufactures." In the fiscal year 1897 the imports for consumption of 
articles in a crude condition which enter into the various processes of domestic 
industry amounted to -f -07, 208,155, and in the three years 1895, 1896 and 1897 
averaged less than $200,000,000 annually, while in the calendar year 1899 the im- 
ports of this class amounted to $207,198,950, an increase of nearly $70,000,000 over 
the average for the three years of low tariff, in which many of these articles, 
notably wool, were upon the free list. At present the importation of manufactur- 
ers' materials is running at the rate of $28,000,000 per month, or more than 50 per 
cent higher than the monthly average in the year prior to the enactment of the 
Dingley law and to the recommendation above quoted. 

The President also urged that the new duties should be so levied as "to re- 
lieve and encourage agriculture." That agriculture has been relieved and encour- 
aged is shown by the increased prices for agricultural products, all of which have 
materially advanced in the home market, and by the large increase in exportation 
in the products of agriculture, which in the fiscal year 1899 were $100,000,000 
greater than in the fiscal year 1897, and in 1898 were $200,000,000 in excess of 
those of 1897, 

AID LABORERS IN THE MINES. 

The message also recommended that the new duties should be so levied as 
"to aid and develop mining." That mining has been greatly encouraged is amply 
shown by the figures relating to the two great mining industries, coal and iron. 
The coal production of 1899 exceeds 200,000,000 tons, against 179,000,000 in 1897 
and 171,000,000 in 1896, and has placed the United States at the head of the 
world's producers of this article, our product in 1899 being greater than that of 
any other country of the world. The pig-iron production in 1899 was 13,020,703 
tons, against 9,052,680 tons in 1S97 and 8,623,127 tons in 1896. In pig iron, as in 
coal, the United States now holds the first place in the world's production. 

And, finally, the President urged that in raising revenue duties should be so 
levied as "to render to labor in every field of useful occupation the liberal wages 
and adequate rewards to which skill and industry are justly entitled." That the 
wages of labor have been greatly increased in every line of industry is evidenced 
by the frequent reports of increased wages published from time to time. In an 
address before the Trades League of Philadelphia, January 25, 1898, Hon. Lyman 
J. Oage, Secretary of the Treasury, reviewed in general the increase in wages 
which had taken place under the administration of President MCKinley, as follows: 

BETTER WAGES TO TEXTILE WORKERS. 

"Only a few weeks ago worsted manufacturers in Rhode Island restored the 
wage scale of 1893 in their mills, thus granting an increase of 20 per cent in the 
pay of about 25,000 operatives. * * * In the city of Philadelphia numerous 
woolen mills have restored the wages of 1893, and are so active that it is difficult 
and sometimes impossible to secure the help required to operate them: and, in 
contrast to the depression in cotton textiles, woolen manufactures are booming 
all over the country. * * * Within a few weeks after the November election 
of 1896, 15,000 men, idle for a long time, were put to work in the window-glass 
industry. Since then, as the revival has progressed, instances of advances in 
wage rates and of increases in numbers employed have multiplied. The resump- 
tion of work in rolling mills during the summer in Alabama, Maryland, and Ohio 
gave employment to thousands of men. Indeed, in iron and steel and the indus- 
tries directly dependent upon the consumption of iron as material I have it upon 
authority that there is an increase of at least 267,000 men employed over the pre- 
ceding year. In addition to this large increase in the working forces employed 
in iron and steel and dependent brandies, advances in wages ranging from 10 to 
20 per cent have been made, and in some cases much greater, as the result of 
wages paid on a tonnage basis. 

THE TIN-PLATE INDUSTRY. 

"Since the passage of the tariff bill the tin-plate industry has wonderfully 
revived, and wages in this line have since the summer been increased by rates 
varying from 8 to 12 per eent. The weekly output of coke at the end of 1897 was 



more than double what it was at the close of 1896, and in the Connellsville coke 
works there has been an increase in the number actually engaged of from 10 to 20 
per cent. The voluntary advance in wages by the leading companies in the coke 
industry has benefited thousands of men. The advance in wages of glass workers, 
determined upon at the close of the year, is so recent that Mr. Bryan must know 
of it. The pottery industry of Trenton during recent years has been greatly 
depressed, with many failures, and not half the hands have been employed until 
recently. Wages have now been advanced more than 12 per cent, and there is a 
great increase in the number employed in this district, to the extent at this time 
of probably 5,000 or more. It was made public so recently as last September by 
an official report of the New York trades union that there was then an increase 
of 34 per cent in the number of their men employed, compared with the previous 
year. 

"Near the close of November last the wage scale of the Missouri Pacific in its 
shops at Fort Scott was restored to what it was before the reduction of 1893. I 
have an accurate list of more than 250 mills, factories, and enterprises that have 
during the last six months resumed work, many of them having been idle since 
189(5, when the depression became more acute as the result of the agitation for 
the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 10 to 1, "without the aid or 
consent of any other nation." Most of them have advanced wages over the old 
scale. All of them are running full time, most of them double time, and in many 
fires are now never drawn nor the wheels stopped, three shifts being required to 
meet the heavy demands. This all indicates a great increase in working forces." 

LABOR IN MAINE, MICHIGAN AND MISSOURL 

Some recent reports, selected at random, covering various sections of the 
country, show that the movement toward higher wages has continued. The re- 
port of the Michigan Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics states that a can- 
vass of the factories in that State shows that in 1.382 factories the number of em- 
ployees was 24.202 greater than in the year 1898. the average increase in these 
factories being 17.6 per cent, while the wages paid were found to be higher than 
in 1S98 and greatly in excess of 1897 and 1890. A canvass of several hundred 
shops and factories in the State of Ohio shows the number of hands employed in 
1899 to be 08 per cent in excess of the number in 1896 and the total monthly pay 
roll 80 per cent greater than in 1S9G, the earnings of the workers in the shops and 
factories of the State of Ohio being estimated at $3,000,000 per month in excess 
of those received in 1896. 

The twenty-first annual report of the bureau of labor statistics (1S99) of 
Missouri shows that "the total amount of wa^es paid during 1898 (in the State) 
was $25,027,837, an increase over last year of $3,917,482, and the report, in giving 
the average wages earned by skilled and unskilled labor of both sexes, states that 
there is a slight average increase over the previous year." 

The thirteenth annual report of the bureau of labor and industrial statistics 
(1899) of Maine shows that in average annual earnings of employees engaged in 
manufacturing cotton goods there was from 1890 to 1898 a decrease of $41.59, and 
daring the past year (1899) an increase of $29.09. 

CURRENCY REFORM ACCOMPLISHED. 

The reform in the currency laws is the second great achievement in the 
administration of public finances under President McKinley. The act approved 
by the President March 14, 1900, firmly establishes the United States on a gold 
basis. Confidence in respect to the money standard is now at the highest, and 
the integrity of all our various forms of money has been declared by law. The 
uncertainties and misgivings of more than twenty years have been dispelled, and 
a broad foundation of stability and security laid, upon which may be reared 
the structure of enduring prosperity. 

The task has been a difficult one. It was a problem which required patience 
and courage in its solution. The fact that three years elapsed before the measure 
became a law reveals the difficult road over which the workers for the reform 
movement passed. At the beginning of the first regular session of Congress under 
the Administration of President McKinley the Secretary of the Treasury sub- 
mitted a plan the essential features of which are to be found in the act of March 
14, 1900. 



From December, 1S97, until the bill became a law no opportunity was lost 
to advance the cause of currency reform. Notwithstanding an adverse majority 
in the Senate, the Committee on Banking and Currency in the House considered 
several measures. The work thus done in committee, while resulting in nothing 
definite, was yet of great value, for the long and trying discussion served to bring 
about a better understanding of the intricate questions to be settled. In anticipa- 
tion of a Republican Senate" and House in the Fifty-sixth Congress caucus com- 
mittees were organized for the purpose of preparing, during the summer months 
of 1899, such a bill as would receive the support of the sound-money majority in 
both Houses. When the first session of the Fifty-sixth Congress was convened 
the first bill introduced was that agreed upon by the House caucus committee. 
It took its place upon the Calendar as House bill No. 1. With all reasonable 
expedition the measure was then considered by both branches of the National 
Legislature, and so became a law March 14, 1900. 

ALL OUR MONEY OF THE SAME VALUE. 

This currency law does something more than remove all doubt concerning the 
standard of value. It directs that all forms of money issued or coined by the 
United States shall be maintained at a parity of value with this standard, and 
it is made the duly of the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain such parity. A 
reserve fund of $150,000,000 in gold coin and. bullion is set apart in the Treasury 
for the redemption of United States notes and Treasury notes of 1890, instead 
of $100,000,000, formerly recognized as the gold reserve. Such fund is required 
to be used for redemption purposes only. Ample provision is made for restoring 
the reserve fund in case it should fall below the $150,000,000 required to be main- 
tained. 

BETTER FACILITIES FOR BANKING. 

The act also contains provisions which give greater liberty to the organization 
of national banks. Under the old law no national bank could be organized with 
a capital less than $50,000. Under the new law the minimum capital required for 
organization is $25,000 in places the population of which does not exceed 3.000 
inhabitants. The object of this provision is to extend better banking facilities to 
Those smaller communities heretofore denied the privilege of organizing national 
banks. At the same time, the law contains a provision authorizing the banks 
to issue their circulating notes to the par of the United States bonds deposited as 
security, instead of only 90 per cent, as formerly. This illiberal requirement either 
resulted in meager profits to national banks issuing circulating notes, or. as Was 
the case in some localities, in actual losses, the effect of which was to restrict the 
issuing of circulating notes. Such restrictions was most severely felt in those 
communities where currency wants were greatest. Under the operation of the 
new law, from March 14 to April 30, 244 applications to organize national banks 
have been approved by the Comptroller of the Currency. The aggregate capital 
of these banks is $10,380,000. The total of national bank note circulation has 
been increased by the sum of $29,092,368. 

REFUNDING THE NATIONAL DEBT. 

Perhaps the most notable feature of the new currency law is that which relates 
to the refunding of the national debt. The 5 percents of 1904, the 4 perceuts or 
1907. and the 3 percents of 1908, the principal of which aggregates $839,140,400, are 
authorized to be refunded into 2 per cent bonds, payable at the pleasure of the 
United States after thirty years from the date of their issue, and payable, principal 
and interest, in gold coin of the present standard value. The act contains a 
provision that the hew 2 per cent bonds to be issued in exchange for the old threes, 
fours, and fives shall not be issued at less than par. The Secretary of the Treasury 
was authorized to conduct the refunding operations so that the old threes, fours, 
and fives should be received in exchange for the 2 percents on a basis of 2% per 
cent. May 1. 1900. almost one-third of the outstanding threes, fours, and' fives 
had been converted into 2 percents of the new issue, thus practically securing the 
success of the refunding plan. No other nation of the earth can 'boast of such 
an achievement as is the exchange of these old, high-rate interest bonds for bonds 
issued upon so low a basis as 2 per cent. Hitherto Great Britain has boon regarded 
as the financial Gibraltar of the World, but while British consuls bearing inh 



at the rate of 2% per cent per annum were selling 2 points below par, the United 
States was able to float a 2 per cent bond at par with ease. Such tact speaks vol- 
umes for the present financial strength of the United States. To float a 2 per 
cent bond at par of this kind means that the integrity of the dollar has been 
recognized in the law of the land, and there is faith in the honesty of our intentions 
and purposes for the future. 

DEMAND FOR UNITED STATES BONDS. 

But faith in the public credit not alone supports the success of the refunding 
operations; that success is supplemented by the present national banking system, 
and without which it is doubtful if a 2 per cent bond could ever have b-.en 
floated in this country. National banks are required to deposit bonds of the 
United States as security for circulating notes. Such bonds constitute an essential 
element of the national banking system. The competition which results from the 
necessities of the banks in this respect is, perhaps, the most potent reason why the 
United States can dispose of its bonds bearing so low a rate of interest. 

The operations of the refunding provisions of the law from March 14 to 
May 1, 1900, are set forth iD the following table: 





Amount refunded. 


Saving in Interest. 


Premium Paid. 


Net Saving. 


Threes o f 1908 


% 60,989.200 
158.791.7C0 
40,239,850 


$ 5.080.415 
22,998.969 
4,619,841 


$ 3,465,587 
18,522,306 
4,046,878 


$1,614,828 

• 4,476.663 

572,963 


Fours of 1907 


Fives of 1904 


Total 


$260,020,750 


$32,699,225 


$26,034,771 


$6,664,451 





The "net saving" shown above represents the difference between the amount 
of interest the Government will pay upon the bonds refunded to the date of their 
respective maturities and the amount of interest the Government would have 
been obliged to pay had not the bonds above described been thus refunded. 

It has been estimated that, should the total amount of bonds subject to the 
refunding provisions of the law be offered in exchange for the new 2 per cents, 
the net savings of the Government will be in the neighborhood of $22,000,000. 
As noted, the net saving in refunding .$2*30,020,750 to May 1, 1900, was $6,664,451. 

FINANCES OF THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. 

The war with Spain served to demonstrate something more than the military 
and naval strength of the United States; it brought to light the vast resources 
in wealth of this country. In a general way it had been understood that the 
United States was a nation of great wealth, perhaps richer than any other coun- 
try; but it needed the necessities of war to give an exhibition of our real financial 
strength. While if was recognized in the spring of 1S98 that the Dingley tariff, 
under normal conditions, would produce ample revenues for the ordinary require- 
ments of the Government, it was apparent that means must be taken at once 
to provide for the heavy war expenditures. April 25, 1S9S, two days after the 
declaration of war, a bill to provide additional revenues was introduced in the 
House of Representatives. It passed that body April 29 and the Senate June 4. 
The report of the conference committee was agreed to in the House June 9 
and the Senate June 10. The bill became a law June 13, 1898, when it received 
the signature of the President. The necessities of the hour required that the 
Treasury should be supplied immediately with funds. The task was to raise 
a large sum, available for immediate use, in such a manner as to avoid injury 
to the rapidly reviving business of the country. The act recognized a true 
principle in public finance by making provision to borrow at once a sum sulfi- 
cient to provide for war expenses, while at the same time additional taxes 
were levied in order that the loan might be supported by an increase in revenue. 

HOW THE TAXES WERE IMPOSED. 

No better explanation of the tax features of the bill has been given than 
that made by the late Hon. Nelson Dingley on the occasion of its introduction 
in the House, as follows: 

"They [the Committee on Ways and Means] naturally have had recourse to 
the legislation of the period of the civil war, when so large an amount had to 



— (3 



be raised, and they have found, after a careful consideration of the question 
of taxation, that on the whole it is better at the present time, and Ave trust that 
that may be all that may be necessary, that about .$100,000,000 additional revenue 
should be raised, and that entirely through internal-revenue legislation: Hence 
The war-revenue bill which has been reported provides for internal-revenue raxes 
exclusively. These taxes have been selected, first, because we have the machinery 
for the collection of them now, and they can be collected with but slight addi- 
tions to the force and with but slight increase of expense. We have selected 
them also because they were a source of revenue successfully seized upon during 
the civil war. and because they are taxes either upon articles of voluntary consump- 
tion or upon objects where the tax will be met by those who are ordinarily able 
to pay them; and we have refrained from putting a tax in a direction where 
it would be purely upon consumption, unless the consumption were an article 
of voluntary consumption, so that the consumer might regulate his own tax, 
following what is the accepted rule of taxation in all countries, Avith a view 
of imposing the least burden and disturbing the business of the country as 
little as possible." 

ISSUE OF THE POPULAR LOAN. 

The act authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow $400,000,000, or as 
much thereof as might be necessary, to defray the expenses of the war. Under 
this authority it Avas decided to borroAV $200,000,000. The success which attended 
the floating of this loan is a memorable one. It Avas a popular loan in every 
sense of the word. The act itself directed that "the bonds authorized by this 
section shall be first offered at par as a popular loan under such regualtious, 
prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, as will give opportunity to the 
citizens of the United States to participate in subscriptions to the loan, and in 
allotting said bonds the several subscriptions of individuals shall be first accepted, 
and the subscriptions for the lowest amounts shall be first allotted." The Secre- 
tary of the Treasury utilized every agency at his command to comply with this 
direction of Congress. All State and national banks were requested to co-operate 
with the Department; the express companies tendered their services free of 
cost in the handling of subscriptions; the Postmaster-General directed that all 
money-order postoflices be charged with the duty of receiving the orders of 
subscribers, aud all the neAvspapers of the United States were invited to dis- 
seminate information concerning the loan. All these great agencies combined 
to place before the people the fullest information that could be given. 

BONDS SUBSCRIBED SEVEN TIMES OYER. 

For a period of thirty-one days subscriptions were received, at the end of 
which Time iT Avas found that the total of subscriptions aggregated only a little 
under $1,400,000,000, or almost seven times the amount of bonds offered to the pub- 
lic. This Avas a remarkable demonstration in favor of the public credit, and it 
shoAved to other nations the tremendous resources which the people of the 
United States were able to command almost at a moment's notice. The success 
of the Avar loan had an effect, both at home and abroad, scarcely less important 
than were the naval victories at Manila and Santiago. Doubtless the purpose 
of the people thus expressed to give abundant support to the Avar was one of 
the factors Which brought about its speedy termination. 

The withdrawal of so large a sum as $200,000,000 from active employment 
in commerce and industry Avithout deranging any of the vast business interests 
of the country was a feat successfully accomplished. By the end of the calendar 
year 1898 almost every dollar of this great sum had been paid into the Treasury, 
yet under the plan adopted by the Secretary of the Treasury such payment Avas 
made without occasioning the slightest injury to business. In fact, the entire 
management of the war finances Avas conducted with such skill that not for a 
moment was there any interruption to the returning tide of prosperity. Industrial 
and commercial expansion continued as if in fact there had been no Avar, aud 
at its close the business of the country Avas greater in volume than at the 
beginning, and the national credit, both at home and abroad, had been raised 
to the highest point in our history. It may lie said with truth ihal this increased 
faith in the public credit laid the foundation for the achievement of that currency 
reform which Avas accomplished bv the act of March 14, 1000, fixing the standard 



of value and providing for the refunding of the national debt at the lowest 
rate of interest on public securities ever effected in this or any other country. 

COLLECTING THE WAR TAXES. 

The following table, compiled in the office of the Commissioner of Internal 
Revenue, exhibits the collections by items under the war revenue act from the 
date of its passage to April 1, 1900: 

Statement showing the amount of internal revenue collected under the war 
revenue act from June 13, 1898, to March 31, 1900: 



Objects of Taxation. 



Cigars 

Cigarettes 
Snuff 



Tobacco, chewing and smoking 

Dealers in leaf tobacco 

Dealers in manufactured tobacco 

Manufacturers of tobacco 

Manufacturers of cigars 

Miscellaneous collections relating to tobacco •. 

Fermented liquors 

Additional collections on fermented liquors stored in warehouse.... 

Mixed flour 

Bankers, capital not exceeding $25,000 

Bankers, capital exceeding $25,000, lor each additional $1,000 in excess of $25,000. 

Billiard rooms 

Brokers, stocks, bonds, etc 

Brokers, commercial 

Brokers, custom house 

Brokers, pawn 

Bowling alleys 

Circuses 



Exhibitions not otherwise provided for 
Theaters, museums and concert halls. . . 

Legacies 

Schedule A 

Schedule B 

Excise tax on gross receipts 



Total. 



Amount 
Collected. 



56 



,202,691.00 

,442,020.53 

,641,281.51 

,070,113.79 

127,170.79 

30,637.50 

39,183.57 

446,724.89 

773,175.30 

,936,631.83 

197,936.13 

14,154.75 

712,426.19 

,066,155.02 

583,443.08 

559,356.13 

277.016.66 

11,860.52 

71,756.33 

90,626.46 

28,929.11 

148,759.50 

97,729. £9 

,896,306.81 

,781,776.80 

,693,881.17 

,463,547.69 



$183,405,292.45 



Note. -The above statement embiaces all the items it is practicable to specify. 
THE PACIFIC RAILROAD SETTLEMENTS. 

The settlement of the Pacific Railroad indebtedness is also to be ranked as 
one of the great achievements of President McKinley's Administration. This in- 
debtedness had for years been a subject of fruitless endeavor; all efforts, either 
by Congress or the Executive Departments, prior to 1897, were of little avail 
in protecting the Government's interests in these roads, in fact, there were grave 
doubts whether the Government would succeed in being reimbursed, even in 
part, the vast sum expended by the United States in aid of their construction. 

The discovery of gold in California, the rapid increase in wealth and popula- 
tion in the territory west of the Rocky Mountains, and a movement on the part 
of the older States to establish closer connections during the civil war with those 
outlying communities, led Congress in 1802 to authorize the construction of a 
railroad to the Pacific Ocean. The direct benefit to be derived by the Govern- 
ment was the use of the same for postal, military, and other purposes. The act 
of July 1, 1SG2, chartering the Union Pacific Railroad Company, was not suffi- 
ciently liberal, and therefore nothing was accomplished under its provisions. The 
Union Pacific Company was organized as provided by the act, but no one was 
found who would venture money in the construction of the road. 

Congress was impressed with the urgent necessity of completing such a road 
to the Pacific Ocean, and with the immense economic advantages which would 
follow the construction of a transcontinental line. It, therefore, on July 2, 1801, 
amended the act of 1802, by making provisions more favorable to the companies. 
The act of 1SG2 provided that the Government should have a first mortgage on 
the property. of the company, while the act of 1804 provided substantially that 
for the bonds the Government should issue in aid of the construction of the road 



it should take a second mortgage, Two cbiti 
provisions of the mt of 1$04, and entered eii< 



pabies wore organized under the 
Tgetienlly upon the work of coii« 



struetion. The road was built from the California end eastward by the Central 
Pacific Railroad Company, and from the Missouri River westward to the com- 
mon meeting point at Ogden by the Union Pacific Company. 

AIDING THE CENTRAL PACIFIC. 

Their lines were united May 10, 1S69, anticipating by more than seven 
years the time required by Congress therefor. The Union Pacific Company con- 
structed 1,034 miles and the Central Pacific 743 miles. The road of the latter 
company was subsequently extended 140 miles, and the lines of the two com- 
panies from the Missouri River to San Francisco represented a mileage of 1,917 
miles. 

In aid of these roads and connecting branches the United States issued bonds 
to the amount of $64,023,512. The United States failing to be reimbursed for the 
interest paid on these bonds, it became necessary, in protection of the interests 
of the Government, to pass the act of May 7, 1878, known as the "Thurman Act." 
This act provided that the whole amount of compensation which might, from 
time to time, be due to the several railroad companies for services rendered the 
Government should be retained by the Government, one-half thereof to be applied 
to the liquidation of the interest paid and. to be paid by the United States upon 
the bonds issued to each of the companies, the other half to be turned into a 
sinking fund. 

But it soon became apparent that with the approaching maturity of bonds 
issued in aid of the roads the provisions of the "Thurman Act" were not adequate 
to the protection of the Government's interests. Efforts in and out of Congress 
were persistently made looking to a settlement of this vast indebtedness, but 
without success. So recently as the Fifty-fourth Congress an effort w r as made 
to pass a bill to refund the debts of the Pacific Railroad companies, but such a 
bill was defeated in the House by a vote of 107 nays and 102 yeas. 

UNION AND KANSAS PACIFIC DEFAULTED. 

On January 12, 1897, the day following the defeat of the funding "bill, the 
Attorney-General was informed by the President that default had occurred in 
the payment of the Union Pacific and the Kansas Pacific indebtedness to the 
Government, and he was directed to make such arrangements as were possible 
to secure, as far as practicable, the payment of their indebtedness. An agree- 
ment was entered into between the Government and the reorganization committee 
of the Union Pacific Railroad by which the committee guaranteed, should the 
Government undertake to enforce its lien by sale, a minimum bid for the Union 
and Kansas Pacific lines that would produce to the Government over and above 
any prior liens and charges upon the railroads and sinking fund the net sum of 
$45,754,059.99. In nerformance of this agreement the bid was guaranteed by a 
deposit of $4,500,000. . 

Pursuant to the agreement with the reorganization committee, bills were filed 
in the United States circuit courts for the foreclosure of the Government lien. 
The decrees entered for the sale of the roads not being satisfactory to the Govern- 
ment, the propriety of an appeal was considered and papers were prepared for 
this purpose. At this juncture the reorganization committee came forward with 
an offer to increase its bid, making the total $50,000,000 instead of $45,754,059.99. 

WATCHING THE GOVERNMENT'S INTERESTS. 

Subsequently, to settle all points in dispute, the reorganization committee 
decided to abandon this second bid, and to increase the minimum amount to be 
offered for the property to the sum of $58,448,223.75. being the total amount due 
the Government on account of the Union Pacific road, as stated by the Secretary 
of the Treasury, including the sum of $4,549,308.26 cash in the sinking fund. 
Such an amount was bid by the reorganization committee on November 1, 1897, 
and the sale was confirmed by the court on November 6. 1897. After the con- 
firmation of the sale the whole amount was paid into the Treasury of the United 
States in convenient installments, thus relieving the Government from any loss 
whatever upon its claim for principal and interest due upon its subsidy, and 
bringing to a final and most satisfactory termination a long-standing and trouble- 
some question. 

In the ease of the Kansas Pacific indebtedness, by decree of the court, an 



upset price on the sale of the property was fixed at a sum which would yield 
to the Government $2,500,000. The reorganization committee in conference with 
the Government declared its purpose of making no higher bid than that fixed 
by the decree of court, so that the Government was confronted with the danger 
of receiving for its total lien uppn this line, amounting to nearly $13,000,000, 
principal and interest, only the sum of $2,500,000. 

Believing the interests of the Government required that an effort should 
be made to obtain a larger sum, and the Government having the right to redeem 
the incumbrances upon the property which were prior to the lien of the Govern- 
ment subsidy, by paying the sums lawfully due in respect thereof out of the 
Treasury of the United States, so that the United States should thereupon become 
subrogated to all rights and securities theretofore pertaining to the liens and 
mortgages, in respect of which such payments should be made, the President, on 
February 8, 1898, authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to pay out of the 
Treasury, to the person or persons lawfully entitled to receive the same, the 
amounts lawfully due upon the prior mortgages upon the eastern and middle 
divisions of said road. 

DID BETTER THAN THE COURTS EXPECTED. 

Steps were taken by the Government looking to the fulfillment of this direc- 
tion, whereupon the reorganization committee offered to bid at the sale for said 
road a sum which would realize to the Government the whole amount of the 
principal of the debt, $0,303,000. It was believed that no better price than this 
could be obtained at a later date if the sale should be postponed, and it was 
deemed best to permit the sale to proceed upon the guaranty of a minimum 
bid which would realize to the Government the whole principal of its debt. 
The sale thereupon took place, and the property was purchased by the reorganiza- 
tion committee. The sum yielded to the Government was $0,303,000. It will thus 
be perceived that the Government secured an advance of $3,803,000 on account of 
its lien over and above the sum which the court had fixed as the upset price, 
and which the reorganization committee had declared was the maximum which 
they were willing to pay for the property. 

The result of these proceedings against the Union Pacific system embracing 
the main line and the Kansas Pacific line, is that the Government has received 
on account of its subsidy claim the sum of $04,751,223.75, which is an increase 
of $18,997,103.70 over the sum which the reorganization committee first agreed 
to bid for the joint property, leaving due the sum of $0,588,900.19 interest on the 
Kansas Pacific subsidy. The prosecution of a claim for this amount against 
the receivers of the Union Pacific Company in 1898 resulted in securing to the 
Government the further sum of $821,897.70. 

CENTRAL PACIFIC'S INDEBTEDNESS. 

The indebtedness of the Central Pacific Railroad Company to the Government 
became due January 1. 1898, when default in payment was made by the com- 
pany. The deficiency appropriation act of July 7, 1898, appointed the Secretary 
of the Treasury, the Secretary of the Interior, and the Attorney-General a com- 
mission with full power to settle the indebtedness to the Government growing- 
out of the issue of bonds to aid in the construction of the Central Pacific and 
AYestcrn Pacific roads upon such terms and in such manner as might be agreed 
upon by them, or by a majority of them, and the owners of said railroads, subject 
to the approval of the President. 

An agreement for the settlement of this indebtedness was entered into be 
tween the said commissioners with the railroad companies on February 1, 1899. 
At that date the amount due the United States for principal and interest upon 
its subsidy liens upon the Central Pacific and Western Pacific railroads was 
$58,812,715.48, more than one-half of which was accrued interest upon the principal 
debt. 

AGREEMENT FOR SETTLEMENT. 

The agreement for settlement provided for the funding of this amount into 
twenty promissory notes bearing date February 1, 1899, payable, respectively, 
on or before the expiration of each successive six months for ten years, each 
note being for the sum of $2,940,035.78, or one-twentieth of the total amount due, 

— 10-— 



the notes to bear interest at the rate of 3 per cent per annum, payable semi- 
annually, and having a condition attached to the effect that if default be made 
either iii the payment of principal or interest of either of said notes or any part 
thereof, then all of the said notes outstanding, principal and interest, to imme- 
diately become due and payable notwithstanding any other stipulation of the 
agreement of settlement. 

It was further agreed that the payment of principal and interest of the 
notes should be secured by the deposit with the United States Treasury of $57.^ 
820,000 face value of first refunding mortgage 4 per cent gold bonds, to be 
thereafter issued by the Central Pacific or its successor having charge of the 
railroads then owned by said company, such bonds to be part of an issue 
of not exceeding * 100, 000, 000. in all, and to be secured by mortgage upon all 
railroads, equipments, and terminals owned by said Central Pacific Railroad Com- 
pany, such mortgage to be a first lien upon such property, or to be secured by 
the deposit as collateral of certain percentages of the outstanding bonds upon 
such property or on the different divisional parts thereof. 

The notes provided for by this agreement were duly executed and delivered 
to the Treasurer of the United States in conformity with the terms of the agree- 
ment. In pursuance of another provision of the agreement, the four earliest matur- 
ing notes were purchased by Speyer & Co., March 10, 1899, and the proceeds, 
amounting to .$11,762,543.12, and accrued interest to the date of payment, $35,771.02 
—in all, $11,798.314.14— were received and covered into the Treasury, March 27, 
1899, as part payment of the indebtedness of the Central Pacific and Western 
Pacific Railroad companies. The properties of the various companies comprising 
the Central Pacific system were subsequently conveyed to a new corporation called 
the Central Pacific Railway Company, which latter company executed the mort- 
gage and bonds provided for by the agreement of settlement. 

PRINCIPAL AND INTEREST* REIMBURSED. 

On October 7, 1899, bonds were delivered to the Treasury Department by the 
Central Pacific Railway Company to secure the outstanding notes held by the 
Treasury in conformity' to the terms of the agreement of settlement. The United 
States therefore holds the notes of the Central Pacific Railroad Company, guar- 
anteed by the Southern Pacific Railroad Company, to the amount of $47,050,172.30, 
bearing interest payable semi-annually at the rate of 3 per cent per annum, and 
secured by the deposit of an equal amount of first-mortgage bonds of the Pacific 
Railway Company, thus providing, beyond doubt or peradventure, for the sure 
and gradual payment of the whole of this subsidy debt, and providing in the 
meantime for the payment of interest at the rate -of 3 per cent upon the unpaid 
balances. The United States, through the settlement agreement thus entered into. 
will be reimbursed the full amount of the principal and interest of the Central 
Pacific and Western Pacific debt, aggregating $58,812,715.48. 

The amounts now remaining due the United States (March 1, 1900) from 
Pacific railroads on account of bonds issued in aid of their construction, is shown 
in the following statement: 



Name of Road. 


Principal. 


Interest. 


Total. 




$1,600,000 
1,628,320 


$2,152,359.54 
2,578.677.68 


$3 752 359 54 




4 °06 997 68 






Total 


$3,228,320 


$4,731,037.22 


$7,959,357.22 







GOVERNMENT REALIZED $124,421,070.95. 

So that it appears out of an indebtedness of about $130,000,000, more than one- 
half of which consists of accrued interest, the Government has realized in cash 
or its equivalent the sum of $124,421, 070.95 within a period of less than two years. 

No other Administration in the history of the United States has ever so 
quickly, so thoroughly, and so satisfactorily enforced the settlement of large 
claims held by the Government against business corporations, nor has any similar 
settlement ever previously been made by the Government to such good financial 
advantage. The claims were due. the President insisted upon their collection, and 
this was done in a prompt and business-like manner. 



— 11 



The New Currency Law. 



ALREADY PROVING ITS VALUE BY INCREASE IN CURRENCY AND IN 
THE NUMBER OF BANKS FOR CONVENIENCE OF THE MASSES. 

Among the numerous acts of the two Congresses since President McKinley's 
election, the one next in importance after that which restored protection to our 
industries is the currency act. It has done for our currency what the Dingley Act 
did for our industries and commerce— given stahiiity, confidence, activity, and 
prosperity. Already there have been nearly 300 applications for permission to 
establish national banks with capital of less than .$50,000 each, showing that 
many communities where no national banks existed will now be given the ad- 
vantages of this service, and the increase in national-bank currency already 
amounts to many millions of dollars. 

This act is so important and its effect upon our currency and financial system 
so important that. I desire to present a simple and concise statement of its pro- 
visions, made by that eminent authority, the present Secretary of the Treasury, 
on the day on which it went into operation. 

SECRETARY GAGE'S STATEMENT. 

"The financial bill has for its first object what its title indicates— the fixing of 
the standard of value and the maintaining of a parity with that standard of all 
forms of money issued or coined by the United States. It reaffirms that the unit 
of value is the dollar, consisting of 25. S grains of gold of nine-tenths fine, bat 
from that point it goes on to make it the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to 
maintain all forms of money issued or coined at a parity with this standard. It 
puts into the hands of the Secretary ample power to do that. For that purpose the 
bill provides in the Treasury bureaus of issue and redemption, and transfers from 
the general fund of the Treasury's cash .$150,000,000 in gold coin and bullion to 
the redemption fund, that gold to be used for the redemption of United States 
notes and Treasury notes. That fund is henceforth absolutely cut out of and 
separated from the cash balance in the Treasury, and the available cash balance 
will hereafter show a reduction of $150,000,000 from the figures that have hereto- 
fore prevailed. This $150,000,000 redemption fund is to be. used for no other pur- 
pose than the redemption of United States notes and Treasury notes, and those 
notes so redeemed may be exchanged for gold in the general fund or with the 
public, so that the reserve fund is, kept full with gold to the $150,000,000 limit. 

POWER GIVEN THE SECRETARY. 

"The Secretary is given further power. If redemptions go on so that the gold 
in this reserve is reduced below $100,000,000, and he is unable to build it up to the 
$150,000,000 mark by exchange for gold in the general fund or otherwise, he is 
given power to sell bonds, and it is made his duty to replenish the gold to the 
$150,000,000 mark by such means. 

ENDLESS CHAIN. BROKEN. 

"The "endless chain'" is broken by a provision which prohibits the use of notes 
so redeemed to meet deficiencies in the current revenues. The act provides for 
the ultimate retirement of all the Treasury notes issued in payment for silver 
bullion under the Sherman Act. As fast as that bullion is coined into silver dollars 
Treasury notes are to be retired and replaced with an equal amount of silver cer- 
tificates. 

"The measure authorizes the issue of gold certificates in exchange for deposits 
of gold coin, the same as at present, but suspends that authority whenever and so 
long as the gold in the redemption fund is below $100,000,000, and gives to the 
Secretary the option to suspend the issue of such certificates whenever the silver 
certificates and United States notes in the general fund of the Treasury exceed 
$60,000,000. 

SILVER CERTIFICATES. 

"The bill provides for a larger issue of silver certificates, by declaring that here- 
after silver certificates shall be issued only in denominations of $10 and under, 
except as to 10 per cent of the total volume. Room is made for this larger use 
of silver certificates in the way of small bills by another provision which" makes 

It necessary as fast as the present silver certificates of high denominations arc 



broken up into small denominations, and replace them with notes of denominations 
of $10 and upward. Further room is made for the circulation of small silver 
certificates by a clause which permits national banks to have only one-third of 
their capital in denomination under $10. 

COINING SILVER. 

"One clause of the bill which the public will greatly appreciate is the right that 
it gives to the Secretary to coin any of the 1S90 bullion into subsidiary silver coins 
up to a limit of $100,000,000. There has for years been a scarcity of subsidiary 
silver during periods of active retail trade, but this provision will give the Treasury 
ample opportunity to supply, ail the subsidiary silver that is needed. Another pro- 
vision that the public will greatly appreciate is the authority given to the Secretary 
to recoin worn and uncurrent subsidiary silver now in the Treasury or hereafter 
received. The bill makes a continuing appropriation for paying the difference be- 
tween the face value of such coin and the amount the same will produce in the 
new coin. 

REFUNDING THE DEBT. 

"A distinct feature of 'the bill is in reference to refunding the 3 per cent 
Spanish war loan, the 2 per cent bonds maturing in 1907, and the 5 per cent bonds 
maturing in 1904, a total of $839,000,000, into new 2 per cent bonds. These now 
£ per cent bonds will not be offered for sale, but will only be issued in exchange 
for an equal amount, face value, of old bonds. The holders of old bonds will re- 
ceive a premium in cash to compensate them in a measure for the sacrifice of 
interest which they make. That cash premium will be computed on a basis of 
the present worth of the old bonds at 2 1 /! per cent, and will be on April 1, the date 
that the new 2 per cent bonds will bear $105.0851 for the threes, $111.6705 for the 
fours, and $110.0751 for each $100 of the fives. This exchange will save the Gov- 
ernment, after deducting the premium paid, nearly $23,000,000. if all the holders 
of the old bonds exchange them for the new ones. National banks that take 
out circulation based on the new bonds are to be taxed only one-half of 1 per cent 
on the average amount of circulation outstanding, while those who have circulation 
based on a deposit of old bonds will be taxed, as at present, 1 per cent. 

OTHER NATIONAL-BANK PROVISIONS. 

"There are some other changes in the national-banking act. The law permits 
national banks with $25,000 capital to be organized in places of 3,000 inhabitants 
or less, whereas heretofore the minimum capital has been $50,000. It also permits 
banks to issue circulation on all classes of bonds deposited up to the par value of 
the bonds, instead of 90 per cent of their face, as heretofore. This ought to make 
an immediate increase in national-bank circulation of something like $24,000,000, 
as the amount of bonds now deposited to secure circulation is about $242,000,000. 
If the price of the new twos is not forced so high in the market that there is no 
profit left to national banks in taking out circulation, we may also look for a 
material increase in national-bank circulation based on additional deposits of bonds. 

"National banks are permitted under the law to issue circulation up to an 
amount equal to their capital. The total capital of all national banks is $010,000,- 
000. The total circulation outstanding is $253,000,000. There is, therefore, a pos- 
sibility of an increase in circulation of $803,000,000, although the price of the 
new 2 per cent bonds, as already foreshadowed by market quotations in advance 
of their issue, promises to be so high that the profit to the banks in taking 
out circulation will not be enough to make the increase anything like such a 
possible total." 



The Department of State, 



FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES MARCH 4, 1897-MAY 1, 
1900— A REVIEW OF AN EVENTFUL PERIOD IN OUR NATIONAL HIS- 
TORY—THE WAR WITH SPAIN— THE SAMOAN, HAWAIIAN, AND 
ALASKAN INCIDENTS— THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA— THE SOUTH 
AFRICAN WAR. 

At the. time of President McKinley's inauguration the most important prob- 
lem confronting the new Administration in its foreign relations was the long- 
continued insurrection in the island of Cuba, with the inconvenience and cost 

13 



imposed upon the Government of the United States by the endeavor to enforce 
its laws and protect the property of its citizens. 

Throughout a period of extreme tension of public feeling* caused by the 
horrors of the conflict in Cuba, the Government continued its policy of patience 
in dealing with the trying situation. 

THE WAR WITH SPAIN AND THE PEACE OF PARIS. 

The instructions given to Minister Woodford for his guidance at Madrid 
directed him to impress upon the Government of Spain the sincere wish of 
the 'United States to lend its aid in securing a peace honorable alike to 
Spain and the people of Cuba. A new administration in the Spanish Govern- 
ment encouraged the hope that a change of policy might be adopted which would 
result in the pacification of Cuba, but this hope w r as doomed to disappointment. 
After long and patient negotiation in the interest of peace, to the evils which 
had so long pressed upon this country in consequence of the insurrection was 
added a series of incidents that rendered necessary, on April 21, 1898, an armed 
intervention to terminate the humiliation imposed by the condition of affairs. 
The brief and brilliant period of war with Spain was followed by preliminaries 
of peace, signed on August 12, providing for the relinquishment of sovereignty 
over Cuba, the cession of Porto Rico and other islands belonging to Spain in 
the West Indies, together with an island in the Ladrones, to be selected by the 
United States, and the occupation of territory in the city and vicinity of Manila, 
pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which should determine the control, 
disposition and government of the Philippines. 

When the Commissioners of the United States, sent to Paris to negotiate a 
treaty of peace with the represeutntives of Spain, confronted the problem of 
settlement, it became evident that the interests of the population of the Philip- 
pine Islands, the peace of the world, and the consistent completion of the task 
of pacification undertaken by the Government alike demanded the cession of 
the entire Philippine Archipelago to the United States. At the same time jus- 
tice to a foreign foe and the magnanimous spirit of the American people seemed 
to require a recognition of the actual expenditures of Spain in the internal im- 
provement of the islands, and the sum of $20,000,000 was agreed upon as a suit- 
able compensation for the transfer of this great archipelago, whose extensive 
public lands, estimated at one-half the whole area of the islands, rich in mineral 
wealth and forests of valuable timber, will prove abundantly sufficient to justify 
this expenditure and to provide resources for a future government. 

THE HAWAIIAN, SAMOAN AND ALASKAN QUESTIONS. 

The annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States, the cession 
of Guam, and the acquisition of the Philippines extend the sovereignty of this 
Government across the Pacific Ocean and provide a series of valuable naval sta- 
tions and entrepots of commerce which promise to facilitate incalculably the 
oriental trade and secure the pathway to an opening market of increasing im- 
portance. The settlement of the Samoan question by the dissolution of the tripar 
tite protectorate which had proved so fertile in embarrassments, and the undis- 
puted sole occupation of the island of Tutuila, with its admirable harbor, the 
best in the South Pacific, by the United States, add greatly to the influence and 
security of this country in that ocean. 

The exorbitant claims of the Canadian government with reference to the 
Alaskan boundary, unreasonable and unhistorical in their extent, though im- 
peding and for the time being thwarting the efforts of this Government to ad- 
judicate in a mutually advantageous manner the differences with the Dominion, 
which had been referred to a joint commission, have nevertheless been firmly 
met hv the President, who has thus far preserved our important Territorial rights 
by the modus vivendi of October 20, 1899, and defeated the attempt to destroy 
the continuity of our Alaskan coast line and to divide the control of the Northern 
Pacific. 

THE INTEROCEANIC CANAL. 

Thus extended and maintained in the Pacific, the territorial jurisdiction 
of the United States has been augmented in the Atlantic by the cession of Porto 
Rico, which, with the occupation of Cuba, field in trust for the future, serves 
to guard the Gulf of Mexico and to extend our influence in the AVesf Indies. 

14 



The necessary link to connect our Atlantic and Pacific interests, continental 
as well as insular, has seemed to be an interoceanic canal, owned and con- 
trolled by the Government of the United States. An apparently irremovable bar- 
rier to the accomplishment of this object has existed in the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty, which since 1850 has bound this Government not to undertake such a 
project as a national enterprise. 

Through all the political administrations since the negotiations of that 
convention no American President or Secretary of State has ever denied, the 
existence and the consequent obligation of that treaty during its continued recog- 
nition. Whatever may be said of its "voidability," its existence as a solemn 
compact binds the conscience and honor of the American Government and people 
until it is legally annulled. In a convention dated February 8, 1900, this Govern- 
ment procured the voluntary consent of Great Britain to modify essentially the 
terms of that agreement, thereby liberating the United States from its previous 
engagement not to construct or own an interoceanic canal. As the canal must 
of necessity lie wholly within territory foreign to the United States, it is evident 
that it must be of a neutral character and not be employed as an agency of 
war. This convention is now before the Senate of the United States awaiting 
its action. 

THE PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE. 

Following immediately after the brilliant naval and military achievements 
of the Spanish-American war, the Peace Conference at The Hague afforded the 
Government of the United States an opportunity of expressing the pacific dis- 
position and the love of justice which animate the American people by proposing, 
through its delegates, a plan for international arbitration, which, reinforced by 
other similar propositions, resulted in a convention for the pacific settlement of 
international disputes signed by the plenipotentiaries of twenty-two sovereign 
states, including all the great powers of Europe. 

The United States, in signing this great compact, at the same time insisted 
on reaffirming, in the document itself, our adherence to the Monroe Doctrine, 
and thus gained for that vital principle of our policy the recognition of the world. 

Without cherishing illusions with regard to the practicability of universal 
peace, it is yet possible to believe that the existence of a permanent interna tional 
tribunal before which differences may be adjudicated in their ineipiency and 
before their accumulation becomes serious will exercise a profound influence 
toward a better and more rational solution of disputes between nations. The 
numerous arrangements for the arbitration of special questions which the Depart- 
ment of State has recently been able to effect give evidence of a growing dis- 
position to apply the principles of peaceful adjudication to the solution of con- 
troversies wherever practicable. 

THE QUESTION OF THE "OPEN DOOR" IN CHINA. 

The diplomatic history of our country affords no better example of successful 
endeavor to secure by mutual consent an evident right than that offered by 
the recent correspondence carried on under the President's direction for main- 
taining the "open door" of trade in China. The establishment of spheres of 
influence in that ancient Empire by European States, supported by the control 
of important seaports, has seemed to many to forbode the practical partition 
of that country among foreign powers and the effective appropriation of commer- 
cial privileges in China to the exclusion of all not able or willing to claim a 
portion for themselves. By a timely series of diplomatic notes Secretary Hay has 
obtained assurances from the Governments of Germany. Great Britain, Daly, 
Japan and Russia, by which they pledge themselves not to interfere with the 
perfect freedom of trade in those portions of China where their influence may pre- 
vail. The unobstructed enjoyment of the privileges of trade is thus secured to 
American manufacturers and merchants by the free consent of the powers. 

Perhaps the most important fruit of this unprecedented negotiation mayj 
prove to be that all the powers, feeling the assurance of unrestricted commerce, 
may be disposed to accentuate to a less degree, or even to abandon, that policy 
of commercial annexation which has apparently been promoted by the absence 
of such a just and reasonable understanding. The American claim to unrestricted 
facilities of trade in China is not a special favor asked and granted, or demand- 
ing reciprocity, It is based on treaty rights which promise equal treatment to 

15 



Americans with the citizens or subjects of the most-favored nation. The recog- 
nition of these rights have been obtained at a moment when they were apparently 
about to be ignored. 

THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR. 

Regarding the unfortunate conflict between Great Britain and the ReDublics 
of South Africa, this Government has faithfully observed the laws of neutrality 
and strictly followed the traditional policy of non-intervention which has always 
characterized the conduct of the United States with respect to foreign wars. In 
a declaration offered to the peace conference at The Hague by the Amerieaf 
delegation, effectually obtaining the flrst recognition of the Monroe doctrine bj 
an international body, the "traditional policy of not intruding upon, or interfer- 
ing with, or entangling itself in the political questions or policy * * * of any 
foreign State" is reaffirmed, together with a new avowal of the attitude of the 
United States toward purely American questions. This consistent neutrality, 
steadily maintained in spite of the impulses of sentiment which often endanger 
public interests, has rendered more available the mediatorial action of the United 
States upon the joint request of both belligerents in case an opportune case should 
arise. 

In his message to Congress of December 5, 1S09, President McKinley was 
able to say: 

"Had circumstances suggested that the parties to the quarrel would have wel- 
comed any kindly expression of the hope of the American people that Wat might 
be averted, good offices would have been gladly tendered.?' 

As these circumstances did not arise, no occasion was presented for tender- 
ing good offices until a request was received from the Republics of South Africa 
(March 10, 1000) that the United States should intervene to procure a cessation of 
hostilities. A similar request was simultaneously sent to the leading European 
governments, but ho action was taken by them. The Government of the United 
States, whose attitude rendered it peculiarly available for mediatorial services, 
immediately addressed an offer of good offices to Lord Salisbury, expressing "the 
earnest hope" of the President that a way to bring about peace might be found, 
and adding that the President— would be glad to aid in any friendly manner to 
promote so happy a result. 

GREAT BRITAIN WOULD NOT ACCEPT OUR GOOD OFFICES. 

The indisposition of Great Britain to accept the good offices of the United 
States shows how futile were the proposals of philanthropic persons in urging, 
unaware of the nature of international relations, the mandatory intervention of 
the United States, which would* have destroyed its usefulness as a mediator and, 
if insisted upon by this Government, would have placed it in a belligerent attitude 
toward Great Britain in violation of its principle and policy of neutrality. It is 
not to be presumed that any patriotic person could seriously entertain the desire 
of involving his country in the obligations and consequences of actual war on 
account of circumstances entirely foreign to the interests of the United States. 
The discretion of the American Congress in refusing to take sides by passing 
resolutions of sympathy with either belligerent has rendered the United States still 
available as an ultimate mediator in this conflict, provided its services should ever 
be invoked by both combatants. Until they are thus desired interference of any 
kind could only give offense and render nugatory the benevolent intentions of this 
Government. 

"THERE IS. NO ALLIANCE WITH ENGLAND." 

Mr. Speaker, the fact that there has been repeated in this House, during 
recent discussions, the false and unjust charge that the present Administration 
has entered into a secret alliance with England leads me to present and make a 
part of the public record a letter written to me on this subject by a man who is 
in position to know r the truth, and the whole truth, arid whose words will not be 
doubted by any who know him or his honorable career. I allude to Hon. John 
llav, the present Secretary of State. His letter is as follows: 

Newbury, N, H., September 11, 1890. 
Hon. Charles Dick, 

Chairman State Executive Committee, Columbus, Ohio. 

Dear Mr. Dick: I am sorry that my engagements are such as to render it im 

_ — ig — 



possible for me to accept your kind invitation to be present at the opening of the 
Ohio Republican State campaign at Akron on the 23d ! of September. 1 regret this 
the more as the occasion promises to be one of unusual interest. A stirring cam- 
paign and, I doubt not, a great victory await you. 

Our opponents this year are in an unfortunate position. They have lost, for all 
practical purposes, their political stock in trade of recent years. Their money 
hobby has nil collapsed under them. Their orators still shout 1G to 1 from time 
to time from the force of habit, but they are like wisdom crying in the streets 
in one respect at least, because "no man regardeth them." With our vaults fall 
of gold: with a sufficiency of money to meet the demands of a volume of business 
unprecedently vast and profitable; with labor generally employed at fair wages; 
with our commerce overspreading the world; with every dollar the Government 
issues as good as any other dollar; with our finances as iirm as a rock and our 
credit the best ever known it is no time for financial mountebanks to cry their 
nostrums in the market place, with any chance of being heard. 

It is equally hopeless to try to resuscitate the corpse of free .trade. The 
Dingley tariff, the legitimate successor of the McKinley bill— that name of good 
augury— has justified itself by its works. It is not only true that our domestic 
trade has reached proportions never before attained, but the American policy of 
protection, the policy of all our most illustrious statesmen, of Washington and 
Hamilton, Lincoln, Grant, and McKinley— has been triumphantly vindicated by the 
proof that it is as efficacious in extending our foreign commerce as in fostering 
and stimulating our home industries. Our exports of domestic manufactures 
reached in this last fiscal year tnei unexampled total of $800,000,000, an amount 
more than two hundred millions in excess of our exports ten years ago. These 
figures ring the kneli of those specious arguments which have been the reliance of 
our opponents for so many years, and which are only fruitful in times of leanness 
and disaster. 

What is left, then, in the way of a platform? The regulation of trusts, which 
the Republicans can themselves manage, having all the requisite experience 
both of the legislation and business; and finally, the war, which—it seems— was too 
efficiently carried on and has been too beneficial to the nation to suit the Demo- 
cratic leaders. We have been able to give in our time some novel ideas to the rest 
of the world— and none are more novel than this— that a great party should com- 
plain that the results of a war were too advantageous. It will be hard, however, 
to convince the bulk of our people that we are the worse off becavise our flag has 
gained great honor, our possessions have been extended, our position in the world 
increased, and our opportunity for work for usefulness enormousl? 1 " widened 
through the fortunes of Avar and the valor of cur soldiers and sailors. 

Being in this desperate need of arguments, it is not strange tbat they should 
have recourse to fiction. An attempt is made in the Ohio Democratic platform to 
excite the prejudice of certain classes of voters against the present Administration 
by accusing it of an alliance with England. The people who make this charge 
know it to be untrue: their making it is an insult to the intelligence of those 
whose votes they seek by this gross misrepresentation. But as one of their favorite 
'methods of campaign is to invent a fiction too fantastic for contradiction, and then 
to assume, it to be true because it has not been contradicted, you may permit me 
to take one moment to dispose of this ghost story, as it refers to the department 
with which I am connected. There is no alliance with England, nor with any 
power under heaven, except those known and published to the world— the treaties 
of ordinary international friend-ship for purposes of business and commerce. No 
treaty other than these exists; none has been suggested on either side; none is in 
contemplation. It has never entered into the mind of the President nor of any 
member of the Government to forsake, under any inducement, the wise precept 
and example of the fathers which forbade entangling alliances with European 
powers. 

I need not dwell upon this fact. Even the men who wrote the Ohio platform 
know there is no alliance. But they seek to make capital in this campaign out 
of the undeniable fact that our relations with England are more friendly and 
more satisfactory than they have ever been before. It is hard to take such a 
charge seriously: and if it is taken seriously, how can it be treated with patience? 
In the name of common sense, let me ask what is the duty of the Government, if 
not to cultivate, wherever possible, agreeable and profitable relations with other 
nations? And if with other nations, why not with -that great kindred power which 



stands among- the greatest powers of the world? What haffn, what menace to 
other countries, is there in this natural and beneficent friendship? Only a narrow 
and purblind spirit could see in it anything exclusive. It is a poor starved heart 
that has room for only one friend. It is not with England alone that our relations 
are improved. We are on better terms than in the past with all nations. With Rus- 
sia, our old-time friend; with the great German Empire, to whieh we are bound by 
so many, ties; with our sister Republic of France; with Italy, Austria, and in short 
every European, every Asiatic nation, our relations are growing in intimacy and 
cordiality every year; and our friendship with our neighbors to the south of us, 
from the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, grows firmer, more genuine, day by day. 

And why should it not be so? Everyone likes to be on good terms with the 
peaceful and the prosperous, especially if their prosperity is of that nature that 
other people profit by it, and this is precisely our condition. Our trade is taking 
that vast development for which Ave have been preparing through many years of 
wise American policy, of sturdy American industry, of thoughtful invention and 
experiment by trained American intelligence. We have gone far toward solving 
the problem which has so long vexed the economists of the world—of raising wages 
and at the same time lowering the cost of production— something which no other 
people have ever accomplished in an equal degree. 

We pay the highest wages which are paid in the world; and we sell our goods 
to such an advantage that we are beginning to furnish them to every quarter of 
the globe. We are building locomotives for railways in Europe, Asia, and Africa; 
our bridges can be built in America, ferried across the Atlantic, transported up 
the Nile, and flung across a river in the Soudan in less time than any European na- 
tion, with a start of 4,000 miles, can do the work. We sell ironware in Birming- 
ham; carpets in Kidderminister; we pipe the sewers of Scotch cities; our bicycles 
distance all competition on the Continent; Ohio sends watch cases to Geneva. 
All this is to the advantage of all parties; there is no sentiment in it: they buy 
our wares because we make them better and at lower cost than other people. 
We are enabled to do this through wise laws aud the American genius for economy. 
Our working people prosper because we are all working people: our idle class 
is too meager to count. All the energies of the nation are devoted to this mighty 
task— to insure to labor its adequate reward and so to cheapen production as to 
bring the product within the reach of the greatest number for least money. 

Of course, our prosperity would not bring us friends if we held an attitude 
of menace to other nations. But this we have never done, and I hope and believe 
we never shall do. We have great latent military power: we are capable at short 
notice of remarkable military efficiency; but the habit and spirit of the American 
people is essentially peaceful. The vast majority of our people AA T ould be glad to 
think that the era of wars was over; that not another battle anywhere in the 
world should ever stain the earth with carnage or break the heart of a mother. 
No other nation would ever have shown the long-suffering patience with which 
we watched for so many years the scenes of waste and disorder which make the 
recent history of Cuba. When the state of things at our door had become intol- 
erable, we took up arms to redress wrongs already too long endured, without a 
thought in any mind of conquest or aggression. But no one can control the issues 
of war. Porto Rico and the Philippines are ours, and the destinies of Cuba are for 
the moment intrusted to our care. It is not permitted us to shirk the vast respon- 
sibilities thus imposed upon us without exhibiting a nerveless pusillanimity which 
would bring upon us not only the scorn of the world, but what is far worse, our 
oavii self-contempt. But as we did not seek these acquisitions— which came to us 
through the irresistible logic of war— Ave are not striving anywhere to acquire ter- 
ritory or extend our power by conquest. It is no secret that in more than one 
quarter outlying territory only aAvaits our acceptance: but every overture of this 
nature has been and, I am confident, will be declined. The Avhole world knows 
aac are not coA'etous of land; not a chancery in Europe sees in us an interested rival 
in their schemes of acquisition. What is ours Ave shall hold; what is not ours we 
do not seek. But in the field of trade and commerce aac shall be the keen competi- 
tors of the richest and greatest powers, and they need no warning to be assured 
that in that struggle we shall bring the sweat to their brows. 

It was written of old that a man's foes shall be of his oavii household. The 
simple fact is that at this moment the Avhole world is our friend, except certain 
leaders of the Democratic party. All countries crowd into our markets, though 
our opponents say our tariff is barbarous. Our achievements In war have received 

„. 18 . 



the ungrudging praise of foreign nations and meet with unjust and carping criti- 
cism only at home. All other countries bid us godspeed in the work of bringing 
order and civilization to the Philippines, and it was left to a man in Cincinnati 
the other day to wish that "Otis and his army might be swept into the sea."' It 
is hard to exterminate a rooted tendency— the Proverbs say something about bray- 
ing in a mortar. The party which by unwise leadership in 1861 was made to 
place itself across the path of freedom and progress should take care not to follow 
the lead this year of men as lacking in sagacity as they are in patriotism. But 
Ave may take comfort in the reflection that no leaders can carry all their party 
into courses their judgment must condemn and their hearts reject. There are, 
thank Cod, many Democrats in Ohio who do not desire the humiliation of their 
country or the dishonor of their flag. 

Your faithfully, JOHN HAY. 

The War Department. 

RESULTS THAT HAVE BEEN ACCOMPLISHED INCIDENT TO THE SPAN- 

ISII-AMERICAN WAR. 

Prior to the outbreak of the Spanish-American war the strength of the 
Regular Army was 2,143 officers and 20,040 enlisted men. Under tlie President's 
lirst and second calls, April l3 and May 25, respectively, and the recruitment of 
the Regular Army to the maximum .allowed by law, the strength of the Army, 
Regular and Volunteer, in August, 1808, was 11,108 officers and 203,009 enlisted 
men. 

In the meantime a vast amount of work, which words fail to describe, 
was performed by the various staff departments, after day and night conferences 
with the chiefs Thereof, iu organizing, equipping, arming, disciplining, and ad- 
vancing the volunteers to a state of efficiency for active held service, and later 
transporting the various organizations to the camps or rendezvous to which 
they had been assigned. 

THE ADVANCE OE OUR TROOPS. 

On May 30, 1898, instructions were issued by the Department directing an 
expedition, under command of Maj.-Gen. William R. Shatter, to proceed to Cuba 
to "capture the garrison at Santiago and assist in capturing the harbor and 
fleet of the enemy/' This expedition sailed on June 14, 1808. from Tampa, Ela., 
with 815 officers and 10,072 enlisted men on 33 transports, which had been 
collected with extraordinary dispatch and energy by the Quartermaster's Depart- 
ment, and arrived at Daiquiri on June 21 and proceeded to disembark the next 
day. The troops immediately advanced and captured Siboney. the only resistance 
being a few scattering shots, thus establishing a base of supplies 8 miles nearer 
Santiago. 

On the morning of June 24, 1898. a dismounted cavalry brigade advanced on 
and attacked the enemy at La Guasima, and, after a stubborn resistance, carried 
their intrenchments. 

On July 1 an attack was made on El Caney, and, after a battle of varying 
intensity during most of the day, the place was carried by assault about 4 p. m. 
In the meantime, preparations for an attack on San Juan Hill were completed, 
and. after a fierce encounter, the American forces drove the enemy from his in- 
trenchments and blockhouses, thus gaining a position that sealed the fate of 
Santiago. 

On July 8 the commander of the Spanish forces offered to march out of the 
city of Santiago with arms and baggage provided he would not be molested 
before reaching Holguin, and to surrender to the American forces the territory 
then occupied by him. This proposition was rejected. On the morning of July 
11 the surrender of the city was again demanded and reply made that the de- 
mand had been communicated to the general-in-chief of' the Spanish forces. 
On the morning of. the 14th. General Toral agreed to surrender upon the basis 
of his army, the Fourth Army Corps, being returned to Spain. The terms of sur- 
render finally agreed upon included 22.789 Spanish troops; of these 22,137 were 
repatriated at the expense of the United States, 

19 



FORMAL SURRENDER OF THE SPANIARDS. 

The formal surrender took place on the 17th of July, 1898, and at noon 
of that date the American flag was raised over the governor's palace with ap- 
propriate ceremonies. 

The total number of Spanish troops on the island of Cuba, as shown by 
September, 1898, rolls, was 10,950 officers and 215,131 enlisted men, classed as 
follows: Regulars, 5,093 officers, 115,355 enlisted men; volunteers, 5,258 officers, 
80,501 enlisted men; irregular volunteer troops, 005 officers, 19,275 eulisted men. 

On August 4, 1898, orders were issued for the repatriation of the troops 
in General Shatter's command, and after arrival in the United States they went 
iuto camp at Montauk Point, Long Island, N. Y., which, in the meantime, had 
been fitted up for their reception. 

On July 7, 1898, Congress ratified and confirmed the cession of the Hawaiian 
Islands, made by the government of that republic, and on July 29, 1898, a force 
of 57 officers and 1,404 enlisted men, commanded by Colonel Thomas Barber, 
First New York Volunteer Infantry, sailed for Honolulu to garrison that place. 

THE FIRST FORCE FOR MANILA. 

The first expeditionary force sailed for Manila, P. I., on May 25, and arrived 
June 30, 1808; the second sailed June 15 and arrived July 17, and the third 
left on June 29 and arrived July 25. The total number of officers and men in 
these three expeditions was 10,920, and they were under the command of Maj.- 
Geu. Wesley Merritt. The city of Manila was captured, with the assistance of. 
the Navy, August 13, 1£\)$, and the American flag raised the same dale. Subse- 
quently, between this date and February '19, 1899, 17 other expeditions were 
sent to the Philippine Islands, making a total of 1.054 officers and 28,310 enlisted 
men on those islands in March, 1890. This force, comprised mostly of volunteers, 
has since been repatriated, and regular army organizations and United States 
volunteers to the number of 03,000 comprise the force at present in the Philippines. 

THE EXPEDITION TO PORTO RICO. 

On July 21, 189S, an expedition sailed for Porto Rico, Ma j. -Gen. Nelson A. 
Miles, Commanding General United States Army, in command, with 3,554 officers 
and enlisted men, for the purpose of attacking that island, which was garrisoned 
by 17.340 Spanish soldiers, regular and volunteer. This expedition arrived at 
Guanica, July 25, and after a short skirmish the American flag was raised at that 
place. Subsequently, five other expeditions sailed for Porto Rico, making a total 
of 041 officers and 10,332 enlisted men of the United States Army, regular and 
volunteer, on that island in August, 1898. Porto Rico was practically subjugated 
when the peace protocol was signed, and instructions issued for the cessation 
of hostilities August 13, 1898. 

Between August 14, 1899, and April 2, 1900, 11,292 tons of food stuffs, the 
value of which was $737,397.20, have been sent to Porto Rico for indigent 
Porto Ricans by the Commissary Department, and an additional .$1,000 worth 
distributed to them from the subsistence depot oii that island. Hundreds of tons 
have also been contributed by the general public and distributed under the super- 
vision of the military authorities on the island. 

The signing of the peace protocol. August 12, 1898, inaugurated the work 
of discharge of about 30,000 war enlistments of the Regular Army and The 
muster-out and distribution throughout the country of State volunteer organiza- 
tions, involving the repatriation, exclusive of regular troops, of 03,198 officers and 
enlisted men from Porto Rico, Cuba, Philippine Islands, and Hawaii, causing 
the recruitment, mobilization and movement to those islands of fresh regular 
troops and the organization of 25 regiments of United States volunteers and the 
Porto Rican battalion, all under command of officers of the Regular Army. 

THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF CUBA. 

In Cuba the military government has reorganized the insular police (rural 
guards) and placed that of each municipality upon a new basis; it has cleaned 
the cities, and by the introduction of modern sanitation has secured a most 
satisfactory decrease in the mortality. The customs and insular taxation system 
have been placed upon such a basis that the island is not only self-supporting, but 
is enabled to make important improvements. Much progress has recently been 

20 



made in establishing a modern school system, while the United States postal 
system has superseded the former inefficient, service. 

In Porto Rico boards of health have been appointed in municipalities and 
sanitation has made great strides; the building of good roads has been conducted 
on an extensive scale. The schools have been reorganized, modern methods and 
text-books being introduced. The burdens of taxation upon the people have been 
greatly reduced, while the efficiency of the governmental service has been greatly 
augmented. An up-to-date postal service is now enjoyed by the people, while 
the judiciary and police systems are in much more satisfactory condition than 
formerly. 

In the Philippines, in addition to the former ports of Manila, Iloilo, Cebu, 
and Zamboango, there are now open to the commerce of the world twenty-five 
other ports, initial steps have been taken, under Army officers, for the civil 
reorganization of municipalities. The United States postal service has closely 
followed the troops. Public schools are being opened, in which the most approved 
American text-books are in use. 

The Signal Corps has performed its work with unequaled promptness, ability 
and success. The telephone, telegraph and flag have kept the President in touch, 
through commanding generals, not billy with every xVrmy corps and their ad- 
vanced skirmish lines, but with cooperating squadrons of the Navy. 

In constructive work the corps has built nearly seven thousand miles of 
telegraph, and is to-day operating these lines in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philip- 
pines with an efficiency and economy hitherto unknown in those countries. 

INCREASE IN OUR ARMAMENT. 

Immediately preceding the outbreak of the war with Spain there were 
available for the defense of the seacoast 03 heavy guns and 88 mortars. The 
work was pushed rapidly by the Engineer Department, with the result that 
by August 1. 1898, there were mounted for defense a total of 121 heavy guns, 144 
mortars, and 20 rapid-fire guns. In addition, 25 of the principal harbors of the 
United States had been effectively defended by submarine mines. On June 30, 
1801), there had been mounted 109 heavy guns, 176 mortars and 40 rapid-fire 
guns, and a large number of additional batteries were under construction, and 
ike principal harbors of the United States rendered fairly secure against a 
naval attack. 

IMPROVEMENTS OP RIVERS AND HARBORS. 

Notwithstanding the additional exacting duties necessitated by this war, the 
numerous river and harbor improvements and other public engineering works in 
the charge of the Corps of Engineers, representing an annual expenditure of 
over -S25.000.000, were administered without the slightest interruption or sacrifice 
of the public interests. 

The sudden expansion of the Army imposed a most difficult task upon the 
Medical Department— a task which was worked out with the greatest success 
and the highest credit. War inevitably entails disease, suffering, and death, «but, 
it can be safely said, in no war have the sick and wounded received so many 
comforts and been so tenderly nursed. 

The health of our troops serving in the newly acquired territory has been 
guarded by every provision that modern science can provide, and the sickness 
and mortality from disease has been kept far below what was to be expected. 
The ratio of deaths per thousand of mean strength for the first year of the 
war was but 25.73, while that for the first year of the war of 1861-65 was 45,87. 

FINEST TRANSPORT SERVICE IN THE WORLD. 

It is a fact well worthy of consideration to state that the Quartermastev- 
General's Office, which at the outbreak of the war did not have a transport 
that was fitted for the transportation of troops, has to-day the finest transport 
service in the world, and has transported about 300.000 passengers many thou- 
sands of miles at sea without the sacrifice of a single life due to any fault 
of the Army transport service. 

This service is a revelation in the method of transporting troops, and the 
representatives of other nations have requested and been furnished data upon 
which to pattern after It. 

The Ordnance Department armed 8nd equipped the troops for the Spanish 

, — 21 — 



war with a rapidity which must bo regarded as gratifying. The arms and equip- 
ments were ready as soon as the troops could be mustered in and organized, and 
the material distributed. The productive capacity of the arsenals was quickly 
expanded and contracts were made with private manufacturers, so that in one 
hundred days after the first call for troops, the Ordnance Department had made 
or purchased 250,000 sets of infantry equipments and 20,000 sets of horse equip- 
ments. It had also provided the cannon and complete outfit of 30 mounted 
batteries of guns each, and could easily have provided twice that number 
if they had been required. It had also provided, or was in a position to furnish 
at once, a large variety of mountain guns and machine guns, with their ammuni- 
tion and equipments, but not many of these were called for. 

The work of the Pay Department, from the commencement of the Spanish- 
American war to its close and during the continuauce of hostilities in the Philip- 
pines in suppression of insurrection, has been phenomenally laborious and exact- 
ing, but the officers of this department have met every requirement of duty 
and zeal and promptitude and to the satisfaction of the Army. 

DISBURSEMENTS ON ACCOUNT OF THE WAR, 

For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1800, this department of the military 
service has been charged with the care of nearly $02,000,000, about $77,000,000 
of which was, up to June 30, 1800, disbursed on account of the war without loss 
to the Government on any account whatever and without complaint of any 
character from the Army. 

When war with Spain became imminent, great efforts by the Military In- 
formation Division of the Adjutant-General's Office were made to ascertain the 
strength, the composition, the location, and fortifications of the Spanish forces 
in Cuba. This was successfully done. Maps of Cuba and Porto Rico on a large 
scale were prepared, and books were compiled giving all obtainable information 
in regard to these islands. 

Later, when it became evident that military operations in the Philippines 
would be carried on, a pamphlet (illustrated) giving information in regard to 
those islands was prepared, and maps compiled from the best sources obtainable 
were prepared and issued. 

There have been mustered in, organized, mobilized, distributed at home and 
abroad, and finally repatriated and mustered out of the service, and sent to their 
homes, 223,235 volunteers. There have been enlisted by the general recruiting 
service 35,000 United States volunteers, organized into 25 regiments, 22 of which 
have been transported to the Philippine Islands, the remaining 3 having been 
organized there from the discharged volunteers and regulars. 

There have been enlisted and reenlisted for the Regular Army between 
May 1, 1898, and January 31, 1900, 99,024 men, the present status being approxi- 
mately 04,000 Regular Army and 35,000 United States volunteers. 

Commissions have been issued since the beginning of the war to 032 officers 
of the Regular Army, 00 of which were for the various staff departments, and 
3,874 United States volunteer officers. 

"This Department has received, carefully considered, acted upon, and sent 
since the beginning of the war, 400,806 telegrams, and approximately 2,000,000 
written communications. 



The Navy Department. 



Under the present Administration the Navy has shown itself worthy of its 
best traditions. The great victories at Manila Bay and Santiago, which shed un- 
dying fame upon this arm of the national defense, were in no sense accidents. 
They were the results of years of careful training of officers and men and the 
thorough preparation of the fleets for the crucial test of war. For this preparation, 
this readiness to meet the supreme moment for which a navy is constructed and 
maintained, those who administer the affairs of the Navy should have credit. 
The glory goes to our heroes who are in command afloat, and to those officers and 
men who seize the opportunities of war to render conspicuous service: but in re- 
membering them, let us not forget those who labor without ceasing to secure the 
fleet in condition of high efficiency and to place at the disposal of the commanding 
officers an abundance of the supplies, without which the fleet is powerless. 

As early as January 11, 1898, more than a month before the Maine was de- 



Stroyed in the harbor of Havana, the Secretary of the Navy began to mobilize the 
ships of the Navy and to take such measures as would place at the disposal of the 
officers in command the full measure of our naval force. 

APPROPRIATIONS FOR OUR NAVAL FORCES. 

Immediately upon the passage of the bill appropriating $50,000,(_00 for the 
national defense, a board was organized for the purchase of auxiliary ships, and 
after careful examination 102 ships of various types were secured at a total cost 
of $17,950,850. Of these vessels but two, the New Orleans and 'the Albany, were 
strictly vessels of war. The others were merchant ships, pleasure yachts, tugs, 
etc., which were rapidly overhauled at the different navy-yards, provided with 
such light-armor protection as was practical, and suitably armed. 

P>etween March 10 and June 30 all these vessels were purchased and as rapidly 
as overhauled were placed in commission and put into active service. They 
were used not only as auxiliary war vessels, but to supply the fleets with coal and 
ammunition 'and with fresh water and fresh provisions. For the care of the sick 
and wounded the Solace was lifted out as a complete hospital, and to make repairs 
1o Vessels at sea the Vulcan was fitted out as a modern machine shop. In order to 
meet the increased demands on the navy-yards it was necessary to practically 
double the force between February 15 and the middle of April. 

ADDITIONAL SHIPS ACQUIRED. 

In addition to the ships which were added to the Navy by purchase, 15 revenue 
cutters and 4 light-house tenders were transferred from the Treasury Department 
to the Navy, and 1 of the great steamers of the International Navigation Company 
and 1 of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company were chartered. There were in 
all 128 ships added to the regular naval establishment, and it became at once 
necessary to provide officers and men to man them. For this purpose 225 officers 
on the retired list were ordered to active duty, 850 officers were appointed for 
temporary service, and the enlister force was increased from 12,500 to over 24,000 
men. 

It was an enormous undertaking to make all these additional ships ready for 
war service, to secure the necessary guns for them, and to keep the fleets supplied 
with coal, ammunition, and provisions. But this was only a part of the work which 
the Navy Department had in hand. For the protection of the coasts of the United 
States an auxiliary naval force was created, which was officered and manned by 
the Naval Militia of the United States. A coast signal service was established, 
which kept practically our entire coast line from Maine to Texas under observation, 
to give warning of the approach of an enemy's vessel or of suspicious craft of any 
kind. 

OPERATIONS OF THE SQUADRONS. 

The operations of the fleets of the Asiatic and North Atlantic squadrons are so 
well known that it is hardly necessary to speak of them in any detail. Their work 
was so well done that the power of Spain was swept from the sea, and Cuba, 
Porto Rico, and the Philippines, which she had misgoverned for centuries, were 
taken from under her dominion. 

But the claims of the administration of the Navy to the approval of the 
people rest not alone on its war record. The upbuilding of the new Navy has 
gone steadily forward, and Congress has cooperated with the Department in the 
desire to materially increase our naval strength. 

Since the 4th of March, 1897, Congress has authorized the construction of 49 
ships, with a total displacement of 155,484 tons. This includes battle ships of the 
first class. 3 armored cruisers of the first class, 4 monitors, and protected cruisers. 
If the present naval bill becomes a law as it passed the House we must add 
to this formidable list 2 battle ships of the first class, 3 armored cruisers of the 
first class, and 3 protected cruisers, with a total displacement of 90,000 tons. 
There have been completed and placed in commission in the same time a total of 
32 vessels, with an aggregate displacement of 52,081 tons. It is an unexampled 
record. 

THE VALUE OF A STRONG NAVY. 

A strong Navy not only adds to our prestige abroad, but makes the rights 
of our country respected wherever they may exist. The money expended does its 

,--23 -- 



part in lending a stimulus in many branches of trade and manufacture and in 
the employment of labor. 

It is difficult to form an intelligent idea of the number of people who are 
furnished employment by the creation and maintenance of our Navy. One would 
have to examine the rolls of the great private establishments which make the steel 
and build the ships, and furnish ammunition and supplies. But some idea of the 
importance of the navy-yards to the laborers of the country can be formed from 
the fact that in 1898 over 21,000 men were certified for employment by the labor 
boards at the various navy-yards. This number, however, is in excess of the 
number usually employed, as 1898 was the year of the war with Spain. In 1899, 
on the other hand, over 12,000 men were certified by the boards of labor at the 
various yards. 

To this Administration must also go the credit for the reorganization of the 
personnel of the Navy. For years the effort had been made to secure legislation 
to increase the flow of promotion of officers of the line, so that they might reach 
command rank at a suitable age. But the efforts had borne no fruit until the 
present Administration took the matter in hand. They succeeded in drawing a bill 
consolidating the line and the Engineer Corps. This bill met with the approval 
of the service and of Congress, and became a law on the 3d of March, 1899. 

INCREASE OF OFFICERS AND MEN. 

This bill also provided for an increase of over 50 per cent in the number of 
officers and enlisted men in the Marine Corps, and brought this branch of the 
service up to a total strength of 211 officers and 0,000 men. The enlisted force of 
the Navy has also been largely increased during the past three years, the quota 
now allowed by law being 17,500 men and 2,500 apprentices. 

It has been the desire of the Administration that the Navy should grow, not 
alone in the number of ships, but in all its branches. Probably the most 
pressing need of the service when Mr. Long took charge of the Department 
was for additional docking facilities, and Congress, in response to his recom- 
mendations, authorized the construction of four stone and concrete docks and one 
steel floating dock capable of docking vessels of the largest size. (If the present 
naval bill becomes a law, two other docks, or six in all, will have been provided 
for.) Coaling stations equipped with modern appliances for the economical and 
rapid handling of coal have been established or are in process of establishment 
at Portsmouth, N. H.; Boston, Mass.; New London, Conn.; New York, N. Y.; 
League Island, Pa.; Port Royal, S. O.J Pensacola, Fla.; Dry Tortugas, Fla., and in 
San Francisco Bay. 

COALING STATIONS PROVIDED ABROAD. 

Suitable coaling stations are also in process of erection at Honolulu, II. I.; 
Pago Pago, Samoan Islands; the island of Guam; at Manila, in the Philippines, 
and at the naval station, San Juan, Porto Rico. These coaling stations in our 
new possessions, especially in the Pacific, furnish greatly increased facilities to 
our naval vessels, and, in the event of war, would prove of inestimable advantage. 
It has, indeed, been the aim of the Administration to extend our naval power in 
every direction. The upbuilding of the navy-yard plants has been pursued with 
great vigor, and the Department has had the hearty cooperation of Congress in 
this work. The electric plants have been materially increased and modern ma- 
chinery has been installed wherever the needs of the service demanded. 

It is, of course, impossible to enter into the detailed work which has been 
done in this connection; but it is not too much to say that the efforts of the Ad- 
ministration will result in putting our navy-yards in a condition to meet every 
demand which may be made upon them. They are capable of making the most 
extensive repairs to ships of all classes, and with the increased docking facilities 
which are in process of construction, this branch of the naval establishment will 
be brought to a point of efficiency where it is in keeping with the fleet in being, 
and with such increases as may be made in the near future. 

The value of the coaling and repair stations established under Secretary Long, 
especially at outlying points in the Pacific, must constantly increase as com- 
merce with our new possessions grows. 

At the beginning of the war with Spain Honolulu was the only port out of the 
United States m which we possessed coaling facilities. When we recall the great 



distances in the Pacific, and the fact that under the rules of international law a 
belligerent ship is permitted to take on board in a neutral port only sufficient coal 
to enable her to reach her nearest home port, we begin to realize the importance of 
these provisions for furnishing supplies and making the necessary repairs to our 
ships of war. 

It is to be hoped that the efforts in this direction are but the beginning of a 
policy under which provision will be made for the maintenance of the fleets of 
this Government whenever naval operations may occur. May the coming years see 
this policy amplified and enlarged, so that the ships of war of the United States 
may find suitable depots of supplies in all quarters of the globe. 

The Department of Agriculture. 

ITS SPLENDID WORK IX BEHALF OF THE FARMERS OF THE COUNTRY 
UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

Mr. Speaker, I desire to take this opportunity to point out some features 
of the splendid work which the Department of Agriculture has performed in 
behalf of that most important and largest class of our citizens, the farmers 
and those engaged in agricultural pursuits of all kinds. The selection of the 
President for this important duty as a member of his Cabinet was a most happy 
one. Hon. James Wilson, of the great agricultural State of Iowa, had been 
for many years one of its most successful farmers, and at the same time a 
careful student of agriculture in those lines which enable an intelligent combina- 
tion of science and practical experience. A thorough student of soils and their 
various products and of ail matters pertaining to farm life and production, he 
brought to the Department a rare combination of practical experience and high 
intelligence. Adding to these his long experience as a member of the State 
legislature, member of Congress, director of the State agricultural experiment 
station, and professor of agriculture at the Iowa Stare University, he was espe- 
cially fitted to give to the farmers of the country the best results by far that they 
have ever obtained from the work of that great Department, established by Repub- 
lican legislation in 1802, in their special interest— the only Department of the 
Government which devotes its attention to the interests of a single class of our 
population. 

STUDYING THE DISEASES OF FARM ANIMALS. 

During the past three years several important problems concerning the sup- 
pression and eradication of contagious and infectious diseases of domestic animals 
have. been carefully studied. The diseases selected for investigation have been 
those v :,,!■ experience and recorded observations have proven to be most injurious 
from an ecs uomic point of view. Especial attention has been given to the cat- 
tle disease known as blackleg, a disease which, although it occurs more or less 
throughout the United States, was not recognized as a cause of very serious 
losses until about four years ago. when this investigation was begun. It has 
been proved that blackleg is the most destructive disease known among voting 
cattle in this country, and the annual loss caused by it must be counted in mill- 
ions of dollars. As it seemed to be on the increase in many of the principal 
cattle-raising States, and as it was known from investigations made in Europe 
that blackleg may be prevented through vaccination, it was decided to try the 
same remedy in this country. Experiments made- in the field with the so-called 
double vaccine soon proved that the method could not be employed where the 
question was to treat thousands of half-wild cattle, and it was therefore decided 
to try the method known as single vaccination, which had not been previously 
used in this country. Experiments covering more than a year resulted in the 
preparation of a vaccine which, through a single inoculation, would render all 
treated animals practically immune against this disease. 

During the pnst three years there have been prepared nearly 2.000,000 doses 
of blaoklotr vaccine, which, have been distributed among the farmers and cattle 
owners in the infected districts, with the' result that the mortality among 
the young cattle in the infected districts has been reduced from 10 to 15 per 
rem. annually to one-haif of 1 per cent, At thi at rate of distribution 



more than 2,000,000 calves annually will be. vaccinated, which means a saving 
to the country of live or six millions of dollars every year. 

CARE FOR AMERICAN SHEEP. 

The animal parasites cf sheep have been given much attention, and com- 
parative tests have been made of the most promising methods of treatment. 
The gasoline treatment has given extremely satisfactory results, not only destroy- 
ing the parasites of the stomach and intestines, but apparently also those in 
the lungs and air passages, including the larvae of the oestrus (grubs) in the 
nasal chambers. If on further trial this remedy continues to yield the results 
which have apparently been obtained by its use up to this time, it will be of 
very great assistance to the sheep industry. In all sections of the country, 
but particularly in the South, stomach worms, intestinal worms, lung worms, 
and grubs in the head have made sheep raising a difficult and precarious in- 
dustry. But this treatment, which is very cheap and easily administered, seems 
to solve the problem, and makes it possible to raise sheep safely and success- 
fully where heretofore the animals have been destroyed or rendered valueless 
through the rapid invasion of these parasites. 

A serious and somewhat fatal disease of sheep, known as facial dermatitis, 
has been partially studied. This disease, which causes much suffering by in- 
vading the mouth to such an extent that the affected animals cannot eat, is 
found to yield readily to appropriate treatment, and any sheep owner will be 
able hereafter to conduct the treatment and eradicate it. 

Another disease of sheep, called provisionally pseudo-tuberculosis, affects 
the lymphatic glands and appears to be quite common in some sections of the 
country. The bacillus causing the disease has been discovered, but the con- 
ditions under which the disease is communicated have not yet been determined. 

HOG CHOLERA AND SWINE PLAGUE. 

The preparation of antitoxic serums for hog cholera and swine plague lias 
been conducted on a large experimental and practical scale. During the past 
two years extensive field experiments have been conducted in several counties 
in the State of Iowa with altogether satisfactory results, from 70 to' SO per cent 
of the treated animals being saved. There have been two or three herds out 
of some 23,000 to 24,000 animals that were treated in Iowa that have not shown 
good results. The disease in these herds, however, was found to be of a very 
virulent character, more virulent than other outbreaks with which the Depart- 
ment had previously had to contend. 

The method of serum treatment at present is not perfect, but it has inven 
uniformly very much better results than any other method of treating these 
diseases in swine that has heretofore been suggested. The experiments are being 
continued with a view of perfecting the details. 

SHIPPING OUR BUTTER ABROAD. 

Experimental exports of selected creamery butter were made to England 
for the purpose of attracting attention to the fine butter produced in this coun- 
try and of gaining information beneficial to all persons desiring to sell in British 
markets. Shipments were made periodically during the greatest butter-producing 
months of the year 1807. In this experiment every feature of the shipment of 
butter was considered— the characters of butters in demand in English markets, 
the kinds of packages most desirable, the best methods of packing and transporta- 
tion, as well as original cost, transportation charges, and selling prices. All 
considered, the operations of the first year were regarded as reasonably satis- 
factory in a business way as well as otherwise, while at the same time a number 
of points were developed showing where greater economy could be practiced 
in the experiments which were to follow. A full report of this work appeared 
in the Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Animal Industry- Experiments 
along the same line were conducted in 1898 and 1809 in shipments to Asiatic 
countries with like sntisfactory results, and a report will soon appear in the 
Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau. 

In addition +o the above, some int^restinec and satisfactory experiments in 
the shipment of eggs, with the same objects in view as in the butter shipments, 
have been conducted. A report of this work will also appear in the Sixteenth 
Annual Report of the Bureau. 



INSPECTION OF LIVE STOCK. 

The inspection of live stock and their products (meat inspection) has been 
extended to GO additional abattoirs and packing houses in 16 cities and is now 
carried on at 1-18 abattoirs in 45 cities. 

Inspection has been established at one abattoir where horses are slaughtered 
and the flesh prepared for exportation. A regular inspection of horses exported 
to foreign countries has been established and this has also been extended to the 
examination of horses which are imported from foreign countries into the United 
States. 

The antemortem inspections of animals numbered 42,310,107 in 1897, 51,335,398 
in 1898, and 53.223.170 in 1899; and the postmortem inspections numbered 20,5S0,- 
0S9 in 1897, 31,110,833 in 1898, and 34,103,155 in 1899. 

-A remarkable advancement in the microscopic inspection of pork is shown 
The total amount thus inspected in 1S90 was 22,900,880; in 1897, 43,572,355; in 
1898, 120,271,059; in 1899, 108,928.195. In 1890 it cost the Government 0.204 cent 
per pound to inspeet this pork and in 1899 0.1S2 cent. 

DEVELOPMENT OF NEW AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRIES. 

One of Hie first enterprises taken up under Secretary Wilson was the inves- 
tigation of the growing in this country of those agricultural products for which 
we have heretofore depended on foreign countries. The tirst one taken up 
was chicory cultivation. Our imports of this product in the iiseal year 1890 
had a value of $225,229.31: our imports for the years 1898 and 1899 had a value 
of $14,877 and $13,470, respectively. As thus indicated, the chicory consumed in 
the United States is now produced almost entirely by our own farmers. This 
is a striking illustration of the application of the best American methods of 
farming to a foreign agricultural industry. 

Several other crops of foreign countries are now under investigation, and 
reports on them will be published as the experiments are completed. 

FIBER PLANTS. 

The special appropriation for fiber investigations which had been made for 
some years having been discontinued on June 30, 1898, this line of work was 
incorporated with that of the Division of Botany, and, while no funds have been 
provided, experimentation has been begun in a small way. directed toward the 
establishment of a line hemp industry in the United States, as well as toward 
the growing of Egyptian cotton. While the experiments on these crops have 
not yet been completed, the present indications give promise that the Depart- 
ment will ultimately be in a position to indorse them as worthy of commercial 
trials. 

SEED TESTING. 

The movement against the sale of impure or nongerminable seed by un- 
scrupulous dealers resulted in the enactment of a provision in the agricultural 
appropriation act of 1898 authorizing the Department to tesc seed purchased in 
tiie open market and publish the results of the tests, when not up to the standard, 
together with the names of the seedsmen by whom the seeds were sold. Many 
tests have been made under this law, but the Department, after careful investiga- 
tion of the commercial questions involved, has preferred up to the present time 
to notify seedsmen privately, in case the tests showed an interior article, rather 
than to publish the information. It has come to be more and more evident, as this 
work has progressed, that one of the best means of preventing the sale of inferior 
seed is to demonstrate to farmers and other seed-purchasing classes that the 
only sure way to secure high-grade seed is to test it themselves or to get some 
reliable organization to test it. The wide extension and appreciation of informa- 
tion of this sort will, it is believed, be a good foundation for the ultimate adoption 
of vigorous measures for protecting the public against unscrupulous dealers. 

The action of the Department in conducting an educational campaign against 
the sale of inferior seed has been heartily seconded by the agricultural experi- 
ment stations, and the officers of the seed-testing laboratory in the Department 
have been largely instrumental in devising a special apparatus and a system of 
rules for seed testing which have been officially adopted by the Association of 
Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations. 

— 27 - 



SEED AND PLANT INTRODUCTION. 

The determination on the part of the Secretary of Agriculture to use a por- 
tion of the seed-distribution funds in introducing new and valuable products 
from other countries resulted in sending a special agent to Russia in 1897 to 
procure a stock of cereals, forage plants, and other things promising to be 
worthy of introduction into this country. At the same time, under the direction 
of the Secretary of Agriculture, the Division of Forestry was endeavoring to 
make provision for securing from the arid regions of the world any trees giving 
promise of successful introduction into the arid parts of the United States 
This work, together with the distribution of the importations made by the 
Russian agent, led to the establishment in the Division of Forestry of an agency 
for carrying out these two objects. In the succeeding year a special provision 
was inserted in the seed-purchase law authorizing the expenditure of $20,000 
for the purpose of carrying on work of this character, and this was afterwards 
organized as a branch of the Division of Botany, devoted to seed and plant 
introduction. The organization consists, first, of a group of agricultural ex- 
plorers, who are sent to investigate particular agricultural industries and secure 
a stock of new varieties or new kinds of plants suitable for introduction into 
American agriculture; and, secondly, of an office force which receives and dis- 
tributes the importations and keeps records of the experimental work done on 
them. The writing of reports on the plants thus introduced is intrusted either 
to the explorers after they return, or to members of the permanent experimental 
force of the Department, or to outside investigators, as may seem most appro 
priate and most conducive to effective results. 

A large number of improved products have been added to American agri- 
culture, and while most of them are still in the experimental stage it is already 
assured that certain of them will add millions of dollars annually to American 
products. Notably among these are a highly productive and otherwise superior 
rice from Japan, a drought and cold resistant alfalfa from Turkestan, a drought- 
resistant grass from southern Russia, and several cereals particularly adapted 
to the conditions of our arid regions. 

TROPICAL AGRICULTURE. 

Recent political changes having brought the United States into new relations 
with tropical lands, the question of tropical agriculture has been brought con- 
spicuously to the attention of the American people, and the large number of 
requests for information on the subject has shown how widespread this Interest 
is. The Division of Botany has already published an account of vanilla culture 
as practiced in the Seychelles Islands, and has made an investigation of the plain 
products and agricultural crops of Porto Rico, devoting particular attention to the 
coffee problem, and is engaged also in investigating, so far as can be done with- 
out additional funds, the subject of India-rubber cultivation. 

In addition to the lines of work undertaken by the Division of Botany since 
1800, enumerated in the above statement, several other lines of investigation 
established earlier have been carried on, and other new ones of less importance 
have been taken up. In the brief period that has elapsed since these new in- 
vestigations were initiated, it has, of course, been possible to prepare reports on 
only a comparatively few, but the new investigations have proceeded in such a 
manner that reports are constantly coming to completion, and the next few years 
will indicate in the publications of the Division, even better than has already 
been indicated, the results of these new lines of work. 

A STUDY OF SOILS IN VARIOUS SECTIONS. 

The most important work of the Division has been the survey and mapping 
of the soils in a number of the important agricultural districts of the United 
States. The most important work of this kind has been in the arid portions of 
the United States, where irrigation is practiced. About 450,000 acres have been 
surveyed and mapped in some of the principal irrigated districts of Montana, Utah, 
New Mexico, and Arizona, the maps so prepared having a very practical value, 
as they show the distribution of the different types of soil, which lands can be 
irrigated with safety, those which require special care in the application of water 
on account of alkali, and those which have loo much alkali for cultivation without 
Special efforts for reclamation. Practical methods for removing the salts lmvtt 



been and are being worked out. In the vicinity of Biliings, Mont., thousands or" 
dollars are being invested now as a result of our investigations, and it is likely 
that this investment will be worth hundreds of thousands of dollars to the imme- 
diate vicinity. 

In the vicinity of Salt Lake, Utah, there is a large area of 80,000 acres of. 
land at present lying idle on account of the accumulation of alkali, which it has 
been estimated could be reclaimed for a comparatively small sum, when it would 
be worth in the neighborhood of $5,000,000. 

In the Pecos Valley, New Mexico, plans were devised for the reclamation 
of a large area in the immediate vicinity of Roswell, which has lately been 
ruined by alkali and seepage water. It is estimated that at Roswell alone the 
damage to the land has amounted to at least $500,000. This land can all be 
reclaimed, and steps have been taken since our investigations to reclaim this 
land and to protect the rest of this area by methods pointed out by this Division. 

At Carlsbad the water itself contains so high a percentage of alkali salts 
that special methods will have to be adopted for the use of this water to prevent 
further injury, as the lands have already been somewhat injured in the valley. 
The proper method of using this water has been pointed out by this Division. 
The results of this work will be worth hundreds of thousands of dollars to the 
Pecos Valley. 

Over 1,000,000 acres of land have been surveyed and mapped in the States 
of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, and Louisiana, besides reconnoissance 
over a much larger area. 

In this Connecticut Valley the tobacco lands were classified and mapped, and 
the influence of the soil on the character of the tobacco was studied. In addi- 
tion to this the cause of the fermentation of the cigar-leaf tobacco has been worked 
out, and an improved method of fermenting the Connecticut tobacco has been 
introduced, which it is believed will revolutionize the practice in that State. This 
method gives a much more uniform product, and thus improves the value of the 
leaf. It shortens the time required to ferment the tobacco about eight months, 
and so reduces the insurance and the loss of interest on the money invested. It 
is estimated that the value of this work will amount to at least $500,000 per 
annum to the farmers of the Connecticut Valley. The investigations are being 
carried still further in order to see whether the quality of the tobacco can be 
further improved. There is reason to believe it can be. 

In addition to these practical results, improvements have been made in the 
methods of soil investigation, both in the laboratory and in the field. Some very 
important problems connected with the physical and chemical constitution of 
soils are # being worked out, which give promise of being of great value in economic 
lines. 

TO AID ACxRICULTURAL EDUCATION. 

Under the liberal policy of the past three years this office has largely in- 
creased its efforts to aid enterprises for the practical education of the farmer. 
It has joined actively in the movement to improve the methods of teaching agri- 
culture in the colleges and to introduce agricultural subjects and nature study into 
the public schools. It has shown what is being done in these lines in other lands. 
and how we need to more thoroughly develop our system of agricultural educa- 
tion in order to keep pace with the strenuous efforts of our industrial rivals. It 
has collated and published information regarding the farmers' institutes, showing 
that now these institutes are held in 43 States, and are annually attended by hair 
a million farmers. It has promoted the establishment of reading courses for 
farmers and published lists of useful books and bulletins, so that now any farmer 
in the United States can find out. by sending a postal card to the Department, 
what are the best books and public documents for him to read to keep abreast 
of the times in his business. 

PUBLICATIONS FOR FARMERS. 

In accordance with the general policy announced by Secretary Wilson at 
the outset of his administration-, this office has given much attention to the 
preparation of farmers' bulletins. Twenty-three of these bulletins have been 
prepared in this office during the past three years, of which 14 have constituted 
the new series entitled. ''Experiment Station Work." In this series the office has 
summarized the practical results of investigations at the agricultural experiment 
stations and kindred institutions in this and other countries. In this way our 

29 ■ 



farmers ill every State are now being made acquainted with the practical results 
of experiment stations, and thus the money given by Congress for the main 
tenance of experiment stations in the several States is made of benefit to the 
agriculture of the whole country. Besides these popular bulletins, the office, has 
issued during this period three volumes (30 numbers) of the Experiment Station* 
Record and 40 technical bulletins. During the past three years an average of 
somewhat over a million copies of documents of this office have been issued 
each year, of which about 800,000 copies have been in the farmers' bulletin 
series. 

NUTRITION INVESTIGATIONS. 

The investigations on the nutritive value of human foods, which are carried 
on in co-operation with agricultural colleges and experiment stations in different 
parts of the country, have been materially developed and strengthened. Twenty 
reports have been published during the past three years, and the results of 
these investigations are now largely taught in colleges and schools of different 
grades throughout the country. During this period the Atwater-Rosa respiration 
calorimeter has been completed, and experiments have been made with it 
regarding the utilization of food in the maintenance of the human body and 
the production of heat and energy therein, which have attracted very wide at- 
tention, as they have marked in some respects the highest point which science 
has yet reached in such investigations. 

IRRIGATION INVESTIGATIONS. 
The first appropriation for these investigations became available July 1, 1898. 
The work has been organized along two general lines: (1) The collation and pub- 
lication of information regarding the laws aud institutions of the irrigated re- 
gions in their relation to agriculture: and (2) the determination of the actual 
volume of water (duty of water) used by practical irrigators on different crops 
and soils. These investigations have already been carried on in fifteen States 
and Territories, largely in co-operation with the agricultural experiment stations 
and State irrigation engineers. While the headquarters of these investigations 
have been established in the arid region tat Cheyenne, Wyo.), and the investiga- 
tions have largely been carried on there, the usefulness of irrigation in the 
East has also received attention, valuable experiments in this line being now 
in progress in New Jersey and South Carolina. So great has been the need 
of accurate information regarding the real conditions prevailing in the irrigated 
region and the actual requirements of crops of water that the demands for 
the extension of this work have been greater than the Department eoulfl meet, 
though the appropriation for this purpose was increased from $10,000 to $35,000 
during the present year. In this enterprise the Department is working along 
lines which are new in this country, and it is believed that an organization 
for this work has been effected which is thoroughly efficient; so that shortly 
there will be developed a trained force of experts, whose services will be of 
incalculable benefit to a region which embraces over a third of the area of the 
United States. 

PROGRESS IN SUGAR-BEET INVESTIGATIONS. 

An attempt has been made to- define with greater certainty the areas in the 
United States suited to the growth of high-grade sugar beets. To this end, seeds 
of the sugar beet have been distributed in the most promising localities and 
grown under identical conditions of culture, according to instructions prepared 
by the Division. The only variance, therefore, has been the soil and climate. 
The beets thus grown have been analyzed, either in the Division of Chemistry 
or at the agricultural experiment stations, and their saccharine qualities ascer- 
tained. As a result of the experiments which have been conducted in this man- 
ner, the areas in the original map constructed by the Division, showing the 
probable areas suited to beet culture, have been more definitely pointed out. This 
work is still in progress, and if continued for a few years longer will result 
in obtaining the data whereby the sugar-beet areas of the country can be mapped 
with a considerable degree of accuracy. 

SECTION OE FOREIGN MARKETS. 

Of the work accomplished by the section of foreign markets during the past 
three years, one of I lie most important features was the study of trade possi- 

-30 



bilities growing out or me Spanish-American war. The islands that were brought 
into closer relationship to the United States by the war naturally became the 
subject of great commercial interest, and numerous inquiries were received 
regarding the trade opportunities that might be expected to result. 

As the war progressed the requests for information relative to Cuba. Porto 
Rico and the Philippines increased to such an extent that the section was obliged 
to devote its attention almost entirely to the subject of these new dependencies. 
To meet the active demand for information along this line, several special reports 
were prepared for publication embodying such data as could be obtained regard- 
ing the commerce that was beginning to attract so much interest. 

Just before the breaking out of the war, when the prevailing conditions seemed 
to point to probable hostilities, a report was published on the subject of our trade 
with Cuba, presenting detailed information as to the nature and value of the 
products imported and exported, and suggesting the commercial possibilities that 
could be looked for with a fuller development of Cuban resources. 

As soon as Porto Pico began to be of special interest, owing to the shifting 
of the war campaign in its direction, an exhaustive report was prepared on the 
commerce of that island, setting forth in the fullest possible manner the character 
of the trade carried on with the several foreign countries, and especially with the 
United States. 

Later a report of 100 pages was published regarding the trade of the Philip- 
pines, embracing practically all of the available statistics on the subject that 
could be collated from the official import and export returns of the various coun- 
tries enjoying commercial intercourse with the islands. 

The report on the trade of the Philippines was supplemented by a circular 
dealing witii the agricultural resources of the islands and describing the most 
important plant products. 

Owing to the scarcity of reliable data relative to Cuba, Porto Rico, and the 
Philippines, the preparation of the reports on these former Spanish possessions 
required a vast amount of research. It was profitable work, - however, for the 
reports proved to be exceedingly useful as a means of answering the frequent 
requests that were received for information about the new dependencies. 

EXPERIMENTS WITH GRASSES AND FORAGE PLANTS. 

Experiments with grasses and forage plants have been vigorously prosecuted 
during the past three years. These experiments are necessary in order that 
ranchers and farmers may be informed of the kinds suitable for their respective 
districts. After these preliminary facts are determined the promising varieties 
can be recommended and adopted without further and useless expenditure of 
time and money. Many of the vast cattle ranges of the West have been prac- 
tically destroyed by overstocking or mismanagement, and it has become a serious 
question as to what are the best grasses with which to reseed them. The 
division has spent much time and energy in this line of investigation, and, through 
its work in the field and experiments, is prepared to meet many of the more im- 
portant forage problems of the various parts of the United States. During the 
past three years the agrostologist has distributed 5,505 packages of seeds of 
grasses and forage plants, embracing 251 varieties. These seeds were largely 
procured through foreign importations and by special collections in the field 
made by agents or employees of the division. 

The Postoffice Department. 

RURAL FREE DELIVERY OF MAIL-THE OFFSPRING OF THE McKINLEY 
ADMINISTRATION— SOME FACTS WHICH WILL INTEREST THE 
FARMERS AND ALL THOSE DESIRING THEIR WELFARE. 

Rural free delivery of mail is the offspring of the McKinley Administration of 
the Post-Otfiee Department. Its development from the insignificant beginning of 
44 routes and an appropriation of $40,000 for the fiscal year which closed in 1807 
to its present magnificent proportions, with the rural routes numbered by the 
thousands and an appropriation of $1,750,000 voted for its further extension during 
the present fiscal year, has all been brought about by the McKinley Government. 

A movement to broaden the free delivery of the mails was started by Post- 
master-General Wanamaker, under the Republican Administration of General Har- 

81 — 



risen. It took the form of village free delivery, and was more an extension of 
city delivery to smaller communities than a free delivery to farmers. But, limited 
as was its scope and successful though it was in increasing postal receipts and 
postal facilities, it encountered Democratic opposition; and when Mr. Cleveland 
came in, his Postmaster-General, fearing its effect in popularizing Republican 
principles and disseminating Republican literature, ordered it dropped. 

It was a Republican Administration that conceived ami executed the idea of 
brightening the home of the farmer, educating his children, increasing the value of 
his land, compelling the improvement of the roads, and bringing him news of 
the markets and of the weather, so as to secure him a better price for his crops 
by delivering his daily mail to him ou his farm. Every Democratic House of 
Representatives since the idea was first broached of carrying the mails into the 
rural districts has declared against it. The Forty-third Congress, with a. Demo- 
crat from North Carolina as chairman of the Committee on Post-Offieos and Fost- 
Roads, proclaimed the plan impossible and turned it down. Postmaster-General 
Bisseli, Postmaster-General Wilson, and First Assistant Postmaster-General Jones, 
in the Cleveland Administration, all took up the cry of extravagance and impos- 
sibility of execution. Consequently, little or nothing was done to give the farmers 
access to the mails till Cleveland went out of office. 

When First Assistant Postmaster-General Perry S. Heath took up the rural 
service under the direction of the President and the Postmaster-General, in March, 
1807, it was languishing to the point of extinguishment, and in a few months 
more would have been starved to death, like Mr. Wanamaker's village delivery. 
The official reports of the Post-Office Department record that it was almost 
with surprise that President McKinley and those to whom he intrusted the ad- 
ministration of postal affairs learned that there was such a thing as an experimental 
rural free-delivery mail service in progress. 

They at once grasped its possibilities and advocated its immediate development, 
and a Republican Congress generously seconded their efforts. Under their vivify- 
ing touch it has grown until there is now not. a State in the Union 1lmt has not 
felt, the civilizing and educational influence of the rural free mail delivery, and 
not one that does not desire a further expansion of the service. On the 1st of 
June, 1000, there were 1,200 rural services in actual operation and 2,000 applications 
for an extension of the system in process of establishment by special agents de- 
tailed for that purpose. 

The appropriations for the rural free-deliverv service have been increased from 
$50,000 in the fiscal year 1807-08 to $150,000 in 1808-00, then to $450,000 in 1800-1000, 
and lastly to $1,750,000 for the present fiscal year, 1000-1001. 

Three years' experience has shown that in well-selected rural districts the 
mails can be distributed to the domiciles of the addresses or in boxes placed 
within reasonable distance of the fanner's home, at some crossroad or other 
convenient spot, at a cost per piece not exceeding that of the free delivery in many 
of the cities of the United States. In the vast majority of communities where 
it has been rested the rural free-delivery service has obtained so strong a hold 
that public sentiment would not permit its discontinuance. It has been a revolu- 
tion, and revolutions do not move backward. 

It costs very little more than the old colonial style of postal service which it 
supersedes, and it invariably brings a large and compensating increase in the 
amount of postal receipts turned into the Treasury. But even if it does cost more 
than the obsolete old plan, are not the farmers 'entitled to some of the bench ts 
of the Government which they help so liberally to support by their taxation? 
The country can well afford to continue and extend a system which makes better 
citizens and happier homes and contributes largely to the mental, moral, and 
material advancement of the plain people. 

Rural free-delivery of mail has come to stay, and the Republican Administra- 
tion, which brought it into being, will stay with it. 



32 



There must be no scuttle policy. We will 
fulfill in the Philippines the obligations im- 
posed by the triumphs of our arms and by the 
treaty of peace, by international law, by the 
nation's sense of honor, and more than all 
by the rights, interests, and conditions of 
the Philippine peoples themselves.— William 
McKinley. 



Expansion by Jefferson. 



FACTS AS TO THE DEMOCRATIC PURCHASE 
OF LOUISIANA " WITHOUT THE CON- 
SENT OF THE GOVERNED. 1 ' 



Question of Duties for the New Territory and 
Incorporation of the Inhabitants of Louisiana 
Precisely the Same as in the Philippines 
and Porto Rico — Temporary Pro- 
visions for their Government 
— Comparative Cases of 
"Tyranny" — Look- 
ing INTO THE 

Future. 



by 
HON. WILLIAM DUDLEY FOULKE, 

OF INDIANA. 



^TWDES^ gcOUNCiL^ 46 

Chicago and New York: 
RAND. McNALLY & COMPANY, 

PB INTERS. 



EXPANSION BY JEFFERSON. 

The province of Louisiana which originally belonged to France had been 
conveyed to Spain in 1762. In the year 1800, while Napoleon was First Consul, 
Spain ceded this territory back again to France by the treaty of San lldefonso. 
This treaty was secret, and in 1803 France had not yet taken possession of the 
country. 

The Spanish governor had taken from American citizens the right to place 
of deposit for their goods near the mouth of the Mississippi, and President Jefferson 
saw the necessity of acquiring so much territory on the east bank of the river as 
would secure for the United States its free navigation. Jefferson had been a strict 
constructionist, and did not believe that the Constitution authorized the United 
States to acquire any additional territory. But the need of an outlet to the Gulf was 
imperative. So he informed the Senate, in a special message, that he was taking 
measures for the purchase of the necessary land through Robert Livingston, our 
minister at the Court of France, and he nominated James Monroe, our envoy extra- 
ordinary, to co-operate in the negotiations. The Senate confirmed the nomination, 
gave Monroe and Livingston power to frame any treaty that extended and secured 
the rights of the United States on the Mississippi, and set apart $2,000,000 to be used 
for the purchase of the Island of New Orleans and some adjacent territory. 

Terms of the Sale. 

Napoleon, who expected war with England, and believed that he could not 
retain Louisiana if such war should break out, was eager to sell, but he desired to 
sell the whole province, and not New Orleans alone. So the price of $15,000,000 
was agreed to,, and a treaty was signed ceding the whole province for that sum, stip- 
ulating that the inhabitants should afterwards be incorporated into the Union, and 
that for twelve years the ships of France and Spain might enter Louisiana, paying 
no more duty or tonnage than was exacted from citizens of the United States. 

Louisiana had been ceded back to France by Spain upon condition that France 
should never alienate the province, but now France was about to sell it to the 
United States before she had even taken possession. In the words of Henry Adams 
(History of the United States, Vol. II, p. 56) : 

"The sale of Louisiana to the United States was trebly invalid. If it were 
French property, Bonaparte could not constitutionally alienate it without the con- 
sent of the Chambers. If it were Spanish property, he could not alienate it at all. 
If Spain had a right of reclamation, his sale was worthless. In spite of all these 
objections, the alienation took place." 

Jefferson Accepted the Treaty. 

Jefferson was greatly puzzled when the treaty reached his hand. He had pro- 
posed to buy a small tract for two millions and he was offered a magnificent domain 
for fifteen millions. Moreover he did not consider the acquisition a Constitutional 
act. But his common sense got the better of his strict construction principles and he 
decided to accept the treaty, summon Congress to approve the purchase, and if then 
necessary amend the Constitution. 

% 



Iu other words, " the greedy commercialism " which dictated the Philippine Bill 
of the Republican administration, and which is denounced in the 'Democratic plat- 
form, was also with Thomas Jefferson a sufficient reason for ratifying an illegal 
treaty and if necessary for disregarding the Constitution, or at least for changing his 
views with respect to the meaning of that instrument. 

Congress met, and the Democrats in that body, the strict constructionists who 
had supported the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, saw their views of the 
Constitution undergoing a sudden revolution. "Jefferson had written to Breckinridge 
that an appeal to the nation for changes in the Constitution would be necessary. But 
when he heard from France that there was danger that Napoleon might change his 
mind, he wrote again to Breckinridge (Adams, Vol. II, p. 286): "A letter received 
yesterday says that nothing must be said on that subject which may give a pretext for 
retracting, but that we shall do sub silentio what may be necessary. Be so good 
therefore, as to consider that part of my letter confidential. " Jefferson then suggested 
certain Constitutional amendments, authorizing the purchase, but his own cabinet ajs 
well as his party friends received his propositions with disapproval. 

Jefferson wrote that he thought it important to set an example against broad con- 
struction by appealing for new power to the people. ' ' If, however, our friends shall 
think differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with satisfaction, confiding that the good 
sense of our country will correct the evil of construction when it shall produce ill 
effects." And when Jefferson transmitted the treaty to Congress no amendment was 
recommended. 

The Question of Duties and Incorporation of the Inhabitants 

of Louisiana. 

When the question pi providing measures for carrying out this treaty came 
before Congress, there was no dispute as to the right to acquire this territory. The 
only question was whether Congress had the right to promise in the treaty that the 
inhabitants of Louisiana should be incorporated into the Union, and had the right to 
provide a different schedule of duties for Louisiana from that which was provided for 
the other States, the same question that has arisen lately in the case of Porto Rico. 
Some of the Federalists now denied these powers, while Jefferson's Democratic friends 
rallied to their support. James Nicholson of Maryland was .the principal spokesman 
of the Democracy. 

In answer to the objection that the Constitution said no preference should be 
given to the ports of one State over another, Nicholson replied: " It is territory 
purchased by the United States in their confederate capacity and may be disposed of 
by them at pleasure. It is in the nature of a colony whose commerce may be 
regulated without any reference to the Constitution." 

The Northern Democrats also supported these views. John Randolph, who 
closed the debate, said that as far as the Constitution was concerned, the United 
States could legally incorporate Great Britain or France into the union. 

Ninety Democrats supported Randolph with their votes. Twenty-five Federalists 
alone protested. 

Power Conceded to Congress. 

Breckinridge argued that the Constitution was sufficient for the incorporation of 
a foreign nation, if Congress would do it, and the people would consent to it. 

3 



Senator Cooke of Tennessee closed the debate. "I assert, " said he, "that the 
treaty-making powers of this country are competent to the full and free exercise of 
their best judgment in making treaties without limitation of power." 

On this issue the vote was taken and by twenty- six to five the Senate passed the 
bill for carrying into effect the Louisiana purchase. 

The argument of both sides conceded the power of Congress to acquire foreign 
territory and to rule over the people therein without limit. Senator John Quincy 
Adams moved for a committee to consider whether an amendment of the Constitution 
should not be made, but could not even obtain a second to it and nothing more was 
ever heard of amending the Constitution. 

New Orleans, laid out eighty-three years before, was the capital of the province. 
It was a walled city about one mile in length, with faubourgs on the south. Its pop- 
ulation was over 7,000, composed of many nationalities, French, Spanish negroes, 
English, Irish Americans, half-breeds and others. Its trade was extensive. Two 
hundred ships and river craft could often be seen upon its levee. In 1802 its exports 
were worth $2,000,000, its imports $2,500,000, its ships registered 3,000 tons. The 
architectural beauties of the dwellings were celebrated. There was an excellent 
theater open three nights in the week, and no city could boast a finer public build- 
ing than the Cabildo, or show a finer church than the St. Louis Cathedral. There 
was a very complicated machinery of Spanish administration, including five courts 
of justice. The annual expenses of the government were about $650,000. 

Without the Consent of the Governed. 

Nobody had asked the consent of the citizens of New Orleans or of the remain- 
der of the province as to annexation. They not only gave no consent, but they were 
strongly opposed to this change of masters. Tears were in the eyes of many who 
witnessed the raising of the stars and stripes, and they were thus ' ' purchased and 
delivered" (as our anti-imperialist friends would say) by the man who penned the 
Declaration of Independence. 

Government's Action Confirmed. 

The act of the Federal Government in purchasing Louisiana and in governing it 
arbitrarily was afterward confirmed by Chief Justice Marshall in 1828 in a case 
which concerned the rights of the inhabitants of Florida, "who," he said: 

"Do not participate in political power; they do not share in the government till 
Florida shall become a State. In the meantime Florida continues to be a territory of 
the United States, governed by virtue of that clause in the Constitution which em- 
powers Congress 'to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or 
other property belonging to the United States. ' Perhaps the power of governing a 
territory belonging to the United States which has not, by becoming a State, acquired 
the means of self-government, may result necessarily from the fact that it is not 
within the jurisdiction of any particular State, and is within the power and jurisdic- 
tion of the United States. The right to govern may be the inevitable consequence of 
the right to acquire territory. Whichever may be the source whence the power is 
derived, the possession of it is unquestioned." 

(Adams, Vol. 2., p. 126.) - 

This point was indeed disputed at a later time by Chief Justice Taney in a dic- 
tum in the Dred Scott decision. He affirmed the right of the government to buy 
Louisiana and to govern it, but not to govern it as part of the old territory over 

4 



which the Constitution gave Congress unlimited power. The inhabitants of such 
territory, he said, could not be ruled as mere colonists depending on the will of the 
general government. 

The opinion of Judge Taney has the mere weight of a dictum and not the 
authoritj" of law. As the principles of the Dred Scott decision were overturned in 
the civil war which followed, I prefer to believe that the earlier rule announced by 
the great Chief Justice is the true one. I am not willing to flee from the logic of 
John Marshall, and take refuge behind the skirts of the Dred Scott decision. 

Temporary Provisions for Government. 

Having thus acquired Louisiana from France without the consent of the inhabi- 
tants, Jefferson, in his special message of October 23, requested Congress to make 
temporaiy provisions for its government. So a bill was reported by Randolph, con- 
tinuing the existing Spanish government, putting the President in the place of the 
King of Spain, and the territorial offices in the place of the King's offices, and 
placing the appointment of these in the President alone, without reference to the 
Senate. All power, civil and judicial, were in the Intendant, and the people were 
punished arbitrarily for presuming to meddle with political subjects. There was 
no military necessity for this, as there might have been for similar provisions in the 
Philippines, for there had been no war, and there was no army of occupation. 

The Federalists objected that the powers conferred upon the President by this 
bill were unconstitutional. The Democrats replied that the Constitution was made 
for the States and not for Territories. 

The bill passed Congress by a party vote, and was approved by Jefferson, October 
31, without delay. 

But this bill being a temporary measure was rather for taking possession of the 
territory than for governing it, On December 30, the first territorial bill was 
reported dividing the province into two districts. The Southern district, called the 
Territory of Orleans, included an old established society numbering 50,000 persons 
(Adams, Vol. II, p. 121), only a little less than the population of Delaware and 
Rhode Island. The bill created a territorial government in which the people of 
Louisiana had no share. The governor, secretary, legislative council, and judicial 
officers were appointed by the President. 

The same objections were made to this bill as to our government in the Philip- 
pines and to the Porto Rican law: "That it established a despotism, that it did not 
confer a single right to which the inhabitants were entitled even under the treaty; 
that it did not extend to them the benefits under the Federal Constitution or declare 
hereafter when they should receive them." 

Jefferson's Utterances on Expansion. 

The bill was supported on the same ground that the present administration 
defends its policy in the Philippines: that the people of Louisiana were not yet 
prepared for full self-government. Of this bill (I quote the words of the Philippine 
Commission, Rep. pp. 108, 109): "Jefferson had outlined a sketch as early as Novem- 
ber, 1803, when he also defended both the apDointment of judges for four years, and 
the idea of an appointed legislature * as a thing more familiar and pleasing to the 
French than legislation by judges,' which had been the practice in the Northwest 
Territory. He seems to have felt no incongruity between the principles of the 
Declaration of Independence of the thirteen self-governing colonies and this scheme 

5 



of government for the politically inexperienced inhabitants of Louisiana. Indeed, 
he complains With some bitterness, in December, 1803, when differences of opinion 
developed as to the manner of disposing of Louisiana, that ' although it is acknowl- 
edged that our new fellow-citizens are as yet as incapable of self-government as 
children, yet some can not bring themselves to suspend its principles for a single 
moment. ' Whether the new Territory, organized in the paternal fashion described 
above, should always remain a part of the Union or eventually become a separate and 
independent sovereign State, Jefferson seemed not to care, nor could either solution 
abate his zealous and benevolent interest in the inhabitants. ' Whether we remain 
in one confederacy,' he wrote in January, 1804, 'or form into Atlantic and Pacific 
confederacies, I believe not very important to the happiness of either part. Those of 
the western confederacy will be as much our children and descendants as those of the 
eastern, and I feel myself as much identified with that country in future time as with 
this; and did I now foresee a separation at some future day, yet I should feel the 
duty and the desire to promote the western interests as zealously as the eastern.'" 

Applicable to the Philippines. 

These utterances of Jefferson, along with the Jeffersonian scheme for the govern- 
ment of Louisiana, have been cited on account of the applicability of their spirit in 
its entirety, and their substance in great part to the problem of governing the 
Philippines, which have come into our possession as unexpectedly as Jefferson's 
envoys, who had a very different object, received Louisiana at the hands of Bona- 
parte. As Jefferson says, it is our duty to promote the happiness of "our new 
fellow-citizens " as our own, whatever their eventual political relation to us may be; 
and in planning a frame of government we can not do better than follow Jefferson's 
lead in adapting it to the condition of the natives, trusting that in the course of 
development under American training, they will eventually reach the goal of com- 
plete local self-government, even though at present it may be necessary to some 
extent "to suspend its principles," on account of their political inexperience, the 
ignorance of the masses, and the linguistic and social diversities of the tribes and 
peoples inhabiting the archipelago. 

From the very outset, however, it will be safe and desirable, in the opinion of 
the commission, to extend to the Filipinos larger liberties of self-government than 
Jefferson approved of for the inhabitants of Louisiana. 

Comparative Questions of "Tyranny." 

The House amended the Louisiana bill and the Senate disagreed, though it was 
willing to reduce the term of the operation of the bill to one year, just as the term 
of the Porto Rico bill is now limited. The bill passed and Jefferson approved it. 
In Louisiana there was no right of self-government. So great was the disaffection 
that disorders were repeatedly suppressed at the point of the bayonet. When Aaron 
Burr went to New Orleans every man he met seemed to be a malcontent, and at the 
time his project of a Western Empire collapsed it was said that nearly every one 
of the leading citizens was his silent accomplice. 

The anti-administrationists talk to-day about the intolerable tyranny established 
by McKinley in the Philippines. . They speak of the degeneracy of our political 
life, of the new danger that threatens the republic, a danger unknown before, which 
will convert our free institutions into an arbitrary despotism. 



Is the tyranny of McKinley in the Philippines greater than that of Jefferson in 
Louisiana ? Every essential fact for which tfie present administration is denounced, 
short of actual war, existed in New Orleans in 1803 and 1804, under the administra- 
tion of the author of the Declaration of Independence. The inhabitants of New 
Orleans were indeed too weak to resist by force of arms. They might have done 
even that if Burr's conspiracy had not prematurely collapsed. But is the so-called 
tyranny any the less if the victim of it is too weak to resist ? 

A Question of Principle. 

Here was government without the consent of the governed ; a title conveyed 
to us by France over territory of which France had not been in possession for over 
forty years. Here was the rule of newly acquired territory as a colony — imperial 
rule — autocratic rule — not over Tagals and Negritos, but over Caucasians and 
against their will. It is true the population was not so large as that of the Philippines, 
but the critics of the administration are discussing this question as a matter of prin- 
ciple and it is just as bad in principles to rule fifty thousand people without their 
consent as it is to rule ten millions. The territorial government of Louisiana was 
temporary, though part of that territory, Oklahoma, is not yet admitted to the Union, 
and another part — the Indian Territory — will perhaps never be so admitted. The 
government of Porto Rico is also temporary — so is even the government which we 
shall establish in the Philippines, and the Republican platform promises that the 
largest measure of self-government consistent with the welfare of the people shall be 
allowed them. Yv r hether at any time hereafter they shall be admitted to full statehood 
is for future consideration. It is just as wrong in principle to rule people without 
their consent for one year, or for five years, as it is for a hundred years. If, there- 
fore, the wrong of imperialism has been introduced into our free government, it has 
been done not by William McKinley, in the year 1900, but by Thomas Jefferson, the 
idol of the Democratic party, in 1808. It is the author of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence who was the first imperialist, the first emperor of our "colonial" domain. 

Has the republic lost vitality by reason of that act? Have we become degenerates 
because Jefferson purchased Louisiana and ruled it with autocratic power ? 

Names Held in Higii Honor. 

When Livingston had set his name to the treaty of cession, he arose and shook 
hands with Monroe, and with Marbois, the French Minister, and said, "We have 
lived long, but this is the noblest work of our lives," and he spoke true. The names 
of Livingston and Monroe and Jefferson are held in higher honor by our people 
because they made that noble purchase which gave us our first great empire in the 
West. 

If Jefferson was inconsistent, we esteem him the more because he dared to be 
inconsistent in a thing so vitally affecting the best interest of our country. 

And if President McKinley has done aught that was inconsistent with previous 
declarations, history will not repudiate him because he esteemed the welfare of the 
American people as more important than his own consistency. 

We Should Look Into the Future. 

It is our duty to look beyond the struggles of the present to that which will be 
of lasting benefit or injury to future generations. It is true the Philippines are 
further off than Louisiana, though we can communicate with them more quickly 

7 



than Thomas Jefferson could with New Orleans. It is true the Pacific Ocean is wider 
than the Mississippi River, though it is {hardly more difficult to reach Manila than it 
was for our ancestors to penetrate the vast plains beyond the Father of Waters. But 
in determining the great world questions that lie before us, the possession of the 
Philippines may be as important to the American people hereafter as the possession 
of Louisiana was in determining the question of predominance upon the American 
continent. 

Thomas Jefferson did right in extending the power and beneficence of American 
institutions over America. McKinley has done right in extending the power and 
beneficence of American institutions throughout the world. 



ADDRESS 

BY THE 




TO THE 

FIRST PRESIDENTIAL VOTERS 
OF AMERICA. 

The young blood of this country represents its vital force — It is 
the balance of power in all Presidential Elections. Every 
crisis has depended upon the loyalty of the new generation. 
The young men of America have never proven recreant in 
peace or war. Will they prove otherwise in the present crisis 
— If the seeds of folly are now to be sown, it is the young 
men of the present generation who must reap the fruit and 
leave upon their children its many evils. 

To the First Presidential Voters of America : 

The census of 1890 shows that there were in the United States 
in that year 2,516,043 young men of the ages of twenty-one to 
twenty-four inclusive. Considering the increase in population dur- 
ing the last decade, it is safe to say that on the 6th of next Novem- 
ber at least 3,000,000 young men will be eligible to cast their first 
presidential votes. When we remember that President McKin- 
ley's plurality, with a single exception the largest ever given to a 
president, was 601,854, and when we consider the fact that young 
men are not bound by party ties, it appears how great and how 
decisive is to be the influence of the first voters upon the result of 
the struggle now in progress. 

In every crisis of our history the numbers, the freedom from 
traditional prejudice, and the enthusiasm of our young men have 
been the determining factors in the final result. We have now 
reached another great crisis in our national development, and once 
more the young men should come actively to the front. Four 
years ago a coterie of men obtained control of the Democratic 
party, thrust aside the great, conservative leaders who had led them 
to victory in the past, and promulgated a platform filled with 
seductive appeals to class prejudice and to the cupidity of human 
nature — a platform that struck at the independence of the judiciary 



and demanded that we should sacrifice our national honor by de- 
basing the currency. Those leaders were repudiated by the people, 
and as each succeeding year has given additional proof of the ab- 
surdity and falsity of their arguments, the popular contempt for 
them has increased. Realizing this they know that their only hope 
for success in the present campaign lies in their talking so per- 
sistently upon other questions that the people shall forget that they 
are the same men who led the assault upon our prosperity and na- 
tional honor in '96. 

Driven by this necessity they have invented a number of sham 
issues, among which "imperialism" is declared to be paramount. 
Nothing could illustrate more forcibly the straits in which they find 
themselves. During the course of a war, in the declaration of 
which the representatives of all parties united, we overthrew the 
dominion of Spain in the Philippine Islands. Having taken this 
step we became responsible for the results that should follow. 
When we had freed the people from their foreign oppressors we 
could not deliver them over to anarchy or to the irresponsible 
tyranny of local despots. In the fulfillment of a sacred obligation, 
therefore, we have entered upon the work of establishing peace, 
order and good government in these islands that we may give to 
their people the conditions of a happier existence. This is a prac- 
tical and honest course of action that any party in power would be 
compelled to take, or stand before the world convicted of incom- 
petency and cowardice. But notwithstanding these plain facts 
Democratic leaders assume that we have entered upon a career of 
ruthless foreign conquest with a view to building up a vast colonial 
system. Upon this false assumption they erect the hobgoblin of 
imperialism, and proceed to launch against it their solemn philip- 
pics. 

Another product of their invention is "militarism." That we 
might meet the responsibilities that came to us as a result of our 
own voluntary action in declaring war upon Spain, the size of our 
army has been slightly increased. Subsequent events in China 
have proved that such a step is also necessary if we are to protect 
our representatives and citizens abroad and maintain our dignity 
and honor throughout the world. The argument that eighty 
millions of people, electing their own rulers at short intervals of 
time, could have their liberties endangered by a small force of 
100,000 men, is too absurd to deceive even the unthinking. We 
are told, therefore, that this is but the beginning. Such a state- 
ment amounts simply to a declaration that the people are unfit to 
be trusted. The Republican party believes that we may do all that 



national safety and honor demand, and trust that in the future the 
people shall permit this and no more to be done. 

Thus by declaiming incessantly against imaginary dangers do 
they hope to blind the people to the fact that the Demcoratic lead- 
ers of to-day are the very men who promulgated the wild vagaries 
of the Chicago platform. But the people will not forget that im- 
mediately upon his inauguration Mr. Bryan would order the troops 
to be withdrawn from the Philippines, that what he calls imperial- 
ism would be at an end, and that we should then have four long 
jxars of Bryanism and national humiliation. 

They talk about the Declaration of Independence as if they 
were the sole guardians of this Ark of the Covenant. But the 
Kansas City platform states a theory which, if it could be put into 
practice, would give the lie to every word of that immortal docu- 
ment. Its principles all rest upon the doctrine that the people can 
be safely trusted with' unlimited power. But it is now proposed 
that the people shall use the brute power of numbers to repudiate 
their honest obligations. If this- should be done our political con- 
tests would soon degenerate into a fierce warfare of classes, the 
friends of liberty could no longer point to us to prove that the 
people can be safely trusted with power, and the apologists of des- 
potism throughout the world would use our conduct as an illus- 
tration of the fact that a democracy must always consume itself. 

Democratic orators are quoting Abraham Lincoln and other 
leaders of the Republican party. But while those same great lead- 
ers were laboring to crush human slavery, and to give this nation a 
new birth of freedom, the Democratic party was meeting in con- 
vention and demanding that slavery be admitted to the territories, 
calling for a more rigid enforcement of the fugitive slave law, a law 
more repugnant to every doctrine of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence than any that ever disgraced our statute books, and when the 
life of the nation was trembling in the balance they solemnly de- 
clared the war a failure and demanded an immediate cessation of 
hostilities. But now, when it is expedient that they should do so, 
they build sepulchers for the prophets whom their fathers stoned. 
They have not always been so zealous for the doctrine that govern- 
ment rests upon the consent of the governed, and even to-day their 
zeal lags in those parts of the country where the doctrine conflicts 
with their own selfish interests. It is an old maxim, and one hav- 
ing very high authority, that "by their fruits ye shall know them." 

One of the most distinguished of the former leaders of the 
Democratic party has declared that "the paramount issue of this 
•campaign is Bryanism." This is a fact that the declaration of no 
platform can alter. The only addition to the active leadership of 



the party since '96 has been Tammany Hall, and the changes in the 
platform have resulted, not from a change of heart on the part of its 
authors, but from the demands of expediency. The overshadow- 
ing question of the present campaign is this: Do the American 
people wish to be ruled by Richard Croker and the men discovered 
by that body known to history as the Chicago convention ? 

Once more the Republican party enters a national campaign 
as the champion of those great principles of liberty and progress 
that have brought us to the front rank of the great nations of the 
world; it enters the contest under the leadership of William Mc- 
Kinley, one of the purest and wisest of a long line of illustrious 
statesmen ; it wages unrelenting warfare against the party that has 
declared for a policy of reaction — that advocates principles that 
would demoralize our industries and tarnish our national honor. 

The young men of the country should feel a peculiar interest 
in the results of this campaign. If the seeds of folly are to be sown, 
it is they who must reap the fruits. If this nation is to listen to evil 
counsels, and depart from the path of duty and progress that it has 
kept for over a hundred years, if it is to adopt a policy of reaction, 
if it is to stoop to dishonor, if it is to pass into the throes of class 
warfare, the baneful results will fall with greatest weight, not upon 
the present, but upon the generations that are to come. The vast 
army of young men who are to cast their first presidential votes 
this fall should therefore take an active part in the struggle now in 
progress. To secure this result the First Voters' Republican Na- 
tional League has been formed, and is engaged in organizing the 
first voters in all the states. The plan of the work is as follows : 
Each local league, when organized, shall arrange for regular meet- 
ings, appoint a committee on membership whose duty it shall be 
to make a systematic canvass of the first voters, that the league 
may have upon its rolls the name of every Republican first voter in 
the community ; elect a captain, who shall lead the members as they 
march in parades, and attend meetings, and on election clay see to 
it that every man casts his vote. In addition to its own work the 
league should be ready to give active assistance to the regular party 
organization. It is of the greatest importance that the first voters 
throughout the land should take up this work. Such action on 
their part will not only help to win a victory in the present cam- 
paign, but it will do much to prevent a renewal in the future of the 
attack that is now being made upon the very foundations of repub- 
lican government on this continent. 

Fletcher Dobyns, President. 

R. A. Upham, Vice-President. 

W. L. Schoeverling, Sec. & Treas. 



Anti=Imperialism 



is 



Old Copperheadism. 



flow the Northern Traitors of 1864 Wailed Over the 

Declaration of Independence, Reviled Lincoln 

and Fumed Against Militarism. 



HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF. 



Democrat and Republican, friend and foe, agree that the central thought of 
Mr. Bryan's speech at Indianapolis is in applying to the issues of the day, the 
doctrine of the Declaration of Independence that "governments derive their just 
powers from the consent of the governed." Interpreting this as if it requires in 
all cases, and under all circumstances, an absolute rule by the majority, told off 
by the head in each community, Mr. Bryan necessarily contemplates a partial 
sis of the Constitution and the courts. 

Magnified, falsified and perverted in just this manner, the doctrine of so- 
called anti-imperialism and "consent of the governed" is one sadly known tc 
American history. 

First Attack on Imperialism. 

Alexander Long, of Ohio, began his celebrated attack on Lincoln and impe- 
rialism in 1864 in a speech in the House of Representatives, April- 8, saying: 

"A little over three years ago the present occupant of the presidential man- 
sion at the other end of the Avenue, came into this city under cover of night 
disguised in a plaid cloak and Scotch cap, lest, as was feared by his friends, he 
might have a warmer greeting than would have been agreeable on his, 

way through Baltimore." 



Lincoln's Militarism. 

Mr. Long proceeded to argue that the President, who had entered the Capi- 
tal in this manner, had, in the course of four years, established an odious rule of 
militarism. He said: 

"Are we not in Constantinople, in St. Petersburg, in Vienna, in Kome, or in 
Paris? Military government and their provost marshals override the laws, and 
the echo of the armed heel rings forth as clearly now in America as in France or 
in Austria ; and the President sits to-day guarded by armed soldiery stationed 
at every approach leading to the Executive Mansion." 

Opposing this militarism, Mr. Long demanded an immediate cessation of 
the war, saying: 

"Can the Union be restored by war? I answer most unhesitatingly and 
deliberately, no, never; war is final, eternal separation. My first and highest 
ground of opposition to its further prosecution is, that it is wrong; it is in viola- 
tion of the Constitution and of the fundamental principles on which the federal 
Union was founded. My second objection is that as a policy, it is not recon- 
structive but destructive, and will, if continued, result speedily in the destruction 
of the government and the laws of civil liberty to both north and south, and it 
ought therefore to immediately cease." 



Quoting Jefferson as Satan Quotes Scripture. 

As a further reason for stopping the war, Mr. Long quoted the Declaration of 
Independence precisely as Mr. Bryan does to-day, and said: 

"Three years' experience in attempting by numerical preponderance and 
military prowess of one section, exerted to coerce the other into submission, has 
convinced me more thoroughly that it is as self-contradictory as it is dangerous; 
because it violates the great principles of free governments which derive their 
just powers from the consent of the governed, and dangerous because by its exer- 
cise, especially when wielded by a weak, vacillating and unscrupulous man, it 
destroys instead of maintaining the Union." 



Ruinous Militarism and Odious Emancipation. 

Mr. Long went on: 

" If the time ever was when the Union could have been restored by war 
(which I don't believe) it has long since been dispelled by emancipation, con- 
scription, amnesty and the like; proclamations, military orders, annulling state 
constitutions, setting aside state laws, obliterating state lines and attempting to 
organize and set up a form of state government in their stead in which if one man 
out of ten, who shall turn Abolitionist, take and subscribe an oath to execute and 
obey the law of Abraham Lincoln, whatever it may be, he shall govern and rule 
over the remaining nine who refuse to become Abolitionists." 

2 



More Bryanism. 

Mr. Long continued: 

"Mr. Chairman, if we cannot rise above the Austro-Eussian principle of hold- 
ing subject provinces by the power of force and coercion, what becomes of the 
Declaration of Independence and of all our teaching for eighty years ? 4 After all, 
Mr. Chairman, it is not the extent of territory which 'should be the object of our 
desires. Better sacrifice even nine-tenths of the territory than destroy our Re- 
publican form of government * * * land is nothing compared to lib- 
erty * * * pride of territorial ambition is a vulgar and low ambition of 
national greatness." 



Lincoln's Militarism Absolute Ruin to the Union. 

Said Mr. Long further: 

11 It is the object of the sword to cut and cleave asunder but never to unite. 
* * * I am reluctantly forced to the conclusion that in attempting to preserve 
our jurisdiction over the southern states, we have lost our constitutional form of 
government over the northern states. Our government, as we all know, is not 
anything resembling what it was three years ago; there is not one single vestige 
of the Constitution remaining; every clause and every letter of it has been vio- 
lated and I have no idea myself that it will ever again be respected." 

Mr. Long concluded with this avowal, which showed him to be no war Demo- 
crat, but a believer in Bryan's doctrine as to the " consent of the governed " : 

" I say further, Mr. Chairman, that if this war is to be still further prose- 
cuted, I for one prefer that it shall be done under the auspices of those who now 
conduct its management, as I do not want the party with which I am connected 
to be in any degree responsible for its results, which can not be otherwise than 
disastrous and suicidal; let the responsibility remain where it is until we can have 
a change of policy instead of men, if such a thing is possible. Nothing could be 
more fatal for the Democratic party than to seek to come into power, pledged to 
a continuance of the war policy." 



How Garfield Scarified Long. 

This speech of Long's created a tremendous sensation in the house. Up to 
that time the war Democrats had controlled their party for the most part in the 
house, but Mr. Long, looking to the opening presidential campaign, tried to start 
a new policy. The first to reply to him was General Garfield, who sprang to his 
feet, claimed the floor, aud in a manner indicative of great suppressed indigna- 
tion said: 

"Mr. Chairman, I should be obliged to you if you would direct the Sergeant- 
at-Arms to bring a white flag and plant it in the aisle between myself and my 
colleague, who has just addressed you." 

3 



Alluding to the use of the white flag with an honest enemy in war and giving 
Long credit for sincerity and candor, General Garfield, then fresh from service in 
the army, went on : 

"But now I ask you to take away the flag of truce and I will go back inside 
the Union lines and speak of what he has done. I am reminded by it of a dis- 
tinguished character in Paradise Lost, that 'when he had rebelled against the 
glory of God and led away a third part of Heaven's sons, conjured against the 
Highest, when after terrible battles in which mountains and hills were hurled by 
each contending host with Ejaculations dire'; when at last the latter and his hosts 
were hurled down nine times the space that measures day and night, and after 
the terrible fall lay stretched prone on the burning Lake, Satan lifted up his 
shattered bulk, crossed the abyss, looked down into Paradise, and soliloquizing, 
said : 

'Which way I fly is hell ; myself, am hell.' 

It seems to me in that utterance, he expressed the very sentiment to which 
you have just listened; uttered by one, no less brave, malign and fallen. This 
man gathers up the meaning of this great contest, the philosophy of the moment, 
the prophesies of the hour in sight of the paradise of victory and peace, utters 
them all in this wail of terrible despair, 'which way I fly is hell.' He ought to 
add, 'myself, am hell/ " 



No Consent Asked— Constitution and the Laws to Be Enforced. 

General Garfield although more profoundly moved than ever before or after- 
wards in his service in Congress, nevertheless proceeded to make this calm, logi- 
cal, statesmanlike reply to Long: 

"The gentleman has told us, there is no such thing as coercion justifiable 
under the Constitution. I ask him for one moment to reflect that no statute ever 
was enforced without coercion. It is the basis of every law in the universe- 
God's law, as well as man's; a law is no law without coercion behind it. When a 
man has murdered his brother, coercion takes the murderer, tries him, and 
hangs him. When you levy your taxes, coercion secures their collection; it fol- 
lows the shadow of the thief and brings him to justice; it accompanies your 
diplomacy to foreign courts and backs the declaration of the Nation's rights by a 
pledge of the Nation's power; but when the life of that nation is imperilled we 
are told it has no coercive power against the parricides in its own bosom." 



Bryanism Considered Treason in 1864. 

With this all-sufficient reply from the standpoint of logic and law, General 
Garfield could no longer restrain the righteous indignation which boiled within 
him. He said: 

" Now in the quiet of these halls, hatched in the lowest depths of a dark 
treason, there rises a Benedict Arnold and proposes to surrender us all up, body 

4 



and spirit, the nation and the flag, its genius, and its honor, now and forever, to 
the accursed traitors of our country, and that proposition comes— God forgive 
and pity my beloved state — it comes from a citizen of the honored and loyal com- 
monwealth of Ohio. 

I implore you, brethren in this house, not to believe that many such births 
ever give pangs to my mother state such as she suffered when that traitor was 
born [suppressed applause and sensation]. I beg you not to believe that on the 
soil of that state another such growth has ever deformed the face of nature and 
forgotten the light of God's day [an audible whisper, 'Vallandigham'] but ah, I 
am reminded there are other such. My zeal and love for Ohio have carried me 
too far." 



Effort to Expel Long as a Traitor. 

The indignation excited by Long's speech did not subside even after Garfield's 
reply. The next day, April 9th, Speaker Colfax left his chair and came down to 
the floor to address the house. Among other things he said: 

" You should call no more soldiers into the field to endeavor by the peril of 
their lives to save this country, because it is a solemn mockery to do so if from 
this hall shall go forth the words of encouragement to strengthen those arrayed 
against them in an unholy and parricidal work." 

Mr. Colfax then offered the following resolution: 

"Resolved, that Alexander Long, a representative from the second district of 
Ohio, having on the 8th of April, 1864, declared himself in favor of recognizing the 
independence and nationality of the so-called confederacy now in arms against 
the Union, and thereby give aid, countenance and encouragement to persons en- 
gaged in armed hostility to the United States, is hereby expelled." 

Practically the entire Democratic side rallied to the defense of Mr. Long. 
Allen, of Illinois, Harris of Maryland, Cox of Ohio, Wood of New York, Voorhees 
of Indiana, and Pendleton of Ohio were among those who spoke in his defense. 
In the course of the discussion Harris of Maryland used language fully as treason- 
able as Long, and a resolution to expel him was introduced, but failed of a two- 
thirds vote, the roll call showing eighty-one for expulsion and fifty-eight against. 
Some Republicans took the ground that free speech could not be in any way 
abridged in the house. The resolution was then changed to one of censure, de- 
claring Harris "an unworthy member of this house," which was adopted by 
ninety -three to eighteen. A similar change was then made in the resolution af- 
fecting Long, and it was adopted by a vote of eighty to sixty-nine. 

Long, who was not merely an anti-war man but a peace Democrat (otherwise 
known as copperheads), not only succeeded in bringing the party to his support 
in Congress, but as a delegate in the National Democratic convention a few 
months later, made a speech in which he denounced Lincoln's "odious emanci- 
pation proclamation." It will be noted that this entire proceeding, hideous and 
disgraceful as it was, arose from an adoption of the precise dogma which Bryan 
is proclaiming to-day as to the consent of the governed, militarism and coercion. 



The Bryan-Long Parallel. 

Bryan's Indianapolis speech opened the campaign of 1900, just as E. D. 
Washburne said that Alexander Long struck the keynote for 1864. A few of his 
utterances and those of others of the same copperhead stripe (including Vallan- 
digham, who was afterwards sent through the lines for treason), may well be set 
in close comparison with those of Bryan now. 



Bryan at Indianapolis. 

Compare, if you will, the swaggering, 
bullying and brutal doctrine of imperi- 
alism with the Golden Rule. 



Bryan at Indianapolis. 

They must expect the subject races 
to protest against such a policy and to 
refeist to the extent of their ability * * 
* * Our whole history is an encourage- 
ment to all who are denied a voice in 
their own government. 



Bryan at Indianapolis, 1900. 

I assert that on the important issues 
of the d»y, the Republican party is dom- 
inated by those influences which con- 
stantly tend to elevate pecuniary con- 
siderations and ignore human rights. 



Bryan at Indianapolis. 

It is not necessary to own people in 
order to trade with them. We carry on 
trade to-day with every part of the 
world and our commerce has expanded 
more rapidly than the commerce of any 
European power. We do not own Japan 
or China, but we trade with their peoples. 



C. L. Vallandigham, Speech, Jan. 14, 
1863. 

The spirit of non-intervention is the 
very spirit of peace and concord. 



Fernando Wood, Jan. 14, 1864. 

No government can be lasting that is 
not founded on the consent of the gov- 
erned * * * these political jackals, 
known as war Democrats * * * the 
bloody and brutal policies of the ad- 
ministration.— [Lincoln.] * * * There 
is no such thing as a war Democrat. 



Fernando Wood, April 19, 1864, in the 
House, 

Said the government under the Lincoln 
Administration "chose rather to increase 
the rent of the poor man's tenement 
than to dim the lustre of the jobber's 
palace." 



Alexander Long, Demanding Recognition 
of the Southern Confederacy. 

The great object of our government 
should be to develop and cultivate the 
internal resources of those friendly to its 
jurisdiction rather than to extend it over 
hostile and foreign peoples [Confeder- 
ates.] 



Bryan's Indianapolis Speech, August 
8fh, 1900. 

But if it were possible to obliterate 
every word written or spoken in de- 
fense of the principles set forth in 
the Declaration of Independence, a war 
of conquest would still leave its legacy of 
perpetual hatred, for it was God himself 



Alexander Long in the House, February 
7th, 1865. 

Every month it [th<* war] has been 
continued for coercion and subjugation 
has only tended to cement, perpetuate, 
and tradition alize hatred of the north in 
every southern household. 



who placed in every human heart the 
love of liberty. He never made a race of 
people so low in the scale of civilization 
or intelligence that it would welcome a 
foreign master. 



Mr. Bryan at Indianapolis. 

If we are to govern them [the Filip- 
pinos] without their consent, and give 
them no voice in determining the taxes 
which they must pay, we dare not edu- 
cate them lest .they learn to read the 
Declaration of Independence and the 
Constitution of the United States, and 
mock us for our inconsistencies. 



Bryan at Indianapolis. 

That the leaders of a great party 
should claim for any President or Con- 
gress the right to treat millions of peo- 
ple as mere possessions and deal with 
them unrestrained by the Constitution 
or the bill of rights, shows how far we 
have already departed from the ancient 
landmarks, and indicates what may be 
expected if this nation deliberately en- 
ters upon a career of empire. 



Bryan at Indianapolis. 

Better a thousand times that our flag 
in the Orient give way to the flag rep- 
resenting the idea of self-government, 
than that the flag of this Republic 
should become the flag of an empire. 



Benjamin G. Harris of Maryland— Same 
Debate. 

If we are to have dissolution, in the 
name of God, let us have it. Let us have 
it, and instead of having one great con- 
solidated government, one imperial gov- 
ernment, one splendid government, let 
us have on this continent two happj 1 
governments. 



Alexander Long— Same Debate. 

The experiment, now being tried at so 
fearful a sacrifice of blood and treasure 
will in the end demonstrate to the world 
that confederacies can not be held good 
by the mad policy of coercion. Govern- 
ments deriving their just powers from 
the consent of the governed and existing 
only in the hearts and affections of the 
people, can not be held together by force. 
# * * There never has been and aever 
can be a Union founded on the coercion 
and subjugation of sovereign states. 



Alexander Long— Same Debate. 

Engaged in the pursuance of wealth 
and material pleasures, they have ap- 
parenty taken little interest in the 
question [preservation of the Constitu- 
tion], content even to accept a despot- 
ism that did not prohibit their sacri- 
fices at the footstool of mammon. 
Their only idea has been to preserve 
the territory, the land, of the Republic 
intact; and if that was effected, the form 
and nature of the government over it 
was a secondary consideration. 



Alexander Long. 

The Union of 1789 is gone never to be 
restored. If we who yet claim to be 
under the forms of the Constitution 
would save anything from a political 
and social wreck; if we desire even to 
make an effort to again recover our lost 
condition, we must abandon the war, 
recognize the sovereignty and separate 
independence of the states and their 
right of self-government, and then be- 
gin the work of reorganization anew in 
a spirit of mutual compromise and con- 
cession. 



Adlai Stevenson at Indianapolis. 

Against this policy stands imperialism. 
Imperialism knows nothing of limita- 
tions of power. Its rule is outside the 
Constitution. It means the establish- 
ment by the American Republic of the 
colonial methods of European monarch- 
ies. It means the right to hold alien 
peoples as subjects. It enthrones force 
as the controlling- agency in government. 
It means the empire. 



G. L. Vallandigham Speech, January 
14, 1863. 

I have denounced from the beginning 
the usurpations and the infractions, one 
and all, of law and Constitution by the 
President [Lincoln] and those under him. 

J. K. Edgerton in his speech of F» bru- 
ary 20, 18G-">. said there was one choice- 
only : 

"A Reparation of the sections or a war 
of 'absolute subrogation or extermina- 
tion of the states to end in military and 
monarchical despotism. 

'•Lincoln loves power; he will bear no 
rival near the throne to share his honors 
as the great emancipator." 



Bryan at indianapoiis. 

If governments derive their just 
powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned it is impossible to secure title to 
people either by force or by purchase. 



George Bliss of Ohio in a Copperhead 

Speech of Rflarch 12, 1S64, in 

the House. 

They [the Southern States] are to be 
governments not in the language of the 
Dec'arauonof Independence, deriving 
their just powers from the consent of 
the governed, but as governments im- 
posed upon the people by the omnipo- 
tency of the President [Lincoln.] 



A Dangerous Doctrine Now and Tnen, 



]S T o honorable Democrat cares to revive this deplorable incident in the his- 
tory of his party, where the anti-war or peace element (known in that day as 
copperheads) gained the ascendency, overpowered the loyal Avar Democrats and 
committed the organization to a wrongheaded and disgraceful opposition to Lin- 
coln, but everyone should know that disgraceful transaction was done in the 
name of the precise doctrine Bryan is preaching now— zeal for consent of the 
governed and opposition to alleged militarism. 

When men like Vallandigham and Long and Bryan go to putting their anar- 
chist interpretations on the teachings of Thomas Jefferson, it is time to throw 
out cautionary signals. Now, as in 1864, there is danger of great dishonor to the 
Democratic party from an unworthy leader and of alarm to the country from the 
renewal of a destructive dogma. Appropriately enough, this theory of the con- 
sent of the governed, as fanatically pushed beyond all limits, is being preached 
by Mr. Bryan in the same sentences which breathe forth threats not only against 
the financial honor of the country and the authority of its Supreme Court, but 
against the proper and crderly action of the people themselves. 



The Climax of Mob Rule. 

Eating of the same insane root which drove Long and Vallandigham into 
political madness in 1864, Mr. Bryan put a fit climax to his dangerous and dis- 
torted doctrine when in his speech at Springfield, Ohio, he said to the crowd : 

"You have the power and the right to take the reins of government into your own 
hands and administer the law, not for foreign syndicates, but for the people of 
the United States." 

After Mr. Bryan had been criticised for this dangerous doctrine, he deliber- 
ately repeated it with emphasis, saying in his speech at Ottumwa, Iowa : 

"The people suffer until suffering ceases to be a virtue; they are patient until 
patience is exhausted, and then they arouse themselves, take the reins of government, 
and put the government back upon its old foundation." 

John C. Calhoun never equalled that. Let it be said of the arch-nullifier that 
he contemplated a three-fourths vote of all the states as necessary to give full and 
final validity and power to an ordinance of nullification. He had, at least, some 
respect for the provision of the Federal Constitution which requires two-thirds 
of Congress or of the state legislatures to propose amendments, and then a three- 
fourths vote of all the states to ratify them. Such is the requirement of the Con- 
stitution, but Bryan tells the crowd they can change or alter the government at 
their own will without regard to the Constitution. 

Appropriately enough did this same Bryan call out in his speech at Brooklyn 
four years ago: 

"The Supreme Court changes from time to time. Judges die or resign, and 
new judges take their places. When did our opponents find that a decision of 
the Supreme Court was so sacred ? " 

It is time for the people to say what they think of pushing the doctrines of 
Thomas Jefferson to such excess and danger. In 1864 it meant Copperheadism 
and virtual treason, and in 1900 it smacks of political mob rule and the overthrow 
of the Supreme Court. 

The doctrine of those who assailed Lincoln has been quoted not merely to 
show the grotesque absurdity or inconsistency of Bryan in citing him now. 
Beyond that — instructive to the people as that is — they should see that the vapor- 
ings against the Supreme Court and the demagogical misrepresentation of pop- 
ular authority are rooted in the old copperhead doctrine of 1864, which now, as 
in the past and the future, must of necessity put forth only evil and dangerous 
fruit. 



Adlai Stevenson To*. 

As if to make the connection between the distorted consent of the governed 
dogma in 1864 and 1900 perfectly clear, it was not left for Bryan to preach the old 
doctrine from the old text, but Adlai Stevenson had to be put on the ticket with 
him. Mr. Stevenson is an oLd timer whose political activity dates back to 1864, 
when he was a candidate for presidential elector on the consent of the governed 
platform of that year as gotten up by the Longs and Yallandighams and other 

9 



enemies of Lincoln. He stood on that platform and in public speeches approved 
all its utterances, including the declaration that the war for the Union was a fail- 
ure. The doctrine which Bryan preaches is no new thing to Stevenson. 



Stevenson's Record. 

"There seems to be a general belief that Adlai E. Stevenson hasa war record," 
said ex-Governor Hamilton of Illinois, in an interview in Chicago, June 24, 1892, 
"and so he has, but it is not exactly the record that will make him popular with 
lovers of the Union, or will make the battle-scarred veteran enthusiastic in his 
support." 

"Now," continued the ex-governor, "I do not want to do anything or to be 
quoted as saying anything harsh in regard to Mr. Stevenson. He and I are 
friends. We practiced law at the same time in Bloomington. Together and op- 
posed to each other, we have fought many a hard legal battle. We were neigh- 
bors, and the members of our families were very intimate. So I do not wish to 
be construed as making any personal attack on Mr. Stevenson. When I was a 
boy I lived in Marshall County. It was during the war, and Mr. Stevenson was 
said to be a most unrelenting copperhead. It was generally so understood and 
accepted as a fact. He was in fact a most intense sympathizer with the rebels in 
the South." 

"I belonged to what was known then as a Union League. Opposed to us was 
the organization known as a Golden Circle. It was organized for the purpose of 
assisting the rebel cause and aiding them, not only by expressions of sympathy, 
but in every possible way, even to fitting out men for the southern army. Mr. 
Stevenson was, so it was said, a permanent officer in that region; in fact, it was 
claimed by some that he was an organizer. As long as he remained in that dis- 
trict, he had the reputation of having once been a copperhead. When he made 
his races for Congress the thing has been brought up repeatedly, and these 
charges are of long standing in Bloomington. I understand it is claimed by some 
that the Bloomington Pantagraph has affidavits of men who swear that as an offi- 
cer of the Golden Circle he had drilled them. There was a place in Woodward 
County known as Hoosham's Pasture, a secluded, quiet place where the drills 
took place." 



Shooting Niagara. 

Up to the winter of 1864, a considerable number of Democrats in Congress 
held back from the ultra and destructive interpretation of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, but the Long-Vallandigham outburst drew the lines and forced them 
to take a stand for or against Lincoln, to become War Democrats or go over to the 
Copperheads. It was impossible to shoot Niagara and stop half way down. 
Those who were not for the Union were against it, and could not claim to be true 
loyalists while fighting Lincoln with false cries of militarism and imperialism. 

10 



Among those who then sounded the cry of militarism loudest was Congressman 
John D. Stiles, of Pennsylvania, who said in the House, July 4th, 1864: 

"Sir, it would seem that an offended God has already made visible the signs 
of retribution for the recklessness with which we have been plunged into civil 
strife. Oar deluded people have witnessed as its consequences the destruction 
of all that was most precious to them of their political inheritance. The shrine 
of their liberty has been profaned and its costly treasures trampled under foot. 
They have seen the bayonet at their ballot boxes, the bayonet in their courts of 
justice, the bayonet in their legislative halls, at their homesteads, and at their 
bedsides in the dead of night. At every place once held sacred the bayonet has 
been seen, threatening, insulting, and applying the rule of force to the will of 
freemen." 

Lincoln a Caesar. 

"We have seen the elective franchise controlled by armed force in States 
powerless to resist the minions of tyranny who thwarted them in the exercise of 
their most sacred right. Our Caesar then passed his Rubicon, and the Republic 
may well fear that he will not henceforward pause in his unlawful career, unless 
he be swept from its course by the torrent of the popular will sustaining the bal- 
lot-box, if need be, with weapons as those which have assailed it." 



Militarism with a Vengeance. 

Another Copperhead who foamed with charges of militarism against the Lincoln 
Administration was Congressman Andrew J. Rogers of New Jersey. Hear him in his 
speech of April 14, 1864: 

"When I reflect upon the awful and solemn events which surround us, I can but 
weep for the unity and liberties of my country, and I, in these once sacred Halls of 
Congress, raise my humble voice and call upon every man, women and child in this 
land, and entreat them to advocate some reasonable compromise before our 
country's doom shall be forever sealed. My soul sickens at the radicalism and 
fanaticism of the age, unnecessarily squandering away our resources, wasting our 
public treasure, and spilling the people's blood." 



Wailing over the Declaration. 

Then, as now, there was loud wailing over the Declaration of Independence. 
Said Mr. Rogers: 

"The rights of free speech are principles of liberty that are laid down in the 
Declaration of Independence and in the Constitution of my country. Sir, without 
liberty the Union is worth nothing. I want no such Union as that. It is not such a 
one as our fathers made, it is not such a one as the patriots and statesmen of the 
times that tried men's souls established and consolidated for the protection and 
defense of the liberties of the white race of America. It is a Union of despotism and 
tyranny, not a Union of fraternal independent States, each legislating for itself its 
own internal policy. It is a Union without freedom of debate, without freedom to 

11 



exercise the constitutional right of free speech, that right which ha& been guaranteed 
to us by the laws of God and man. It is a Union without freedom from those uncon- 
stitutional, outrageous, and tyrannical acts which have characterized the Admin- 
istration in power." 



Voorhees of flndiana on Consent of the Governed. 



But perhaps no one in the Long-Vallandigham crew wailed louder over the ruin 
of the country or assailed Lincoln and his alleged militarism more bitterly than 
Voorhees of Indiana, who in his speech of March 5, 18G4, said: 

"The rebel chief at Richmond, who makes open war against the Union, and the 
Executive here who does not make war for it, and who would not accept its restora- 
tion today on the ancient doctrines of the Constitution, are engaged by conscription, 
force and violence in hurling against each other the unwilling and peaceful popula- 
tions of every section, bleeding, palpitating, and mangled, to struggle, to combat 
and to die, like the gladiators in the amphitheatre of Rome, butchered to make a 
Roman holiday. These are facts which will not escape history, and yet the consent 
of the governed is the just measure of power which a public ruler can exercise in a 
free government, and we fondly imagine that we still are free I " 



Present Day Anti-!mperia5£sts Outdone. 

Mr. Voorhees in his speech of March 5, 1864, said: 

"This government is dying; dying, sir, dying. We are standing around its bed 
of death and will soon be wretched mourners at its tomb unless the sovereign and 
heroic remedy is soon applied." 

It was not the war or the acts of the confederates in arms which Mr. Voorhees de- 
plored as putting the life of the nation in peril. Not at all. It was because Lincoln 
and the Republicans were not faithful to the Constitution, which was intended to 
secure the blessings of liberty, whereas, said Mr. Voorhees: 

" Who will dare rise in his place and say this government has been administered 
during the last three years in a mode even tending toward the accomplishment of 
these grand results? The very foundations of civilized jurisprudence have been torn 
away and the whole edifice is in ruins. Not one right which constitutes the freedom 
and safety of the citizen but what has been wickedly and wantonly violated." 



Lincoln ^nd His Subordinates in Grime. 

It was this speech of March 5, 1864 (Cong. Globe, Part 4, Page 73), in which Mr. 
Voorhees exclaimed against "the executive or his subordinates in crime" who had 
swept away the jury system. 

12 



Lincoln's Hellish Dance of Glee. 

Mr. Voorhees continued: 

"Will some poor crawling and despised sycophant and tool of executive despot- 
ism [under Lincoln] dare to say, I shall not pronounce the name of Vallandigham ? 
* * * There is not one square mile of free soil in the American republic. It is slave 
territory from the Aristook to the Columbia. * * * They [Lincoln and his sup- 
porters] invoked the storm which has since rained blood upon the land. They 
danced with hellish glee around the bubbling caldron of civil war and welcomed 
with ferocious joy every hurtful mischief which flickered in its lurid and infernal 
flames." 



Revival of Copperhead Doctrine. 

Let no man say there is no significance in the revival now of the lurid and baleful 
Copperhead doctrine of 1864. It is the old text, the old preaching, and the results 
can only be the cultivation of a dangerous and disloyal spirit— a destructive animus 
which, as formulated now by Mr. Bryan, its principal spokesman, appropriately 
enough and in accordance with its fell purpose, aims at the integrity of the Supreme 
Court, the honor of the Nation's financial system and the maintenance of the 
Nation's authority in the Phillipines. It can not now assail the very Union itself, 
but it menaces with deadly purpose much which makes that Union what it is. The 
governed are not to consent to the preservation of the gold standard, the enforce- 
ment of law and treaty obligations in the Phillipines nor even to the decisions of the 
Supreme Court at home. All sorts of anarchy hatch from that old egg. 

In 1864 the Longs and Vallandigharas fanatically turned the "consent of the 
governed" clause of the Declaration against itself and perverted it into sectional 
anarchy — turned it into a falsified shield behind which seceding states were to defy 
the laws and constitution of the Union. 

With fanaticism like the Longs, and with the scent of a hound for dangerous 
demagogy, Bryan now seizes on the old Copperhead perversion of 1864. He invokes 
it now, not to protect seceding states and save slavery, but for ends well nigh as foul 
and wrong — to estop the assertion of national authority and the suppression of in- 
surrection in our new possessions. Moreover, as if to show how dangerous this per- 
version must ever be, Bryan, characteristically and appropriately enough for one 
ever keen to torture honest doctrine, tells the people they can "take the reins into 
their own hands" and rule regardless of the Constitution, sweeping away its provi- 
sions by mere majorities, and, to say nothing of overthrowing financial honor, may 
subject even the Supreme Court to populistic domination. 

The American people may be trusted to condemn this insidious and dangerous 
demagogy. As Daniel Webster said in one of his great arguments, the people have 
seen fit to put limits to their own power; and they will surely rebuke the man who, 
torturing and perverting the Declaration of Independence itself, tells them they can 
" take the reins into their own hands " regardless of the Constitution or the Supreme 
Court. 

is 



Failures are Fewer. 

Less Business Wreckage Under the McKinley Administration 
than in Eighteen Years. 

Calamity Howler Struck Dumb by General Prosperity's Remarkable Exhibit — 
Disastrous Effect of Democracy and Free Trade — Success of Republican Pro- 
tection. 

The real prosperity of a country ean always be judged by the number of fail- 
ures among its business men. It is an astonishing tribute to the sound state of 
our finances and prosperous commercial condition when Bradstreet's mercantile 
agency reports for' the first six months of the calendar year, 1900, the smallest 
number of failures noted for eighteen years past. This is a showing for McKinley 
prosperity that must strike the calamity howlers dumb. 

The records of the mercantile agency show that for the first six months of 1892 
the business failures of the country were 5,351, with liabilities of $56,535,521. 

In November of that year the Democratic party was voted into power, and in 
March, 1893, took charge of the country's finances. The first six months of that 
year showed failures of 6,239 in number, with liabilities of over $70,000,000. 

All through the Democratic free trade Wilson Bill administration the number 
of failures steadily increased until the first six months of 1896, when they reached 
the high water mark,' viz.: 7,602, with liabilities of $105,535,936. 

In November of that year McKinley prosperity was voted in, and the number 
of failures steadily declined, until the first six months of 1900 show only 4,880 
failures, with liabilities of $60,064,208, the smallest number reported for eighteen 
years. 

In the following tables are compared the first six months of 1896, the last year 
of the last Democratic administration, with the first six months of 1900, the last 
year of President McKinley's present administration. This compares the results 
of nearly four years of both policies on the business affairs of the country. 
These tables are worthy of the careful consideration of the free traders and 
free silver men, as well as of those who believe in the prosperity and protec- 
tion of a Republican Administration. Thus: 

EASTERN STATES. 

Number of Failures for Six Months. 

1896: 1900. 

Maine 140 63 

New Hampshire 73 55 

Vermont 37 55 

Massachusetts 550 756 

Rhode Island 43 46 

Connecticut 125 104 

Total Eastern States 968 1,084 

WESTERN STATES. 1896. 1900. 

Ohio 406 180 

Indinna 155 57 

Illint.it* 412 219 

Missouri 330 197 

Michigan 173 56 

Kansas '. 387 164 

Kentucky , 152 78 

Colorado 11 36 

Total Western States , 2,026 987 

14 



NORTHWESTERN STATES. 

1896. 1900. 

Wisconsin 184 70 

Minnesota 197 79 

Iowa...., 178 113 

Nebraska 125 40 

South Dakota 24 28 

Nortk Dakota 6 4 

Montana 25 13 

Wyoming 3 6 

Total Northwestern States 742 353 

MIDDLE STATES. 

1896. 1900. 

New York.... v 1,059 857 

New Jersey 110 102 

Pennsylvania 673 428 

Delaware 10 11 

Total Middle States «... 1,852 1,269 

SOUTHERN STATES. 

1896. 1900. 

Maryland ' 75 38 

Virginia 134 35 

West Virginia 21 24 

North Carolina 30 37 

South Carolina 24 17 

Georgia 101 64 

Florida 24 16 

Alabama 45 35 

Mississippi 69 31 

Louisiana 107 47 

Texas 335 124 

Tennessee 80 70 

Arkansas 68 53 

District of Columbia 28 8 

Total Southern States , 1,161 599 



PACIFIC STATES. 

1896. 1900. 

California 515 257 

Oregon 38 53 

Nevada „ 3 

Utah 45 30 

Washington 104 33 

Idaho 12 6 

Total Pacific States 764 382 

TERRITORIES. 

1896. 1900. 

Arizona 12 2 

Indian Territory 19 38 

Nhw Mexico 21 2 

Alaska 1 

Oklahoma 36 34 

Totals 89 76 

15 



SUMMARY OF THE ABOVE. 

1896. 1900. 

Eastern States 968 1,084 

Middle States 1,852 1,398 

Western States 2,026 987 

Northwestern States 742 353 

Southern States 1,161 599 

Pacific States 764 382 

Territories 89 ■ 77 

Total— United States 7,602 4,880 

The liabilities of those failing for the first six months of the two years com- 
pared are as follows : 

1896. 1900. 

Eastern States $ 11,233,158 $ 13,898,018 

Middle States 33,320,605 29,704,398 

Western States 30,342,383 6,435,335 

Northwestern States 10,567,612 3,409,502 

Southern States 13,847,302 4,001,299 

Pacific States 5,651,076 2,402,600 

Territories 563,800 21 i ,866 

Totals $105,535,936 $60,064,208 

It will be noted that the liabilities of those failing in the Middle States in the 
first six months of 1900 were $3,616,207 less than they were in 1896. In the West- 
ern States they were $23,907,048 less. In the Northwestern States they were $7,- 
158,110 less. In the Southern States they were $9,846,103 less. In the Pacific 
States they were $3,248,476 less. In the Territories they were $351,934 less, a grand 
total of $45,471,728 less than in 1896. 

Only in the Eastern States where the ''hated aggregation of wealth," as the 
Democrats term it, is supposed to exist, were there more failures this year than 
in 1896, 




The obstructionists are here, not elsewhere. — William McKrsxEY. 

Anti- Imperialism Answered 

How We Came to Get the Philippines and Why We 
Are Holding Them 

By HON. W. A. PEFFER, former United States Senator from Kansas. 

The island of Cuba and its inhabitants have long been a 
source of more or less anxiety to the people and government of 
the United States. Many years Cuba was a rendezvous of the 
slave traders, and filibustering expeditions to its shores were 
not infrequent. President Polk offered to buy the island in 
1848, and the Ostend Manifesto, in 1854, signed by Buchanan, 
Soule and Mason, argued that conditions then existing would 
justify our taking and annexing the island in case Spain should 
refuse to sell. The inhabitants were restless, and in the revolu- 
tion of 1868, which held out ten years, a movement for inde- 
pendence was begun, enlisting the sympathies of our people. 
Five years ago another formidable revolution broke out with the 
declared purpose of establishing an independent government on 
the island, republican in form. In her measures to subdue the 
revolutionists, Spain was so cruel and inhuman toward them 
that her barbarities moved the American people to demand that 
our Government should take steps to stop the wretched busi- 
ness. Congress took the subject up and the President urged 
upon the Spanish government the importance of giving speedy 
and permanent relief to the starving poor in Cuba and of restor- 
ing peace and order on the island. 

But Spain was without heart, sluggish and slow. It ap- 
peared that nothing short of an earthquake would move her, 
and it came. The blowing up of the battleship Maine, "while 
rightfully lying in the harbor of Havana on a mission of interna- 
tional courtesy and good will," and the finding of the naval 
board of inquiry that the "origin of the explosion was external, 
by a submarine mine," rendered it evident "that a crisis in our 
relations with Spain and toward Cuba was at hand." 

CONGRESS ROSE TO THE EMERGENCY. 

The Maine affair happened on the 15th day of February, 
1898, and on the 19th of April following Congress passed the 
following joint resolution: 

First. — That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of 
right ought to be, free and independent. 

Second. — That it is the duty of the United States to demand, 
and the Government of the United States does hereby demand, 
that the Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority 



and government in the island of Cuba and withdraw its laniS 
and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

Third.- — That the President of the United States be, and he 
hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and 
naval forces of the United States and to call into the actual 1 
service of the United States the militia of the several States to 
such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into] 
effect. 

If the reader will re-read the second resolution above, he will 
&ee exactly what the President was required to do — to get Spain 
<out of Cuba and Cuban waters. The resolutions were approved 
by the President the next day, the 20th. A copy was delivered 
to the Spanish minister at Washington, and Spain was given till 
the 23d to answer. The President, in the meantime, blockaded 
Cuban ports, notified the nations, and issued his proclamation 
calling for volunteers. 

Spain declined to retire, and regarded the resolutions equival-^ 
ent to a declaration of war. The President recommended and 
Congress passed a formal act, on the 25th, declaring a state 
of war to exist between the United States and Spain. 

The Constitution of the United States provides that the 
"President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy 
of the United States and of the militia of the several States 
when called into the actual service of the United States." Con- 
gress alone declares war and the President prosecutes it. That 
is the law and the practice. In this case it was the President's 
duty to use the army for the purpose of destroying the power 
and government of Spain in Cuba, and to drive the Spanish 
army and navy out of Cuba and Cuban waters, and to do his 
work so effectively that it would not have to be done more than: 
once. 

If Spain's army and navy had all been on or near the island 
of Cuba the situation would have been very different from 
what it actually was. But her navy was divided, as was her 
army, and part of both to the extent of about 18,000 regulars and 
ten warships well manned, were on duty in the -Philippines, the 
ships and most of the soldiers being at or near Manila, the 
capital city of the archipelago. 

A large expanse of ocean waters lying between the United 
States and Cuba made it absolutely necessary to employ the 
navy in the first strategical move on our part. It so happened 
that our Pacific squadron was then lying at Hong Kong, a seaport 
on the coast of China, about six or seven hundred miles from; 
Manila, with Commodore George Dewey in command. Imme-< 
diately after the declaration of war by Congress, the President 
telegraphed orders to Dewey to go and capture or destroy the 
Spanish fleet at Manila. On the morning of May 1st the Presi- 
dent's orders were executed to the letter. The next day the 
naval station and the forts at Cavite were captured, "thus an- 
nihilating the Spanish power in the Pacific and completely con- 
trolling the bav of Manila, with the ability to take the city at 
Will" 



But Dewey was in ail odd predicament. He was master of 
the bay and could get the city by demanding it. He was not 
there, however, tor purposes of conquest. It w r as to weaken the 
sea power of Spain that he was sent to Manila bay — to put her 
Pacific fleet out of the way, so that it could not be sent to 
Cuban waters to interfere with our operations in that quarter 
when we should be ready to send an army there. And besides, 
there was a large force of trained Spanish soldiers in and about 
Manila, who might cause a great deal of trouble on the out- 
side, in case the surrender of the city should be demanded before 
he had men enough of his own to properly govern the city and 
protect the persons and property of the people. Still more: 
There were a great many foreigners in the city, merchants, 
builders, bankers, invalids, travelers, students, artists, pleasure 
seekers, professional men, and others from different countries, 
and all of the trading nations of the world were officially repre- 
sented in Manila by consuls. 

These facts, if there had been nothing more of importance in 
the situation, made it prudent on Dewey's part to exercise his 
best judgment in order to avoid international complications. 

WHY MANILA WAS TAKEN, 

But there was something more of importance in the situation. 
To take and temporarily hold Manila by our forces would oper- 
ate as a powerful factor in bringing Spain to her senses and thus 
hastening her departure from Cuba and bringing about an early 
and honorable peace. It' was clear from every point of view that 
the city ought to be taken by our forces as soon as possible, but 
that involved our government of the city and our assumption and 
discharge of additional international obligations, and also re- 
quired the presence of a land force of American soldiers; so, as 
soon as Dewey's report reached the President, he was asked how 
much additional force he would be likely to need; and on re- 
ceipt of his answer, the President issued an executive order di- 
rected to the Secretary of War, under date May 19, 1898. Here 
is an exact copy of the first paragraph of that order: 

''Executive Mansion, 
-Washington, May 19, 1898. 
"The Secretary of War: 

"Sir — The destruction of the Spanish fleet at Manila, fol- 
lowed by the taking of the naval station at Cavite, the paroling 
of the garrisons, and the acquisition of the control of the bay, 
has rendered it necessary, in the further prosecution of the 
measures adopted by this Government for the purpose of bring- 
ing about an honorable and durable peace with Spain, to send 
an army of occupation to the Philippines for the two-fold pur- 
pose of completing the reduction of the Spanish power in that 
quarter and of giving order and security to the islands while 
in possession of the United States. For the command of this ex- 
pedition I have designated Major-General Wesley Merritt; and it 
now becomes my duty to give instructions as to the manner 
in which the movement "shall be conducted." 



EXTENT OF GENERAL MERRITT'S INSTRUCTIONS. 

It will be observed that the President expressed a "two-fold 
purpose" in sending General Merritt and his army to the Philip- 
pines: (1) "of completing the reduction pf the Spanish power 
in that quarter," and (2) "of giving order and security to the 
islands while in possession of the United States." 

In the next paragraph he states a principle of international 
law, thus: 

"The first effect of the military occupation of the enemy's 
territory is the severance of the former political relations of the 
inhabitants, and the establishment of a new political power. 
Under this changed condition of things, the inhabitants, so long 
as they perform their duties, are entitled to security in their 
persons and property and in all their private rights and rela- 
tions." 

The President then states his own official desire in the mat- 
ter in these words: 

kt It is my desire that the people of the Philippines should be 
acquainted with the purpose of the United States to discharge 
to the fullest extent its obligations in this regard. It will there- 
fore be the duty of the commander of the expedition, immediately 
upon his arrival in the islands, to publish a proclamation de- 
claring that we come not to make war upon the people of the 
Philippines, nor upon any party or faction among them, but to 
protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their 
personal and religious rights. All persons who, either by active 
aid or by honest submission, co-operate with the United States 
in its efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose, will receive 
the reward of its support and protection. Our occupation should 
be as free from severity as possible. . . . The freedom of 
the people to pursue their accustomed occupations will be 
abridged only when it may be necessary to do so." And he 
adds : 

"While the rule of conduct of, the American commander-in- 
chief will be such as has just been defined, it will be his duty to 
adopt measures of a different kind if, unfortunately, the course 
of the people should render such measures indispensable to the 
maintenance of law and order. He will then possess the power to 
replace or expel the native officials in part or altogether, to sub- 
stitute new courts of his own constitution for those that now 
exist, or to create such new or supplementary tribunals as may 
be necessary. In the exercise of these high powers the com- 
mander must be guided by his judgment and his experience and 
a high sense of justice." 

Situations like this cannot be regulated by statute. War is 
not carried on in accordance with laws enacted by legislatures. 
Battles are not fought before courts and juries. The parties to 
a war are nations, not individual persons. 

But there is such a thing as the law of nations — a code of 
rules and regulations which the civilized nations have agreed 
upon by treaties or by common consent, and which they recognize 
as binding on all. These rules and regulations are especially 



applicable in time of war. One of these rules is, that when, in 
time of actual war, one of the belligerents takes possession of 
territory belonging to the other, the commander of the occupying 
army is charged with the duty of preserving order and protect- 
ing life and property of peaceably disposed persons living there. 
He is in supreme control while the military occupation con- 
tinues. The inhabitants pass under a temporary allegiance to 
his rule. 

War is not made on the people in their individual capacity, 
but on the nation to which they belong, and private rights of per- 
sons and property are to be respected as far as consistent with 
the security of the holding and the interests of the conqueror. 

This subject was discussed at length by President Polk in mes- 
sages to Congress relating to incidents of our war with Mexico 
— to the occupation and military government of Mexican ter- 
ritory by our armies. When that war began all the country 
now covered by the States of California, Utah, Nevada, the west- 
ern part of Colorado, and the Territories of New Mexico and 
Arizona, belonged to Mexico. President Polk had part of the 
army march to New Mexico to conquer and hold that region 
while the main body of the army moved toward the heart of 
the country. At the same time he directed the Pacific squadron 
to capture and hold California. As fast as Mexican territory was 
conquered by our army or navy, military governments were es- 
tablished over it — and in some cases civil governments also were 
set up, officered by military men. 

PRECEDENTS IN THE MEXICAN WAR. 

The House of Representatives inquired of the. President by 
what authority these military and civil governments were put 
in force on Mexican territory. The President answered, sending 
copies of his orders to the commanders in the field, and said he 
had acted in accordance with the rules of war as recognized in 
the law of nations. (See his special message to the House, 
December 22, 1846.) 

Again, July 24, 1848, in answer to another similar inquiry by 
the House of Representatives, the President said: 

"The temporary governments authorized were instituted by 
virtue of the rights of war. The power to declare war against a 
foreign country, and to prosecute it according to the general 
laws of war, as sanctioned by civilized nations, it will not be 
questioned, exists under our constitution. ... In prose- 
cuting a foreign war thus declared by Congress, we have the 
right by 'conquest and military occupation' to acquire possession 
of the territories of the enemy, and, during the war, to 'exercise 
the fullest rights of sovereignty over it.' " 

The United States Supreme Court, in many cases, has sus- 
tained the position here asserted by President Polk; and in the 
case of Cross vs. Harrison, 16 Howard, 190, the court passed 
on these particular instances mentioned by President Polk. In 
that case the court said: 

"Early in 1847 the President, as constitutional commander- 
in-chief of the army and navy, authorized the military and naval 



Commander of our forces in California to exorcise the belliger- 
ent rights of a conqueror, and to form a civil government for the 
conquered country, and to impose duties on imports and tonnage 
as military contributions for the support of the Government aud 
of the army which had the conquest in possession. . . . No 
one can doubt that these orders of the President, and the action 
of our army and navy commander in conformity with them, were, 
according to the law of arms and the right of conquest, or that 
they were operative until the ratification and exchange of a' 
treaty of peace. Such would be the case by the law of nations 
in respect to war and peace between nations. 1\ this instance 
it is recognized by the treaty itself." 

General Merritt, with a force of 15,000 men, had arrived off 
Manila by the 20th of June, and our Cuban victories following 
within two weeks afterward, Spain sued for peace, and general 
terms w T ere agreed upon in Washington August 12th, in a. peace 
protocol, the third article of which reads as follows: 

"Article III. — The United States will occupy and hold the 
city, bay and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty 
of peace which shall determine the control, disposition and gov- 
ernment of the Philippines." 

The city surrendered a few days later. Commissioners, on the 
part of both nations, were appointed to meet at Paris and pre- 
pare a treaty in accordance with the terms of the protocol. It 
was then that the future "control, disposition and government" 
of the Philippines began to be considered, and on our side there 
were several points from which to view the subject. 

First. — Our duty to the inhabitants of the Philippines. 

Second. — What they had a moral right to expect from us. 

Third. — What international obligations, if any, we had in- 
curred, and our duties in relation thereto. 

Fourth. — Our own interests in the matter. 

As to the first point, we could not think of going into part- 
nership with the Filipinos, for that would spoil everything. 
Several parties may unite as allies in war, but sovereignty is 
a unit. If we remain on the islands at all it must be as the 
sovereign power, that would preserve order and peace locally, be- 
sides ensuring faithful discharge of any international obliga- 
tions which might be assumed. As between the Filipinos and 
ourselves, we must either leave them entirely alone or we must 
assume jurisdiction over them as we have done over the Indians 
in this country, and as we did over the inhabitants of Louisiana 
in 1803, over the inhabitants of Florida in 1819, over the in- 
habitants of New Mexico and California in 1848, and over the 
inhabitants of Alaska in 1867, when those countries were ceded 
to us. The people of the United States were unanimous in the 
opinion that it was our duty to the Filipinos to not turn them 
over again to Spanish rule, as our war was waged to destroy that 
rule in Cuba. 

As to what they had a moral right to expect of us, they might 
reasonably expect and demand of us fair and honest treatment, 
which, being interpreted, means a good and stable government. 



As to the third point, our only international responsibilities 
assumed up to that time were the preservation of order on the 
islandvS and the protection of life and property as far as we 
were able. 

The fourth point— our own interests: The more the subject 
was discussed, the more important it appeared to be. Our own 
country here has been developed to a wonderful extent. Our 
productive powers are far beyond our home requirements in 
each of the great departments of industry, and new markets are 
a necessity if we would avoid the troubles sure to accompany a 
market continuously glutted. Our recent enormous exporta- 
tion have been worth millions to us as producers, and vastly 
more to us as citizens enjoying the peace and prosperity which 
attend a general employment of labor and a ready market for 
labor's surplus productions. 

We had already obtained a foothold in the markets of China, 
with her millions of industrious people, and her vast extent of 
territory, presenting a great field for exchange of the produc- 
tions of our farms, factories and mines. Every year our trade 
with China would naturally increase, furnishing additional em- 
ployment to our people on land and sea, thus making it impor- 
tant that we should have at least one coaling station near the 
coast of China, and a shipyard, where we could build and repair 
our ships. For this purpose it would be better for us to have a 
whole island, rather than a bay and a few acres of land, on an 
island belonging to some other nation. No place could be better 
for these purposes than one of the Philippines; and none of 
them would suit us better than the island of Luzon, whose 
capital city (Manila) was then in our possession. But to take 
any one of the Philippine islands, and only one, would leave us 
uncomfortably near our present enemy, besides leaving her in 
pow 7 er over the inhabitants of all the other islands, from which 
we might be compelled, some day, to drive her away as we were 
now driving her from Cuba. 

JEFFERSON'S MARVELOUS ACQUISITION. 

We once needed possession of New Orleans and the -mouth 
of the Mississippi river to accommodate, and protect our grow- 
ing southwestern and western commerce. President Jefferson 
got them for us, and with them he got all of Louisiana Territory, 
including what are now the states of Louisiana, Arkansas, 
Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, the two Dakotas, Nebraska, Montana, 
Idaho, Kansas, Indian Territory and part of Colorado. He paid 
$15,000,000 for the whole. 

In the Philippines case, the question arose, why not take the 
whole of them and pay for them, following Jefferson's example 
in Louisiana? 

The Philippine islands are an undeveloped region, rich in 
all the elements of wealth — a fruitful soil, with abundance of 
valuable timber, with beds of coal and iron, with plenty of 
water, a people capable of becoming intelligent and productive 
in all departments of tropical labor. What a field I here is there, 
under good government for profitable exchange of commodities 



produced by us in our temperate latitudes for things produced 
by them in their tropical regions. Mines to be opened, mills and 
factories to be erected, public highways to be laid out and 
graded, railways to be built, wharves and boats and ships to 
be constructed, warehouses to be put up, towns located, streets 
opened, and a thousand other things to be done, furnishing em- 
ployment for the natives and offering work for engineers, sur- 
veyors, builders, and skilled workmen of almost every class 
from our own country. 

DUTY COMPELLED OUR ACTION. 

All things considered — our duty to the Filipinos and to our- 
selves, saying nothing about indemnity — the people of the 
United States, with practical unanimity, came to the conclusion 
that we ought to keep the islands, and it was so agreed in the 
treaty and ratified by both countries; and we paid twenty mil- 
lion dollars for them. 

The personal and property rights of the inhabitants of the 
islands are secured in articles 8, 9, 10/11, 12, and 13 of the treaty. 
The last clause of article 9 reads thus: 

"The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants 
of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be 
determined by the Congress." 

Congress has not yet taken action in that direction. The 
insurrection of Aguinaldo and his followers must be completely 
and permanently suppressed before civil government can be 
permanently established. In the meantime the President is 
exerting every effort to preserve order and protect all peaceably 
disposed persons. 

As before stated when one sovereign power cedes territory 
to another, the allegiance of the inhabitants is transferred to the 
new sovereign. "The same act which transfers their country 
transfers the' allegiance of those who remain in it." That is the 
language of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case 
of the American Insurance Company vs. Canter, 1 Peters, 511. 

Our national title to the Philippines is as good in law as the 
titles we hold for our homes; and the allegiance of the Filipinos 
to the United States is due the same as that of the people of 
Alaska or Hawaii, or New Mexico, Arizona or Oklahoma. 

A commission of able and conscientious men, headed by 
Judge Taft, of Ohio, an eminent jurist, is now at work in the 
Philippines, opening the way for free government and collecting 
information for the use of Congress when that body takes up 
the work of determining the "civil rights and political status of 
the native inhabitants," as provided in the treaty. 

Answering the questions at the head of this sketch, we got 
into the Philippines as an incident of war. 

We are holding them because, after due deliberation, the 
American people concluded that that was the best thing to do 
for the Filipinos and for ourselves. 

W. A. PEFFER. 



"The Republican party was dedicated to freedom forty-four years ago. It has been the party of 
liberty aad emancipation from that hour; not of profession but of performance." 

—William McKinley. 



The Fiction of ''Imperialism." 

The Sovereignty of the Na- 
tion the Safeguard of 
Self-Government. 



By 
Hon. DAVID JAYNE HILL, LL. D, 



THE ILLUSIONS OF 1896. 

In the light of our present knowledge, the fruit of our practical ex« 
perience, it seems incredible that a great political party could, in 1896, 
have written in its platform the following sentences, and that multitudes 
of men could have accepted them as the truth : 

"We are unalterably opposed to monometallism, which has locked fast the pros- 
perity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold monometallism is a 
British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to 
London. It is not only un-American, but anti- American, and it can be fastened upon 
the United States only by the stifling of that indomitable spirit and love of liberty 
which proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in the War of the 
Revolution." 

There is in these sonorous sentences a certain oratorical magnificence, 
pleasing to the ear and seeming to call for applause at every period ; but 

x 



their sense is as remote from the actual facts as the fleeting clouds from the 
solid surface of the earth. All men now see in them nothing but the art 
of the irresponsible rhetorician, aiming to stir the patriotic sentiments and 
awaken the fears of honest men for the purpose of gaming votes by means 
wholly foreign to the policies in question. 

MORE GOLD THAN ANY OTHER COUNTRY. 

With the largest stock of gold possessed by any nation in the world, 
with a much larger per capita circulation of money than Great Britain, 
with a foreign trade so great as to overshadow every other period in our 
history, with a general prosperity which gives employment to labor at in- 
creased wages and secures to enterprise a good return, when American 
capitalists are loaning vast sums of money to the British and Russian gov- 
ernments, and our annual exports exceed our imports by $600,0(jO,000, we 
now see that it was not gold monometallism which was the cause of " the 
paralysis of hard times," that this system involved no ''financial servitude 
to London," and that it contained no peril to our liberties similar to that 
of which the demagogues of 1896 so confidently declaimed. The American 
people have discovered that the Democratic pretensions of 1896 were false 
and empty, and that in matters of fact, as in matters of theory, the repre- 
sentations of that party are not to be implicitly trusted. 

THE PRETENSIONS OF 1900. 

At the present time, while stoutly maintaining every sophistry put 
forth in 1896, too partisan to confess an error and too stubborn to abandon 
it, the Democratic party deftly endeavors to conceal the real issue by 
fabricating a new one, and while reaffirming its pledges to adopt a revolu- 
tionary financial policy which would unsettle and destroy the business 
prosperity of the country, it tries to divert attention from these pledges to 
anew product of the imagination, as baseless as "financial servitude to 
London," under the opprobrious name of "Imperialism." This time it is 
said to be Washington instead of London that is proposing to "enslave" 
some one, and "the indomitable spirit and love of liberty" which Re- 
publicans were represented as stifling in the bosoms of free coinage theorists 
in 1896 they are now said to be "stifling" in the breasts of armed insur- 
rectionists against the legal authority of the United States ! 

A NEW FIELD FOR SOPHISTRY. 

The merely partisan character of this sudden change of front becomes 
perfectly apparent in view of the fact that it is now impossible to repeat 
the rhetorical exaggeration of the Chicago platform regarding the "British 
policy" of the gold standard, the "servitude to London," and the suppres- 
sion of "the indomitable spirit and love of liberty" which the Republicans 
were accused of stifling in 1896. A new field for sophistry is required and' 
it seems to be offered in the events growing out of the late war with Spain. 
A faithful review of the facts will show that the pretensions of the Kansas 
City platform are as false and as empty as those with which the Bryan 
Democracy tried to exploit the nation four years ago. 

THE PARTY ATTITUDES ON THE PHILIPPINE QUESTION. 

The war with Spain has been triumphantly ended under a Republican 
Administration by a brilliant series of events which have reflected new 
honor upon the American army and navy. No political party in the 

2 



United States would dare to violate public sentiment to the extent of de- 
nouncing the war or the diplomacy by which it was brought to its termin- 
ation. If "Imperialism" has any existence, its beginning must be found 
and its development must be traced after the Peace of Paris, which was 
concluded on December 10, 1898, and ratified by the Senate on February 
6, 1899. 

POSITIONS OF THE TWO PARTIES. 

The positions of the two great political parties upon the questions 
growing out of that settlement are stated in the following extracts from 
their respective platforms: 



REPUBLICAN PLATFORM 

ADOPTED AT PHILADELPHIA. 

" In accepting by the Treaty of Paris 
the just responsibilities of our victories 
in the Spanish War, the President and 
the Senate won the undoubted approval 
of the American people. No other 
course was possible than to destroy 
Spain's sovereignty throughout the 
Western Indies and in the Philippine 
Islands. That course created our respon- 
sibility before the world and with the un- 
organized population whom our inter- 
vention had freed from Spain to provide 
for the maintenance of law and order, and 
for the establishment of good government 
vnd for the performance of international 
obligations. Our authority could not be 
less than our responsibility, and where- 
ever sovereign rights were extended it 
became the high duty of the Govern- 
ment to maintain its authority, to put 
down armed insurrection and to confer the 
blessings of liberty and civilization upon all 
the rescued peoples. 

The largest measure of self-government 
consistent with their welfare and our duties 
shall be secured to them by law." 

These extracts present clearly the views of the Republican and Demo- 
cratic parties upon the question of the Philippines. The whole issue raised 
by the cry of " Imperialism " is simply this : — 

HAS THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES PRO- 
CEEDED IN A LEGAL AND BENEVOLENT MANNER, OR HAS 
IT USED FORCE WHERE IT WAS NOT WARRANTED OR RE- 
QUIRED BY LAW? 

If the word " Imperialism " has any meaning, it signifies the substitu- 
tion of arbitrary force for law. Has there been, or is there contemplated, 
any such substitution? If not, " Imperialism " as applied to the present 
Administration is a pure fiction, an invention of the imagination. Under 
the laws of the United States, "Imperialism" is impossible. Has any 
law been violated, has any act of the President or of Congress been illegal ? 
If not, this charge that " the Republic is being converted into an empire " 
is false and without foundation. It is more; it is a vicious calumny in- 
vented for purely partisan purposes. 



DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM 

ADOPTED AT KANSAS CITV. 

"We condemn and denounce the 
Philippine policy of the present admin- 
istration. It has involved the Republic 
in unnecessary war, sacrificing the lives 
of many; of our noblest sons, and placed 
the United States, previously known 
and applauded throughout the world as 
the champion, of freedom, in the false 
and un-American position of crushing 
with military force the efforts of former al- 
lies to achieve liberty and self-government. 
The Filipinos cannot be citizens with- 
out endangering our civilization ; they 
cannot be subjects without endangering 
our form of government, and as we are 
not willing to surrender our civilization 
or to convert our republic into an em- 
pire, we favor an immediate declaration 
of the nation : First, of a stable form of 
government; second, independence ; and, 
third, protection from outside interference, 
such as has been given for nearly a 
century to the republics of Central and 
South America." 



1. THE PEACE OF PARIS. 

The Peace of Paris was concluded in harmony with, the Law of Nations, and the 
Constitution of the United States. 

THE NEGOTIATIONS WITH SPAIN. 

On July 26, 1898, after the superiority of the forces of the United 
States had been evinced on sea and land, the Spanish Government through 
the French Ambassador at Washington asked President McKinley upon 
what terms the United States would consent to peace. On July 30, the 
President made his reply, proposing the independence of Cuba, the cession 
of Porto Rico and one of the Ladrones to the United States, and the re- 
tention of Manila by the military and naval forces of this government 
pending the final disposition of the Philippines by a peace commission. 
On August 9, the French Ambassador presented to the President Spain's 
acceptance of the terms of peace proposed, and on August 12, a protocol 
was signed embodying these terms. 

On August 26 the Peace Commission was appointed by the President 
which met a similar commission appointed by Spain in Paris on October 
1. During the negotiations at Paris a closer study of the nature and con- 
dition of the Philippine Islands made it evident that the principles which 
gave reason to the war with Spain required the cession to the United 
States of the entire archipelago, an arrangement fully covered by the com- 
prehensive provisions of the protocol. 

SPAIN'S SOVEREIGNTY IN THE PHILIPPINES. 

The sovereignty of Spain in the Philippines had exhibited the same 
traits as in Cuba, and the interests of humanity demanded that her rule 
be terminated. 

To have surrendered the islands to Spain would have been to abandon 
them to a continuance of oppression and misrule. 

To have procured their independence would have been to deliver 
them over to domestic anarchy and the strife of petty despots. 

To have permitted their transfer to any other power would have been 
to place the destinies of their population in the market, to be sold to the 
highest bidder. 

To have accepted Manila alone, or a single one of the islands, for 
naval purposes would have been to involve this country in the probability 
of complications both with the future governments which would have 
been set up in the neighborhood and with foreign powers which would 
certainly come into possession of some of them. 

Two additional considerations of great weight were opposed to any 
and all of these solutions: 

(1) The fact that, having broken the sovereignty of Spain in those 
islands, our act would have left them without the possibility of a peaceable 
restoration of order ; and (2) the fact that inevitable domestic disturbances 
would have exposed them to the certainty of international interference. 
The situation, therefore, created an extraordinary duty for this Government 
and placed upon it an obligation which it could not refuse to discharge. 

THE PERFORMANCE OF THAT DUTY INVOLVED THE EX- 
TENSION OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE UNITED STATES 
OVER THESE UNFORTUNATE ISLANDS, and with the exception of 
certain political fanatics in our own country, no intelligent person in any 



part of the world doubted for a moment that every human right and every 
aspiration of liberty would find ample protection under the flag of the 
United States. During the whole history of our country, which has been 
the secure refuge of the oppressed of every land, no one has ever before 
considered it a misfortune to live under the Stars and Stripes — the symbol 
of the most perfect freedom ever enjoyed by man. 

RIGHT TO ACQUIRE AND GOVERN TERRITORY. 

According to the universally accepted principles of international law 
the right to acquire and to govern territory is inherent in the very nature 
of sovereignty. It was never a subject of doubt with the great constitu- 
tional lawyers that the United States, as a sovereign nation, possesses this 
right. As Chief Justice Marshall said long ago, in a judicial decision, 
"The Constitution confers absolutely on the Government of the Union the 
powers of making war and of making treaties; consequently that Govern- 
ment possesses the power of acquiring territory either by conquest or by 
treaty." (American Insurance Company vs. Canter, 1 Peters, 511.) 

In a speech in the Senate, on February 5, 1850, Henry Clay said : 
"The public law of the world, of reason, and of justice is that Congress 
has the right to legislate for the territories from the very moment they are 
acquired by conquest or treaty ; and this point has been settled by all the 
elementary authorities and by the uniform interpretation and action of 
every department of our Government." 

If there could be any theoretical doubt upon this point, it had long 
ago been settled in practice. The acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, under 
the presidency of Jefferson, tested and determined the right of the United 
States to acquire territory by treaty and to govern it as a possession of the 
United States. Out of the Louisiana purchase have been erected the 
great States of Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, North 
Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, Nebraska, Kansas and Col- 
orado, besides the Indian Territory and the Territory of Oklahoma — a vast 
empire in extent, long held and parts of it still held under the absolute 
rule of Congress. Two-thirds of our entire domain has been acquired by 
purchase or conquest, each accession bitterly opposed by a faction of 
critics, but in every instance the territory in question has passed under 
American sovereignty and been ruled by the American Congress without 
the «Til consequences which were predicted. 

It was, therefore, no novelty in our national experience when, after 
magnmimoualy granting to Spain $20,000,000 to repay her for her pub- 
lic property in ike Philippines and as a sign of justice and gener- 
osity, tke Commission signed the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898, 
and the question of the Philippines was settled by! the cession of the en- 
tire archipelago to the United States. 

RELATION OF THE DEMOCRATS TO THE TREATY. 

The treaty was laid before the Senate for ratification on January 4, 
1899. On January 11 the injunction of secrecy was removed and on the 
13th it was ordered printed. Thus brought under the criticism of the en- 
tire country by its publication in the leading newspapers, the treaty be- 
came the subject of extensive public comment, which was generally in 
favor of its ratification. Among thow who came to Washington to urge 
the Senate to act "favorably upon it was the Honorable William Jennings 
Bryan, by whose influence in large measure the necessary two-thirds ma- 
jority of votes was secured. Ten Democrats, three Populists, three Silver- 
ites and one Independent composed the contingent outside of the Republi- 



6an ranks voting for the adoption of the treaty. Without these votes it 
could not have been ratified. 

In his speech of acceptance, delivered at Indianapolis, Mr. Bryan, re- 
ferring to the Treaty of Paris, said: 

"I was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the 
treaty and end the war." 

He adds: "I believe we are now in a better position to wage a success- 
ful contest against imperialism than we could have been had the treaty 
been rejected." 

But, if the treaty had been rejected, there would have been no ques- 
tion of "Imperialism," for the United States could have been prevented by 
a continued opposition to the treaty from annexing any territory whatever. 
Had the Senate insisted upon it, does Mr. Bryan doubt that Spain would 
have been less willing to grant independence to the Philippines than to 
Cuba? Being compelled to renounce them, she would quite as readily 
have granted their independence as their cession to the United States. 
Why, then, did not Mr. Bryan oppose the treaty and urge his friends to do 
bo? He has kindly and frankly given us the reason: "With the treaty 
ratified, A CLEAN-CUT ISSUE IS PRESENTED BETWEEN A GOV- 
ERNMENT BY CONSENT AMD A GOVERNMENT BY FORCE, AND 
IMPERIALISTS MUST BEAR THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR ALL 
THAT HAPPENS UNTIL THE QUESTION IS SETTLED." 

BRYAN'S EFFORT TO CREATE AN ISSUE. 

To create an issue ! That was the confessed motive of Mr. Bryan in 
urging the ratification of the treaty. He was quite willing to fasten upon 
his friends, the Filipinos, "a government by force," in order to create a 
political issue in his own country and to be able to represent his party as 
the defender of the idea of "government by consent." What do the peo- 
ple of the United States think of such motives in a candidate for the chief 
magistracy of a great republic ? 

It implies a strange conception of political and moral obligation to 
say that, since the treaty was ratified, "imperialists must bear the respon- 
sibility for all that happens until the question is settled." Was the ad- 
herence of Mr. Bryan and his friends to the cause of ratification, then, the 
mere act of the sophist seeking new materials for his rhetoric, not the act 
of a patriot or of a philanthropist seeking to make the best possible ar- 
rangement for his country and its wards ? 

* The responsibility for the ratification of that treaty rests equally upon 
all who approved it and aided in making it a law. Whatever the private 
motives of its supporters may have been, all who supported it are respon- 
sible for the ratification which made it a part of the supreme law of the 
land, prescribing and commanding execution by the President. Either 
Mr. Bryan and his friends who voted for the treaty approved of its provisions 
or they did not. If they approved of those provisions, they should not 
complain of their execution. If they did not approve of them, they should 
not have urged their adoption. 

II. THE SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTION. 

, The task of suppressing insurrection and enforcing law and order in the Philip- 
pines became a legal duty iraposed upon the Chief Executive by the Con- 
stitution and the Treaty of S*aris. 

A TREATY IS A PART O'r THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND. 

In order to give authoritative effect to treaties and conventions and 
to bind the nation to the performance of its international obligations, the 



Constitution of the United States provides that " all treaties made, or 
which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be 
the supreme law of the land." (Art. VI, Clause 2.) Of this supreme law 
the President is by the Constitution the Chief Executive, and the obliga- 
tion is expressly laid upon him to "take care that the laws be faithfully 
executed." (Art. II, Sec. 3.) By advising the ratification of the Treaty 
of Paris, therefore, Mr. Bryan and his friends made it the duty of the 
President to execute the' provisions of the treaty. To say that they did 
not know this, or that they did not know what the provisions of the treaty 
were, is to say that they were incompetent advisers upon the affairs of the 
nation. To say that they did know and intended to place the President 
in a difficult or disadvantageous position, is to say that they had more 
regard for their political designs than for the honor of their country and 
the welfare of its wards. 

PROVISIONS OF THE TREATY OF PARIS. 

What, then, were the principal provisions of that treaty under which 
sovereignty over the Philippine Islands was acquired by the United 
States ? Those which it is important to mention here fall into two classes : 

(1) Those relating to the rights of Spain and of native Spaniards — 
the admission of Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the 
Philippine Islands on the same terms as those of the United States for a 
period of ten years (Article IV) ; the evacuation of the Philippines by 
Spain (Art. V); the optional purchase of certain materials of defense by 
the United States (Art. V) ; the release and return to Spain of prisoners 
in the hands of the insurgents (Art. VI) ; the relinquishment to the 
United States of the public property of Spain in the Islands, for which an 
indemnity of 820,000,000 was paid (Art VIII) ; security in the rights of 
property, and of its sale and disposition (Arts. IX and XIII) ; and the 
free exercise of religion (Art. X). 

(2) Those relating to the native inhabitants of the Philippines — 
the free exercise of their religion and the determination of their civil and 
political status by Congress, as provided for in Article X, which reads : 
''The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the 
territories ceded to the United States shall be determined by Congress." 

It will be seen that by this treaty the United States entered into im- 
portant obligations of an international character, which nothing less than 
complete sovereignty would enable the Government to fulfill. It also ex- 
tended over the natives the protection of the Congress of the United States, 
to which was referred the duty of securing their civil rights. The honor 
of the nation was thus pledged in this treaty to create in the Philippine 
Islands the guarantees of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness — in- 
alienable rights long withheld from a population just emerging into a con- 
sciousness of their civic existence. Wnen the treaty by its ratification 
acquired the force of "supreme law," it became the constitutional obliga- 
tion of the President, as chief executive, to execute these provisions and 
fulfill these pledges. Not to have done so would have been to neglect a 
solemn duty involving the pledged honor of the nation. 



THE PRESIDENTS PRECAUTIONS AGAINST MISUNDERSTANDING. 

In order to avoid misconception on the part of the inhabitants of the 
Philippines, the battle of Manila having occurred on May 1, 1898, on May 
19 the President issued an executive order to General Merritt, in which he 
said: "It will be the duty of the Commander of the expedition, immedi- 
ately upon arriving in the islands, to publish a proclamation declaring 
that WE COME NOT TO MAKE WAR UPON THE PEOPLES OF 
THE PHILIPPINES, NOR UPON ANY PARTY OR FACTION 
AMONG THEM, BUT TO PROTECT THEM IN THEIR HOMES, IN 
THEIR EMPLOYMENTS AND IN THEIR PERSONAL AND RE- 
LIGIOUS RIGHTS." 

On the very day when that order was issued, May 19, Aguinaldo, a 
revolutionary chief who had been bought off by Spain, and who, the revo- 
lution having ceased, was living in Hong Kong in the enjoyment of his 
reward, came on board the Olympia, the flagship of Admiral Dewey. He 
had been permitted to come on the McCullough from Hong Kong to 
Manila, where he hoped to revive the insurrection against Spain. In the 
language of Admiral Dewey, "he was allowed to land at Cavite and organize 
an army. This was done with the purpose of strengthening the United 
States forces and weakening those of the enemy." 

"NO ALLIANCE OF ANY KIND was entered into with Aguinaldo 
nor was any promise made to him then or at any other time." On May 
20, the day after Aguinaldo's appearance on the Olympia, Admiral Dewey 
telegraphed to Washington: "Aguinaldo, the rebel commander-in-chief, 
was brought down by the McCulloch. Organizing forces near Cavite, and 
may render assistance wdiich may be valuable." On the 26th the Secretary 
of the Navy sent to Admiral Dewey this message: "It is desired, as far as 
possible, and consistent with your success and safety, NOT TO HAVE 
POLITICAL ALLIANCES WITH THE INSURGENTS OR ANY FAC- 
TION IN THE ISLANDS that would incur liability to maintain their 
cause in the future." On June 6 Admiral Dewey replied: u I have entered 
into no alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. This squadron 
can reduce the defenses of Manila at any moment." The reference to 
"former allies" in the Democratic platform and in the speeches of Mr. 
Bryan has no historic foundation and is merely a nourish of rhetoric. 

With a view of avoiding all complications, on August 17, after the fall 
of Manila, General Corbin telegraphed to General Merritt: "The President 
directs that there must be no joint occupation with the insurgents. The 
United States must preserve the ■peace?'' Again on December 21, after the 
signature of the Peace of Paris, the President said: "It will be the duty 
of the Commander of the forces of occupation to announce that we come not 
as invaders or conquerors but as friends." Thus with repeated insistence, 
whenever the crisis seemed to demand new assurances, the President was 
prompt to proclaim the pacific and benevolent intentions of the United 
States. 

THE CRY OF "IMPERIALISM." 

Notwithstanding the clear and reiterated expressions of the President, 
certain political partisans eager to find fault with the Administration, and 
certain sensational writers fond of dealing in novelties and nightmares 



for literary effect, coined and circulated the word "Imperialism", intended 
to designate a degeneration from the principles of pure republicanism. 
These dealers in the wares of the imagination found little sympathy and small 
support among the people of the United States, who generally received with 
ridicule the grotesque conceits of these writers. But their morbid fancies, 
innocuous in the open daylight of American public opinion, were swiftly 
carried across the Pacific and to the innocent minds of the Filipinos ap- 
peared as the augury of misfortune in store for them. 

Taking advantage of this unexpected instrument of attack upon the 
generous and disinterested policy of the President, even Senators of the 
United States joined in the cry of "Imperialism", and on the floor of the 
Senate predicted to the world the despotic use of power by the American 
Congress. The Philippine newspapers repeated and distributed these 
speeches, giving to their readers the impression that the United States was 
divided in its purposes towards them and that the prevailing party wished 
to crush them under the heel of a despotism similar to that from which 
they had just been liberated. "Mr. Bryan" — says one of these articles, 
after referring to him as "the presidential candidate selected for the future 
of the Democratic party" — ' 'Mr. Bryan announces himself decidedly opposed 
to the imperial policy of the Government and shows the danger in which 
American institutions will be placed by this entirely new ambition for 
colonization." 

Assured that a great political party in the United States would sup- 
port them in their armed opposition to the Government, the leaders of the 
insurrection, who would never have held out against a united country, 
DREAMED OF ESTABLISHING THEIR SUPREMACY OVER THE 
ENTIRE ARCHIPELAGO, and in October, 1899, Aguinaldo was so far 
encouraged as to say in a signed manifesto: "WE ASK GOD THAT HE 
MAY GRANT A TRIUMPH OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, IN THE 
HONEST WISH, WHICH IS THE HOPE THAT DEFENDS THE 
PHILIPPINES, THAT IMPERIALISM MAY CEASE FROM ITS MAD 
IDEA OF SUBDUING US WITH ITS ARMS." 



THE NATURE OF THE INSURRECTION. 



It is now time to consider the nature of that insurrection which the 
President was required to suppress by the supreme law of the land, estab- 
lished as a law by the advice of Mr. Bryan and his friends, and which, not- 
withstanding his previous support, he encouraged the insurrectionists to 
violate. 

Until after the fall of Manila, May 1, 1898, the opponents of the Span- 
ish government in the island of Luzon were not strong enough to incite an 
effective rebellion, having surrendered their arms for a fixed price on De- 
cember 14, 1897. When the Spanish fleet was sunk in the bay of Manila 
and the capture of the city threatened by the Americans, the Spanish Gov- 
ernor-General, Augustine, endeavored to enlist the Filipinos for the defence 
of the city, promising them autonomy as the reward of their compliance. 
He also formed a consultative cabinet of Filipinos, but through distrust of 
Spain his plans met with little success. 

The arrival of Aguinaldo on May 19 turned the tide of Filipino senti- 
ment against Spain, and he assumed the leadership of five thousand rebels 

9 



who had camped near the city. The Filipino militia, now believing in the 
triumph of America over Spain, deserted the Spanish flag and gathered 
about Aguinaldo. An authentic and instructive digest of subsequent 
events is presented in the following testimony of Senor Legarda, a native 
Filipino resident in Manila, and a prominent officer in Aguinaldo's gov- 
ernment : 

"Q. Now, will you tell us about the early relations between our own 
troops and those of the Filipinos? A. When I heard that Aguinaldo had 
come to Cavite I went over * * * and I was appointed sub-secretary 
of the treasury in' the revolutionary government. 

Q. What was the date of that? A. June 15 (1898). And a short 
time after I took my position I became convinced of the hostile feeling 
which Aguinaldo had. toward the Americans. 

Q. What reasons did you have for thinking so ? A. The first procla- 
mation that he issued after his arrival here said that the war of the great 
American nation against Spain would be a very humane war, and that 
the liberty of his country had been promised. A short time afterwards, 
as soon as he had some forces, he proclaimed independence in the few 
towns which he had procured, without the consent of Admiral Dewey, at 
whose orders he had come, and the first time that I presented myself to 
him I HEARD FROM HIS OWN LIPS THAT NEITHER ADMIRAL 
DEWEY NOR ANY OTHER AMERICAN HAD EVER PROMISED 
HIM SUCH INDEPENDENCE. And this hostile spirit of his became 
more and more pronounced all the time, and when the forces were disem- 
barked at Paranaque and occupied the vicinity of Paranaque he became 
verv much enraged and wished to begin hostilities against the Americans 
(July, 1898). * * * 

Q. What reason was there for this change of feeling ? A. The reason 
was because he knew that he could not obtain independence, and that was 
what he wanted. 

Q. Why did he want independence ? A. On account of his ambition. 

Q. How did he know he could not obtain it ? A . He had no promise 
of it, and he had no hope of getting it, and he WOULD NOT HAVE 
BEEN ABLE TO MAKE WAR AT ALL, OR, IN FACT, GET HERE 
WITHOUT THE AID OFFERED HIM BY THE BLOCKADE OF 
THE AMERICAN SQUADRON, In this time the troops disembarked 
at Paranaque, and he wished to open hostilities against the Americans, 
and he again passed the word along to resist in the different towns and 
give no aid whatever to the Americans. 

Q. Do vou know that of your own knowledge? A. I know that o' 
my own knowledge, because I was there myself." 

A PLAN TO ROB MANILA. 

After stating that Aguinaldo got his first arms from the arsenal a* 
Cavite and that he and his troops were disappointed in not being permitted 
to enter Manila at its capture, the witness says: "THERE WAS A PL Aft 
TO ROB THE WHOLE CITY. Aguinaldo himself, while in Bacoor 
pointed out crowds of people to me, passing, carrying sacks, who, he said, 



were on their way to Manila to sack the city when they were able. His 
plan was to come in with the Americans and to make arrangements to get 
the arms of the Spanish prisoners and attack the Americans from the 
inside after the city had been occupied, if the Americans didn't give the 
independence of the Philippines." (Report of the Philippine Commission, 
II, pp. 381, 383.) 

The witness goes on to speak of the barbarities inflicted by the in- 
surgent troops, especially kidnapping. People who favored the Americans 
were ' 'ordered to be seized." "Some were carried away and flogged and 
others were taken off in the hills and disappeared and were never heard of 
again. Then the principal agitators of Aguinaldo, who were Sandico and 
others, established here in Manila the popular clubs, a society similar to 
the Katapunans, and this society became very widespread here, and its 
PRINCIPAL OBJECT WAS TO PREVENT FILIPINOS FROM 
GETTING IN SYMPATHY WITH THE AMERICANS. * * * Sandico 
himself fold me that the principal fear which he felt was that the Filipinos, 
considering the free spirit which existed in American laws and American 
institutions WOULD BECOME MORE AMERICAN THAN THE 
AMERICANS THEMSELVES." Militia, the witness adds, was organized 
by Aguinaldo's agitators to promote a popular outbreak in the city. Such 
were the secret proceedings of Aguinaldo against his alleged "allies," 
carried on for months before the Peace of Paris was signed, and, therefore, 
quite irrelevent to its provisions. 



BREAKING OUT OF HOSTILITIES AGAINST THE AMERICANS. 



The witness already cited says that "one week before the outbreak of 
hostilities Aguinaldo sent word to all the people in the city that all who 
were friendly to him, with their families, should withdraw." "Or- 
ders were given to all the Philippine forces not to let a single Ameri- 
can pass. The chief of the pumping station, an American officer, who 
wished to go to Santo! an, was received by bavonets in Santa Mesa and 
made to go back. * * * The Filipino "soldiers were ALWAYS COM- 
MITTING ROBBERIES HERE. One of the reasons for the outbreak of 
hostilities was that the Filipino soldier thought the American soldier was 
a coward. * * * 

Q. Is it true that the Filipino soldier would insult the Americans, 
would point his gun at them, would call them cowards, would ask them if 
they wanted to fight, would make gestures of menace toward them? Is 
that all true as we have heard here? 

A. It is,- «certainly ; and there were daily disputes for this reason, for 
the Filipinos thought the Americans were cowards and would never at- 
itack, and what gave them reason to think this was the fact that THE 
AMERICANS AVOIDED TROUBLE AND ENDEAVORED TO PRE- 
VENT THE OUf BREAK OF HOSTILITIES HERE." 

When it is remembered that, at the moment hostilities began, Febru- 
ary 4, 1899, a treaty was pending, it became the imperative duty of the 
military officers to maintain the status quo until the action of Congress had 
been taken. When the treaty was ratified by the Senate, with the full 



knowledge of this situation, on February 6, that act was a mandate to 
the President to suppress the insurrection. 

Mr. Bryan and his friends knew the situation and what it involved. 
Did he think that this nation should immediately repudiate the inter- 
national obligations just solemnly accepted by the treaty, that the rights 
and powers of Congress should be yielded to a usurper, and that the 
political destinies of 82 native tribes, not constituting a homogeneous 
nation, scattered over 1200 islands, should be surrendered on demand to 
the domination of a single dictator of a single tribe on a single island? 

Or was his whole purpose wrapped up in creating "a clean-cut issue 
between government by consent and government by force," for the profit of 
his party ? 

PLANNING TO MASSACRE FOREIGNERS. 

But while the Anti-Imperialists were praising the new Washington of 
the Pacific, he was issuing a proclamation, to be executed on February 22, 
to massacre every foreigner. It reads: ''You will so dispose that at 8 
o'clock at night the individuals of the territorial militia at your orders will 
be found united in the streets of San Pedro, armed with their bolos, 
revolvers and guns, and ammunition if convenient. FILIPINO 
FAMILIES ONLY WILL BE RESPECTED. Thev should not be 
molested, BUT ALL OTHER INDIVIDUALS OF WHATEVER 
RACE THEY MAY BE WILL BE EXTERMINATED WITHOUT 
ANY COMPASSION, AFTER THE EXTERMINATION OF THE 
ARMY OF OCCUPATION." 



THE CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED. 

It is alleged by the Anti-Imperialists that the right of revolution ^ is a 
fundamental human right, and that the Filipinos have acted upon strictly 
American principles in opposing a foreign sovereignty and seeking to expel 
it. Such an extension of the doctrine that all just government is derived 
from the consent of the governed is practically a plea for universal anarchy. 
Consent implies freedom of expression, unrestrained choice by duly con- 
stituted deliberative assemblies. Such assemblies representing the whole 
population, or the most intelligent or responsible portion of the popula- 
tion, have never been convoked in the Philippines. The Tagalogs' num- 
ber about 1,600,000 souls. The Visayans number about 2,600,000 and the 
whole population of the islands is about 8,000,000. It is the Tagalog 
provinces of Luzon which have been in rebellion. But even they have 
never been properly represented in a deliberative assembly . # The Philip- 
pine Commissioners report: "In the remaining provinces of Luzon, the 
Tagalog rebellion was viewed at first with indifference AND LATER 
WITH FEAR. Throughout the archipelago at large there was trouble 
only at those points to which armed Tagalogs had been sent in consider- 
able numbers. In general such machinery of 'government 5 as existed 
served only for plundering the people under the pretext of levying 'war 
contributions', while MANY OF THE INSURGENT OFFICIALS WERE 
RAPIDLY ACCUMULATING WEALTH. The administration of justice 
was paralyzed and crime of all sorts was rampant. 

12 



^IIGHT WAS THE ONLY LAW. 

" Never in the worst days of Spanish misrule had the people been so 
overtaxed or so badly governed. In many provinces there was ABSO- 
LUTE ANARCHY, and irom all sides came PETITIONS FOR PROTEC- 
TION AND HELP, which we were unable to give, as troops could not 
be spared." (Report of the Philippine Commission, I, p. 177.) 

Witnesses before the Commission testified: " NINETY-FIVE PER 
CENT. OF THE PEOPLE ARE NOT IN REBELLION. What they 
want is good government." Speaking of the Island of Luzon, where the 
insurrection existed, a highly intelligent witness said : " I do not believe 
that ten per cent, of the people of the island of Luzon are opposed to the 
United States." As to Aguinaldo's so-called Republic, the following tes- 
timony of one of its high officers, Senor Legarda, is instructive : 

" Q. Now, suppose we go back and take up the events in the Fili- 
pino congress prior to the war. * * * * In the first place, how was 
that congress got together; was it elected or appointed? A. THIS CON- 
GRESS WAS MADE UP BY AGUINALDO. * * * A great ma- 
jority were appointed by Aguinaldo and naturally the decisions of the 
congress had to be as Aguinaldo desired. 

Q. DID AGUINALDO HAVE THE POWER TO REMOVE MEM- 
BERS THAT DID NOT VOTE TO SUIT HIS WISHES? A. Yes, 
sir. 

Q. Did he ever emuloy this right? A. Yes,"sir; HE APPOINTED 
ME VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE CONGRESS. *.*..* 

Q. I wish to know whether the Congress was dominated by Aguinaldo 
and his cabinet or not ? A. Completely. * * * 

Q. Was it not true that the congress passed a measure to the effect 
that the protection of the United States should be requested for the Philip- 
pines ? A. Yes, sir. 

Q. And what was the reason that the resolution was~not carried out ? 
A. Because Aguinaldo disapproved of it." 

In answer to the question whether any one in Aguinaldo's government 
was favorable to the Americans, the witness said: "I THINK THAT 
EVEN IF HE WISHED TO BE HE WOULD HAVE TO BE VERY 
CAREFUL OR HE WOULD BE SHOT." (Report of the Philippine Com- 
mission, II, pp. 386, 388.) 

Arguelles, one of Aguinaldo's commissioners, was disgraced by military 
order, expelled from the army and condemned to twelve years' imprison- 
ment because he approved of the American propositions. 



III. THE PROPOSALS OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

The plans of self-government proposed by tlae United States authorities meet 
the aspirations of the best representatives of the Filipino people. 



• " PROPOSALS OF THE PRESIDENT. 

By authority of the President the first Philippine Commission, upon 
its arrival at Manila, under date of April 4, 1899, issued a Proclamation 
which contained these terms: 

13 



u The aim and object of the American Government, apart from the' 
fulfillment of the solemn obligations it has assumed to ward the family of na- 
tions by the acceptance of sovereignty over the Philippine Islands, is the 
well-being, the prosperity and the happiness of the Philippine people and 1 
their elevation and advancement to a position among the most civilized 
peoples of the world. * * * * THE MOST AMPLE LIBERTY OF 
{SELF-GOVERNMENT will be granted to the Philippine people which is 
reconcilable with the maintenance of a wise, just, stable, effective and 
economical administration of public affairs, and compatible with the sov- 
ereign and international rights and obligations of the United States. * * * 
Public funds raised justly and collected honestly will be applied ONLY 
in defraying the regular and proper expenses incurred by and for the es- 
tablishment and maintenance of the Philippine government." 

In accordance with this Proclamation an administration formed in the 
Island of Negros accepted American sovereignty and sent a commission to 
Manila to secure American protection. The President of the congress of 
the island, Senor Luzuriaga, testifying before the Commission, said that 
after the sovereignty of America was accepted everything went along very 
well until orders came from Aguinaldo's government promising a division 
of the property if they would take up arms. Thus incited to revolt, houses 
were burned, cattle seized, and more than 100 plantations destroyed. 

This testimony shows that self-government, inaugurated and in suc- 
cessful operation in the Island of Negros, under American protection, was 
attacked from the outside by emissaries of Aguinaldo and the country re- 
duced to anarchy, which was subdued only by the aid of American 
troops. It establishes conclusively three propositions: (1) that some of 
the islands desired and promptly sought the protection of American sov- 
ereignty ; (2) that the wishes of the people were not respected by the 
Tagalogs ; and (3) THAT NOTHING SHORT OF AMERICAN SOVER- 
EIGNTY CAN SAFE-GUARD SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHIL- 
IPPINES TO THOSE WHO WISH TO ENJOY IT AS AGAINST 
THE RAPACITY OF LOCAL DESPOTS. 

According to the testimony of Senor Albert, a civil officer of the 
Filipino government, no session of their congress was held during January, 
February, March and April, 1899, while the insurrection was most active. 
W T hen at last a session was called on May 5, 1899, sixteen members being 
present, IT WAS VOTED TO ACCEPT AMERICAN SOVEREIGNTY 
by a majority of fifteen, the proposition being favored by "ALL BUT 
ONE, WHO DID NOT VOTE". (Report of the Philippine Commission, 
II, pp. 128, 129). The plan of government desired by this congress was 
almost identical with that suggested in conference by the Commissioners. 
The testimony shows that it would have been finally adopted but for a 
quarrel among the Filipino military commanders. 



THE RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 

After a careful study of the condition of the islands and the wishes of 
their inhabitants, the first Philippine Commission recommended a plan of 
government for the Philippines based on a large body of testimony showing 
that, if the real desires of the Filipino people could be freely expressed, 
American sovereignty would be gladly welcomed by all but the military 
adventurers. This plan was similar in many respects to that adopted in 



1803 for the government of Louisiana, but with several ameliorations. 
J^-fferrion complained with regard to public criticisms upon the system 
then adopted that, ''although it is acknowledged that our new fellow-citi- 
zens are as yet as incapable of self-government as children, yet some can- 
not bring themselves to suspend its principles for a single moment." The 
Commissioners, believing that "from the verv outset it will be safe and de- 
sirable to extend to the Filipinos LARGER LIBERTIES OF SELF-GOV- 
ERNMENT THAN JEFFERSON APPROVED for the inhabitants of 
Louisiana," would rot ''suspend" the principles of self-government, but 
put them into gradual operation as soon as a state of peace — the first es- 
sential of civic existence — can be secured, by developing local govern- 
ments. Their general conception is expressed in the following paragraph 
with which they conclude their preliminary report on government: 

"Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the Commission 
believe that the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into 
anarchy, which would excuse, if it did not necessitate, the intervention of 
other powers and the eventual division of the islands among them. ONLY 
THROUGH AMERICAN OCCUPATION, THEREFORE, IS THE IDEA 
OF A FREE, SELF-GOVERNING AND UNITED PHILIPPINE COM- 
MONWEALTH AT ALL CONCEIVABLE. And the indispensable need 
from the Filipino point of view of maintaining American sovereignty over 
the archipelago is recognized by all intelligent Filipinos and even by those 
insurgents who desire an American protectorate. The latter, it is true, 
would take thb revenues and leave us the responsibilities. Nevertheless, 
they recognize the indubitable fact that the Filipinos cannot stand alone," 



THE DEMOCRATIC PROGRAMME FOR THE PHILIPPINES. 

Considerations like those just cited did not enter into the crowded 
deliberations of the Kansas City Convention in the heated hour when its 
platform was adopted, but they appeal to the cool, dispassionate judgment 
of thoughtful American citizens who wish their country to make no mis- 
take. The Kansas City idea of the Filipinos is that they constitute a 
homogeneous nation composed of aspirants after national unity and inde- 
pendence and prepared to constitute a general government for the entire 
archipelago. But they are not in any sense a nation. They are "a variegated 
assemblage of different tribes and peoples, and their loyalty is still of the 
tribal type." Many, perhaps most of them, are fitted for a degree of local 
self-government, but they have no unity of race, tradition, religion or aspi- 
ration and no political experience. 

It is evident, therefore, how futile is the " easy " solution proposed by 
the Democratic platform, which naively promises to solve the problem by 
a simple " declaration" of (1) a stable form of government ; (2) independ- 
ence ; and (3) American protection. Although a mere " declaration " 
would be nugatory and impotent, the promise tends to encourage renewed 
insurrection and to endanger the lives of American soldiers by reviving the 
hope that Aguinaldo's prayers for a Democratic victory may yet be 
answered. 

It is the first time in the history of our country that a candidate for 
the presidency has promised that, if elected, his first official act would be to 
summon Congress lor tht u; ...pooe of rendering fruitless the blood and sac- 
is 



ritice of American soldiers, bravely offered in defense of the flag, for the 
preservation of peace and order and to maintain the national honor. 

It is the first time that the maxim, " The Constitution follows the 
flag," was ever evoked as a reason for dishonoring both by lowering the one 
and withdrawing the beneficent guardianship of a sovereignty created by 
the other. 

It is the first time that territory of the United States has ever been 
menaced with alienation to a defeated foe as a reward for persistent 
rebellion. Yet these are the elements of which the Democratic pro- 
gramme in the Philippines is compounded, these the novelties of which 
the "paramount issue" is composed, these the substitutes offered foi 
that defense of the national honor and fulfilment of national obligations 
which have marked the course of the present Administration. 

Between these alternatives the American people may safely be 
trusted to decide. 



16 



A reign of terror is not the kind of rule under which right action and deliberate 
judgment are possible.— William McKinley. 



Republican Policy Triumphs 

Leaders of the Party Attest the Wisdom of the 
President's Administration. 



LINCOLN AND McKINLEY 

Comparison of the Presidential Campaigns Thirty-six 
Years Ago and Now. 



ART OF HUMBUGGERY 

Genuine Anti-Imperia lists Not Caught in the 
Kansas City Net. 



WO MAW CAW TAKE HIS PEACE. 

President McKinley's Re - Election Demanded for the Good of 

the Country. 

[By Hon. David B. Henderson of Iowa, Speaker of National House of Eepresentatives.] 
No man can take the place of President McKinley, and when the bal- 
lots are counted in November, the sensible people of the country will 
demonstrate to the world that no man will be allowed to take his place. 

The name of Hamilton suggests three thoughts to me that may be 
appropriate for 1900: First, a strong government; second, a just govern- 
ment; third, a protective government. In this great world of ours, full of 
powerful nations, aggressive in their governments, this nation as a govern- 
ment must be strong to take care of our people. No government can be 
strong that is not just. We cannot hold the love or support of our people 
unless we are just in the interpretation and enactment of our laws. No 
government will answer the purposes of the American people that is not 
protective. These three principles were the cardinal ones of that great 
statesman and patriot, Alexander Hamilton. 

PROTECTION BY THE GOVERNMENT. 

This government must protect capital and labor and give each a fair 
chance. It must protect rich and poor, black and white — and brown — old 
and young, men and women, and the children, too. Unless we have a 
government strong enough to protect our citizens everywhere the flag floats 
we shall fail in our duty to ourselves and the world about us. It must be a 
government that will protect its citizens whether in the heart of Chicago or 
in the heart of China. These doctrines I take as the watchwords of the 
hour. I would have men elected who would act them like McKinley, as 



well as believe in them. I want the people to elect such men because I 
believe in them thoroughly. I therefore say, elect William McKinley and 
'J heodore Roosevelt. 

YITAL ISSUES OF THE HOUR., 

Militarism a Bugbear— Our Policy in the Philippines and in China 
Entirely Justified. 

[By Hon. CrsaiiAN K. Davis, United States Senator from Minnesota.] 
This campaign is portentous. Others have been conducted on few 
issues, economic or moral. In this one, the Democratic party and its candi- 
date means the reversal of every policy, domestic and foreign, monetary, 
financial, protective and expansive, which has made the administration of 
President McKinley one of the most glorious in our history by the splen- 
dor of its military and naval achievements, by its revival of dying indus- 
tries, by its financial legislation, by its making the United States the first 
money power in the world, by its extension of our sovereignty, and by our 
advancement to the forefront of international influence. 

The measures and policies which have wrought these imposing political 
transformations are denounced and their abrogation is demanded by the 
declaration of Democratic principles made at Kansas City. 

This declaration does not denounce the administration of President 
McKinley for its failures, it condemns it for its achievements. It declares 
them to be destructive of true prosperity and subversive of our institutions. 
It demands that the gold standard shall be abolished, and that protection to 
American industries shall cease. 

PLAX FIRST LOWERING OF FLAG. 

For the first time the sovereignty of the United States over territory 
held by an unquestionable title is to be abandoned and the flag lowered, 
and that, too, in capitulation to a flagrant insurrection against its authority. 
All this, and more than this, is demanded by the Democratic party as a 
reason for its investiture with power, and is promised to the American 
people in case power is given to do it. Such demands, such promises, such 
threats, such consequences will receive the most considerate condemnation 
of the people. 

No Democratic platform, no Democratic speaker expresses any satis- 
faction with our triumphs in war, or with the abounding prosperity of our 
people, or with our international ascendancy. How can they rejoice in a 
prosperity wiiich falsifies every prediction they made four years ago, and 
the approval of which now would refute every claim that they can possibly 
make for their political restoration? 

The present administration has kept the faith in which the American 
people invested it with power, has performed every act to which it was 
pledged, and has fulfilled every expectation which has arisen from sudden 
events which were foreseen four years ago. 

IMPERIALISM NOT THE ISSUE. 

The real, the paramount question before the American people is not 
imperialism. It is whether these conditions and the policies which have 
produced them are to be abandoned, or even put to the chance of abandon- 
ment in the pursuit of — theories, I was about to say, but not of theories — in 
the repetition of experiments which have always proved disastrous in the 
very respects in which our prosperity is now so abounding, for it is never to 
be forgotten that the Kansas City platform, while it denounces expansion 
and what it calls imperialism, also specifically condemns the policy of pro- 
tection as enforced by the statute which was passed immediately after the 
inauguration of President McKinley ; condemns our financial policy and 
the gold standard under which money has become more abundant than it 
ever was before and interest lower, and twice demands the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. 



McIfclNLrEY ON TRUSTS. 

The President laid the subject of trusts before Congress, and an amend- 
ment to the constitution was proposed by the Republicans in the House of 
Representatives during the last session. It provided that " Congress shall 
have power to define, regulate, prohibit, or dissolve trusts, monopolies, or 
combinations, whether existing in the form of a corporation or otherwise. 
The several states may continue to exercise such power in any manner not 
in conHict with the laws of the United States." 

Here was such an opportunity as the Democracy had never had to 
demonstrate the sincerity of its declarations. The amendment came to a 
v<»te. The Democrats (with one or two exceptions) voted solidly against it. 
The Republicans (with one or two exceptions) voted for it. The Democrats 
could have completed the two-thirds vote required by the constitution. 
They did not. They voted against the proposition with jjractical unanimity. 

STATE SOVEREIGNTY INVOKED. 

And upon what ground ? Upon the ground that the proposed amend- 
ment would diminish the existing sovereignty of the states upon this subject. 
This is an assertion by them that it is a subject of state jurisdiction under 
the constitution, as it is, except as to interstate and foreign commerce. The 
Supreme court has defined the limitations of legislation. The legislation 
which the Democrats vaguely promise would be void when tested by their 
own arguments and votes upon the amendment. In other words, the Demo- 
crats purpose, and have voted, to leave the power of legislation just where 
it now is, while the Republican party proposed to vest it in Congress to the 
fullest extent necessary. 

The administration of President McKinley has done its full duty to this 
country in the matter of the Boer war, and it owes no duty to any nation 
excepting the United States. 

DEMOCRATS SII.ENT ABOUT CHIIA. 

The Democratic party was silent respecting our relations with China, 
because to declare opinions upon that subject which the American people 
would receive with contempt and spurn with disgust would cause the broom- 
stick ghost of imperialism and militarism to vanish in an instant. So to 
speak would annihilate those " paramount issues," because it would admit 
that even the blind, when told, can perceive, even if they cannot see it, that 
the status, the occupation, and the sovereignty of the United States in the 
Philippines are at this moment and in this great crisis of civilization com- 
manding and absolutely indispensable. They vindicate the wisdom of hold- 
ing those possessions, unless the United States is to recede to the shores of 
the American continent, become herself a little China, cancel herself as a 
factor in the great civilizing and commercial change in the Asiatic Orient, 
an event fully as important as the discovery of America by Columbus. 

There are few events in our diplomatic and military history more hon- 
orable than the consummate skill, the wise conservatism and the unflinching 
courage by which the administration of President McKinley relieved our 
legation and at the same time maintained proper relations with the Chinese 
empire. 

The policy of the United States as to China should, in my opinion, be 
this: It»must rescue its citizens. It must exact indemnity for all injuries to 
their persons or property. It will insist that China shall observe all treaty 
stipulations, and that, under any and all conditions of sovereignty, cession, 
or foreign ascendancy, the open d©or shall remain open. We shall use no 
military force for conquest, and have no concert with any European power, 
except to rescue our citizens and theirs. 

COVET MO CHINESE TERRITORY. 
We covet no Chinese territory and we will acquire none. We desire no 
territorial sphere of influence. We will give no approval or support, phy- 
sical, moral or sentimental, to the dismemberment of China, or to the extinc- 



tion of her sovereignty by the acquisition of spheres of influence by any 
European power. 

I look for a regeneration of China as the result of the convulsions she 
is now suffering. It will come to pass not by the partition of that mighty 
and immemorial empire, but by its full entry into commercial relations with 
the other nations of the world. The process will not be a long one. It has 
been going on for fifty years, and has become more perfect and extensive 
every year. When fully completed the United States will be the greatest 
participant in that trade of the Pacific which Humboldt predicted more than 
seventy-five years ago would be the greatest commerce that land and sea 
have ever known. We need cross but one ocean to grasp the " wealth of 
Ormuz and of Ind." . Europe must traverse four seas to share it. We can 
produce everything which that insatiable market can absorb, just as now we 
are producing and exporting our fabrics, textile, metallic and miscellaneous 
to every market in the world, as the direct result of Republican economic 
policies put in force during our civil war and steadily persisted in by that 
party ever since. 

This is manifest destiny; it is written by an auspicious astrologer upon 
the sky of a visible future. It will give 15,000,000 of people to our states of 
the Pacific coast; it will open a career to the talents of aspiring youth and 
in every way carry the United States far along on that course of national 
grandeur for which I believe the nation was ordained. 

PARAMOUNT ISSUES ARE ECONOMIC. 

Imperialism is not the paramount issue of the campaign and cannot be 
made so. The adjustment of any question as to the Philippines is to be 
considered after rebellion against the sovereignty and authority of the 
United States has been put down. The paramount issues this year are 
financial and economic. Shall the anti-protection party of 16 to 1 be put in 
power to advance its principles by the enormous powers and executive influ- 
ence in case Mr. Bryan is elected and win the first engagement in a cam- 
paign the next battle of which will be for the control of both Houses of 
Congress? 

The question for the plain people is, do they wish, with the instructions 
of a bitter experience fresh and deep in their memories, to change or sub- 
mit to the chance of change that abounding prosperity which came with the 
election of President McKinley — a prosperity which no Democratic platform 
or speaker denies nor dare not rejoice in or even allude to? Aguinaldo can 
wait until the American people take " a bond of fate," if necessary, by anni- 
hilating for the preservation of their own domestic interests the political 
combination which is at the same time their enemy and the aider and 
abettor of the Tagal rebels. 

OUR OUTY IX THE PHILIPPINES. 

The immediate duty of this government as to the Philippines is to 
maintain its sovereignty and to crush rebellion against it. What its consti- 
tutional powers and limitations are can be more profitably discussed 
and considered after the authority of the United States shall have been 
firmly established. I do not believe that the constitution contains any dis- 
abling inhibition which will prevent this government from governing those 
islands as their best interests may demand, and according to the capacities 
of their people. No such difficulties intervened in the administration of 
Louisiana, Florida, or the territory which we acquired from Mexico. Con- 
gress legislated at the last session in regard to the government of Alaska in 
some particulars entirely unwarranted by the constitution, if the disabling 
construction placed upon it by our opponents is correct. There are certain 
large and general considerations, however, which, to my mind, demonstrate 
that the authority to govern these dependencies is vested in Congress sub- 
ject to no disabling limitations of certain provisions of the constitution, 



which, because they are inapplicable to such a situation, never could have 
been designed by the framers to apply to it. 

BRYAN SHRINKS FROM THE RESPONSIBILITY. 

In declaring that he will convene Congress for these purposes Mr. 
Bryan shrinks from the logical consequences of his own position. If 
elected President of the United States he will become Commander-in-Chief 
of the army and navy, conducting a war which he and the platform upon 
which he stands assert to be a " criminal aggression " against a people who 
ought to be independent. As such Commander-in-Chief, holding to such 
principle, he would have the right to withdraw every man from the Philip- 
pines, cause our squadron to sail out from Manila Bay, to evacuate entirely 
the archipelago, and — to use his own language — leave their people to work 
out their own destiny. As President he could recognize the existence and 
independence of the Philippine republic. A bold man, holding such views 
as these and with such powers, would say that he intended to use them, but 
there Mr. Bryan halts and recoils. He purposes to throw the responsibility 
upon Congress, well knowing that with a Republican Senate and House of 
Representatives no such action as he proposes to recommend would receive 
the least sanction. 

MILITARISM A BUGBEAR. 

I shall say but little of this bugbear of militarism. We are crippled 
to-day by the inadequacy of our military force in performing our manifest 
duties as to our people in China. The events in that empire demonstrate, 
as did our unprepared condition at the beginning of the Spanish war, how 
suddenly and unexpectedly crises may arise which will call for the exercise 
of our military power and find it entirely lacking. A nation of 75,000,000 of 
free people, vast in extent, need have no fear that an empire will be erected 
upon the ruins of the republic by the scattered forces of an army of 100,000 
men. 

But if an increased army leads to militarism, so does an increased navy, 
and yet we hear no word of protest from the Democratic party against that, 
because such a protest would be carrying the argument too far; and yet a 
navy, in the establishment of militarism or imperialism, could reduce our 
coast cities, could attack Washington, could hold the arsenals and strategic 
points on all our shores, and do as much as and possibly more than an army 
could toward the overthrow of this government or the change of its form. 
A small Brazilian navy did this_ once as to Brazil and attempted it again. 
The truth is, there is no dang'er from either of these great arms of our 
military service. They are the right hand and the left hand of our power 
and defense at home and abroad. Their officers and men are as loyal as 
Grant, and Sherman, and Sheridan, and Farragut, and Porter, and Worden, 
and their soldiers and sailors were in their time. 

THE PARTY'S MAONIFICENT HISTORY, 

If the existence of the Republican party should be closed to-day its his- 
tory would be that of the nation saved, of a protective system under which 
the United States has become the greatest manufacturing nation in the 
world, of a general industrial development which sustains 75,000,000 people, 
of a financial^ system which has created an unimpeachable credit, of all the 
blessings which civilization can confer upon humanity. 

But its existence will not end this year, nor for many years to come. 
Its august mission is not yet performed. So long as it represents, as it does 
now, the national prosperity and honor, national growth, with renown and 
right, national prestige in the relations of the United States with foreign 
powers as the result of the neutrality of a puissant nation, safe in the enjoy- 
ment of all its rights, because of its manifest ability to cause other nations to 
respect them, the Republican party will shape the destinies of the American 
people. 



PROSPERITY COMES WITH REPUBLICANISM. 

Good Times Inevitably Follow the Guidance and the Policies of the 
MepublicaM J*ai*ty. 

[By IIod. J. P. Dollivee, United States Senator from Iowa.] 

The subject of prosperity would be one entirely non-partisan if it 
were not for the fact that good times in the United States have got so com- 
pletely mixed up with the Republican party that it is almost impossible to 
separate them in the public thought. By far too little attention is given in 
this world to a study of the blessings which surround us, while our troubles, 
the disasters and adversities of our experience, never lack either for orator 
to embellish them or for audiences to appreciate them. 

The chairman of the National Democratic committee evidently had 
this side of human nature in view when, the other day, in predicting Mr. 
Bryan's success, he. said that the workingmen of the United States who 
voted for McKinley four years ago could be counted for Bryan now. Four 
years ago, he said, they voted the Republican ticket under the impression 
that if they lost their jobs they would have difficulty in finding others. 
JNovv, Senator Jones argues, owing to the universal employment of labor, 
they will perceive that if they lose the job they now have it will be easy to 
iind another. 

CHA^ T «E 1ST THE JLAST FOUR YEARS. 

Almost every man recognizes that since March 4, 1897, the conditions of 
American life have undergone a change which may almost be compared, 
without irreverence, to a resurrection from the dead. I have heard many 
attempts made to account for this. "In the spring of 1896 I conferred upon 
William McKinley a title which his administration has fully lived up to. 
It was at a time when the State of Iowa was presenting to the country as a 
Presidential candidate one of the most famous and useful members of the 
Senate of the United States. I had come back from a Western State popu- 
lated largely by old Iowa men, and in trying to explain to our people why 
everybody was for McKinley I told my friend, Walter Wellman, that the 
whole Northwest seemed to have its heart set on McKinley and to look on 
him as the "advance agent of prosperity," a phrase which subsequently 
passed into the proverbial literature of the campaign. 

The President put his signature on the tariff law of 1897, which in the 
vears to come will bear the honored name, now left to us as a part of our 
Republican inheritance, of Nelson Dingley of Maine. That law was adopted 
by Congress against the written protest filed by the diplomatic represent- 
atives of nineteen different foreign nations. It went through by the almost 
unanimous consent of the only nation for whose benefit it was framed— the 
United States of America. I count that great statute as the corner-stone of 
the national prosperity which followed close upon its enactment. 

In 1892 no other question was discussed. To-day the Democratic party 
runs away from the tariff question in which the wages and employment of 
every American citizen are involved, attempts to decoy us across the Pacific 
Ocean, and to hide its record and plans for the future in a network of cant 
and hypocrisy about the Declaration of Independence. The Republican 
party stands ready to meet them, either on the main land or the high seas, 
but while we propose to meet them, while we propose to whip them where- 
ever we find them, we recognize that the real field of this battle is here and 
not on the other side of the world. We fight for the rights of American 
labor, now everywhere employed, for the comfort of the scattered home- 

SIAISTAIMIM^ §TAW©AKD ©F VALUE. 
ITardly less important, and in the judgment of many, even more import- 
ant as a foundation of. national prosperity, was the solemn determination of 
the American people recorded on the election day in 1896 to maintain the 
standard of value on which all contracts of the people were drawn and all 
their business transacted. In their victory of that year party lines were in 
a large measure lost, so that the verdict was in a high sense a popular 



verdict rather than a partisan one. The strength of our institutions has 
been increased by the notice then served upon mischief-makers, agitators, 
candidates, and political leaders that whoever threatens the integrity of 
American business has to settle his account, not with a political party, but 
with the united conscience, judgment, and character of the whole people. 
Does anybody suppose that the author of that obsolete volume called '• The 
First Battle," which four years ago sold readily for $3=50 and can now be 
purchased at any second-hand book store foT25 cents, would have telephoned 
the Kansas City convention that he would not take their nomination unless 
they stated again their intention to overthrow the gold standard, in the 
words of his war cry of the last campaign, if he regarded any other issue as 
paramount to the Chicago program of 1896? 

■ DEMOCRATIC TA&K. rWSINCSRK. 
The world is so arranged that every masquerade of false pretenses, 
trying to do business upon a high moral scale, sooner or later comes to a 
point along its line of march where it can distinctly hear the laughter of 
gods and men. Such a point was reached at Kansas City when " Pitchfork'' 
Tillman was selected on account of his voice to read the Declaration of 
Independence, with its sublime precepts about the equality of men and the 
ultimate basis of human government. On February 26th last I heard Mr. 
Tillman boast in the Senate that his people had openly nullified the law of 
the land, treating the great amendments of the constitution as null and void, 
and with bloodshed and fraud, for which he offered no apology, had driven 
more than one-half of the population of South Carolina from an}' participa- 
tion whatever, either in the government of the United States or in the 
government of the community in which they were born. Until Mr. Bryan 
shall stand up somewhere before the American people and, in an audible 
tone of voice, utter one word of manly disapproval of the crime against 
civil liberty, which, in the undisputed Democratic communities, of the 
United States, has left ten millions of people helpless and outcast before the 
law, I, for one, intend to treat his noisy declarations on the subject of 
equal rights as unfit for the respect of the American people. 

McKIXLEY'S SPLEKDI© ADNIINISTKATIOST. f 
With such a hand as President McKinley's on the helm of our affairs, 
the nation, troubled and perplexed as seldom before, goes steadily forward, 
without doubt or fear in all the great departments of the national life. Our 
leader sits in the executive office surrounded by trusted counselors, with his 
eyes on the map of the world and the fixed purpose in his heart that neither 
loss nor harm shall come to our people in any quarter of the earth. He 
has appealed to the patriotic manhood of America to stand firm and un- 
moved under the responsibilities of our day and generation. 

The first answer has come from far off Oregon, where the majority of 189G 
was multiplied by five. Vermont will follow, and then Maine, and the united 
-voice of every other State, except those Democratic strongholds where love 
for the constitution and devotion to the Declaration of Independence have 
at last openly abolished the republican form of government. Whatever 
danger lies in our path, however rough the road which we must travel, let 
us keep our faith strong in our country and in our countrymen. Let us be 
sure there is a guidance in the affairs of men higher than our poor human 
wisdom, which will make the dawn of the approaching century radiant 
with the promise of civil liberty not only for the helpless races within our 
own borders but for the scattered millions throughout all our possessions in 
all the seas. 

LINCOLN AWI> HcEINLEY. 

The Presidential Campaigns Thirty-six Years Ago and Xow. 

Thirty-six years ago in the City of Chicago, in the last days of August, 
assembled the representatives of the. Democratic party, and they protested 



then as they are exclaiming now, that the President of the United States 
was carrying on wantonly, unconstitutionally, contrary to the faith and hope 
of the fathers of the Republic, in violation of the fundamental principles of 
our government, a vindictive, horrible, imperialistic, devilish and totally 
hopeless war, and that the perfidy of the President was wholly at fault, and 
he, spattered with the blood of brethren, defied humanity and disgraced the 
name and smirched the fame of America, and was a baboonish imbecile, 
incompetent for public affairs, rushing the country headlong to ruin and 
jesting about it. 

©£.!> DEMOCRATIC PREDICTIONS. 

The Democratic party then, as now, asserted that the war was not pro- 
gressing to a victory for the Union, but going the other way. 

Mr. Yallandigham, the master spirit of his party in the Chicago conven- 
tion, because he had been ordered out of the country by President Lincoln, 
insisted upon the invincibility of those who were in arms to destroy the 
Union, and the impossibility of overcoming the military power of the 
Southern States, and wrote an argument that Grant was not pressing Lee 
but that Lee was pressing Grant, that the national army could not take 
Richmond and was beaten back toward the sea. 

The Democratic convention passed a resolution declaring the war to 
restore the Union a " failure," and demanding a convention of all the States 
to compromise away the authority and integrity of the Union. The Demo- 
cratic party in the City of Chicago not only wrote the word " failure " over 
the war, but charged it to the bloodthirsty incapacity of Abraham Lincoln. 
This was even more redolent and rabid in the speeches and prevalent con- 
versation of the convention than in the platform. The official literature, 
bad as it was, was a marked modification of the general spirit of the occa- 
/sion. 

WHAT COST IilNCOIiN HIS L.IFE. 

In the campaign following, in the Northwestern States, particularly and 
especially in Ohio and Indiana, the partisan copperhead Chicago platform 
Democrats carried, at many of their meetings in the copperhead counties, 
white flags in token of abject submission to the Southern Confederacy. 
Their weekly papers in the counties were malicious beyond all that is now 
believable by those who have "malice toward none and charity for all," 
toward the author of that revered phrase. 

President Lincoln was charged with blood guiltiness, and those passions 
were aroused and intensified that culminated in the tragedy that closed Mr. 
Lincoln's life. 

The current* opinion is that the re-election of Abraham Lincoln— and 
that is conceded to be the event that decided the fortunes of war in favor of 
the Union — was almost a matter of course. It is held that the martyred 
President won his second election almost without an effort. The fact was 
far otherwise. The Democratic party made a determined and even desper- 
•ate struggle. The majority of Mr. Lincoln in 1864 in the State of New 
York was less than the majority for McClellan in New Jersey. The major- 
ities for Lincoln in New Hampshire and Connecticut were less than 3,000 in 
each state, and Pennsylvania was carried for Lincoln outside the army vote 
by less than 6,000. 

Fancy the infernal howl that would go up now about imperialism if it 
were arranged that the vote of the army in the Philippines and China 
should be taken in the Presidential election. The troops sent home by 
General Sheridan and General Meade from the valleys of the Shenandoah 
and the Rappahannock increased Lincoln's Pennsylvania majority to about 
15.000. 

DEMOCRATIC PRAISE FOR MNCOI/tf. 

Mr. Lincoln for a time believed that he would be defeated, and wrote a 
letter to that effect, which he sealed and gave to Gideon Welles, the Secre- 
tary of the Navy, to keep for him. It was not to be opened until after the 
election. In that letter, written in what he believed to be the shadow of 



defeat cast before the event, he promised if beaten to spend the time b e ' 
tween election day and the inauguration day of his opponent in helping 
save the Union, because the platform upon which McClellan was running, 
in fact, though he had repudiated it in phrase, would make it impossible for 
him as President to save the Union. 

The attacks upon Mr.. Lincoln during this campaign — and that which 
Democrats are saying of Lincoln now show how fast and far the nation has 
traveled in the right way — were of unceasing and astounding virulence. Let 
us be grateful that Democrats of this generation think so well of Mr. Lin- 
coln, praise his name, commend his statesmanship and approve even of his 
principles and war policy. It arouses recollections that provoke melan- 
choly reflections when Mr. Bryan quotes Lincoln and lifts up his strained 
utterances in eulogy — but let us " accept the gifts the gods provide," and 
" praise God from whom all blessings flow." The fact that Lincoln's stature 
towers beside that of Washington may yet save the country, if the extrava- 
gance of adulation does not weaken the appreciation of services inestimable. 

THEIR ATTACKS UPON McKINXEY. 

But the people of the United States should remember that the Demo- 
cratic party is warring upon William McKinley in 1900, precisely as they 
warred upon Lincoln in 1864, making many of the same charges in the very 
same words, even to the "imperialism," for their favorite epithet of 
disrespect was in the mock title "Abrahamas I.," and there was a great deal 
of an unprintable character. 

The Bryan Democracy say now that the United States is at war to-day 
with the Philippine nation, and that the war is a failure now, and they use 
the same language about it that they used in the time of Lincoln, and they 
charged that war to him just as they charge this one to McKinley. They 
said the Lincoln war, as they called it, and they regarded it as a happy 
thought to spell his name " Linkhorn," was a wicked war and without hope, 
just as they charge President McKinley with the responsibility for the 
Tagal war, and say that it is perfidious against an " ally " and brutal, and 
that a favorable termination is not possible. Those who remember what 
the Democratic writers, speakers and talkers — reference to the copperhead 
part of the party, and they were usually in control — made the theme and 
burden of their utterances in '64, find what they are saying now of Presi- 
dent McKinley an old, old story. 

They said then that the war was caused by Lincoln's refusal to com- 
promise, and was malignant toward the foe. One of Lincoln's special 
defamers, distinguished now as a brazen trumpet blown each day for 
Bryan, regarded Lincoln's murder humorously, and indulged in grotesque 
speculation about the judgment of God upon him, four months after his 
death. 

WHAT HISTORY WHiIj SAY OF HIM. 

The time will come and it will not be long delayed, when William 
McKinley will be greeted by all rational mankind as ever faithful, true and 
brave, noble, upright, of perfect probity, of absolute courage as a subordi- 
nate officer on the battlefield, and as President in the Cabinet. 

What history will say of him will be worthy to be written in letters of gold. 

The war of this day and of a few months and two years ago, is small 
comparatively, and far away, but the cause is just, humane, according to 
the traditions, the events and the dignity of the American nation. Presi- 
dent McKinley walks in the footsteps of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson— 
of the great line of Presidents of Virginia, Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana and 
Illinois— one does not need to name them— the world knows them— and he 
upholds the standard unstained, and as Webster said, " full high advanced," 
of the great Republic. 

MNCOI/ff AN© McKISLEY COMPARED. 

He will leave it when he leaves the White House, whenever that is, 
greater and better than he found it; and no man can read clearly the life of 



Lincoln and fairly the life of McKinley, and capable of distinguishing the 
difference between the true patriotism and false pretension without being 
enlightened — unless the light has failed to guide him — that those who up- 
held Lincoln in '64 must uphold McKinley now. 

The cause that is now tried is hardly less momentous than then. The 
prosperity, the nationality, the character, the spirit elf the people — the pop- 
ular instinct that is in the intelligence that insures the "capacity for self- 
government" is now to be tested by the highest standards, weighed, meas- 
ured, to withstand one of the strains that our form of government contem- 
plates: and one would be of little faith and fertile in apprehension who did 
not believe, and indeed in his soul know, that there is to be a triumph for all 
causes that are honorable and of good report, in the re-election of President 
McKinley. 

The' approaching victory will be scarcely less renowned than that of 
1864, for the same characteristic cause, the defense of the national life and 
glory, is committed to the Republicans now as then. The redemption of 
the land from a cloud that would blight the splendor that has been bright- 
ened in the four years just past will place the victory of McKinley in 1900 
on lines as elevated and as luminous as that of Lincoln in 1864. 

AT CHICAGO ITC 1864 ASD 1900. 

Now, 1864 was the year and Chicago the city, and the last days of 
August the days that the war for the nation was by the Democratic party 
denounced a failure. 

Behold in a glorious vision, a magical, mighty change! It is the march 
of the Grand Army through Chicago, with such a triumph as Rome never 
gave her legions when she welcomed them from victorious wars. It was the 
celebration of the crowded victories for the cause of Lincoln that immedi- 
ately followed the Democratic proclamation of the decline and downfall of 
all he represented. 

Look around over this continental country to-day and see the monu- 
ments of glory, the mountains of prosperity, the free " life, liberty and pur- 
suit of happiness " by people who, in less time than has elapsed since Lincoln 
left us, will number more than 100,000,000. 

HEROES OF WAR AND PEACE. 

Not since the days when the armies of the Potomac, the Tennessee, the 
Cumberland and the Ohio marched from Virginia across the long bridge 
before the national capital, unfinished but majestic in superb incompleteness 
and soon to be crowned by the dome not unworthy to riae among the stars — 
not since the four armies marched Up Pennsylvania avenue, on their left 1 he 
unfinished monument of Washington, now the loftiest white shaft memorial 
of a great life that stands on the globe, has a grander army marched than 
that at the grand 1900 review. 

Behofd the march continuing by the then unfinished Treasury Depart- 
ment to salute before the White House the President of the United States — 
not, alas, Abraham Lincoln, whose work was done— dead since the triumphant 
return across the Potomac of the Grand Army of the Republic— a shining 
river of steel flowing back from the tremendous scenes of cementing the 
Union with the blood of the brave — the vast columns North and West, 
homeward bound to work of peace — the valiant Confederates who had fought 
against the course of the constellations across the sky, included too in the 
general triumph — all countrymen again, since Grant and Lee met "near 
Appomattox with its famous apple tree " and made the treaty written by- 
Grant himself to be followed by the benediction of the hero, " let us have 
peace " — never has there been a pageant reviving such riches of memory, 
representative of splendid achievement and prophetic of the greater here- 
after of our country as well as of the magnificent present — or one that was 
so replete with the pathos that tells the sad story of glory and kindles the 
pride of Americans into a flame, that consumes the Belittiers of the commou 



i 



inheritance that is of the people and for them— the heroes of war came 
home to be heroes of peace, and welcomed those they had confroived on 
fields where there were two lines of lire to the House of the Fathers of the 
Republic, to stay under the stately roof and be at home forever, — for Father 
Abraham kept sacred in his heart and hand the constitution, and preserved 
it for all the nation. When he was dead those who praised him not knew 
him not. 

JDOtfG LIVE THE QRAND ARMY! 

The armies that marched through stately Washington when the war 
was over, redeemed with the plow and the seed that brought golden har- 
vest the fields that had been fallow, and North and South a million homes 
were made happy by tire returning brave. „ 

Long may the veterans of the Grand Army have their reunions and 
remember with full hearts those who fell on both sides on the memorable 
fields, where the volleyed thunders scattered in the opposing ranks Death 
and Immortality! Long live the Grand Army of the Republic and green 
and flowery be the graves of the dead, and forget not the story the name of 
the Grand Army tells— that it carries the flag and keeps step to the music 
of the Union, that grows grander and more thrilling as the years roll away. 

MUKAT HALSTEAD. 



ART OF HiMBUGGERY. 

Genuine Anti- Imperialists HSot Caught in the Kansas City Net. 

[By Theodore W. Noyes, of The Evening Star, Washington, D. CI 
[Theodore W. Noyes, one of the editors and proprietors of The Evening Star, of 
Washington, D. C in the early part of the present year, 1900, made a visit to the Philip- 
pine Islands, going by way of Hawaii, China and Japan. Mr. Noyes is not only a man of 
marked ability as an editor and writer, but he has traveled all over the civilized world and 
is a close observer. In the issue of his newspaper of August 10, 1900. there appeared an 
article on "Anti-Imperialism," which has attracted the widespread attention of political 
students and all who are most interested in the subject of expansion of our territory and 
commerce. His article will be read with intense interest during the impending campaign.] 

There are anti-imperialists who have not assumed that role hypocriti- 
cally for the purpose of revenue or revenge; who oppose without discrim- 
ination every tendency toward expansion by force and government without 
the consent of the governed; who denounce every insular acquisition by the 
nation in the belief that the republic's strength is in its compactness and 
homogeneity; and who resist any and every policy which involves the pos- 
sibility of the creation of a large standing army or a powerful navy, and the 
fostering of the war spirit among the people of the republic. 

Their platform, roughly outlined, would take the following shape: 

* AXTI-IMPERIAL.IST PLATFORM. 

" 1 . We reaffirm and endorse Magna Charta, the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, the Sixth and Eighth Commandments, the Sermon on the Mount, 
the Historic Protest of Philip, King of the Pokanokets, the Seminoles' 
Reply and the Proclamations of Emilio Aguinalclo. 

~ " 2. We denounce and deplore the land greed, born of the spirit of 
imperialism, which has taken concrete shape in the annexation of Hawaii, 
Porto Rico and the Philippines, and we reaffirm the vigorous denunciations 
by statesmen now dead of the unconstitutional and imperialistic acquisition 
and government of Louisiana; of Florida, with the preceding and accom- 
panying despotic outrages upon the natives and the Spaniards; of the land 
wrung by a hateful war of conquest from helpless Mexico, and of non-con- 
tiguous Alaska. 

"3. We demand abandonment by the United States of Hawaii, the 
Philippines, Porto Rico and unsettled and imperially ruled Alaska, and inde- 
pendence for their people., 

" 4. We denounce the Republican party for its bold, unblushing, 
systematic and defiant imxDerialism and militarism in annexing and forcibly 



and despotically ruling Alaska; in going to war with Spain; in annexing 
Hawaii; in making and voting to ratify the treaty of Paris; in annexing and 
governing Porto Rico and the Philippines and in sending troops to the 
Asiatic islands to crush under the iron heel of military despotism the 
Filipino patriots ; and we demand the immediate cessation of the Amer- 
ican war of criminal aggression in the Philippines." 

SARCASM ABOUT IiOUISIAXA PURCHASE. 

"5. We denounce the Democratic party for annexing Louisiana without 
the consent of its inhabitants and for governing that vast territory (larger 
than the annexing republic itself) as an empire on the principles of absolute 
despotism, without the consent of the governed and outside of the Constitu- 
tion; for waging an unholy war of conquest against Mexico; for "pushing 
President McKinley into the war with Spain," according to its own boastful 
confession; and for working, through its recognized leader, W. J. Bryan, for 
the ratification of the treaty of Paris, well knowing the inf amous criminality 
of that instrument, thus deliberately endangering the stability of the 
republic, with no excuse save the low, unworthy purpose of securing a 
supposed partisan advantage. 

"6. We denounce militarism with its instruments of tyranny, a standing 
army and a navy and its baleful influence upon the youth of the republic in 
developing land hunger and blood thirst. We demand that the United 
States withdraw within itself; as soon as practicable disband its army and 
destroy or convert to peaceful uses its navy, those fruitful breeders of 
strife. We approve the spirit of Jefferson's recommendation in 1803 that 
the United States navy be stored in a dry dock at Washington for safety and 
economy and destruction by the elements. We denounce any extension of 
the United States into non-contiguous territory in either hemisphere, for 
the reason that it may lead to quarrels with our neighbors and bloodshed. 
We protest against any act or omission which by any possibility may lead 
to war, except in self defense. For this reason we denounce the Kansas 
City convention's indirect pledge to intervene between Great Britain and the 
Boers, Great Britain having already refused our offer of mediation and 
indicated that it would fight to the last Englishman against intervention. 
We should mind our own business, not burden ourselves with responsibility 
by encouraging further bloodshed in South Africa, and not declaim our- 
selves into a useless and hateful war with our kin across the sea. 

WO DEMOCRATIC PROTECTORATE WEEDED. 

"7. For the same reason we further and especially denounce the Dem- 
ocratic party (which poses as the exponent of anti-imperialism and anti- 
militarism) for the treacherous stab given under the cloak of hypocritical 
friendliness to our cause by the Kansas City platform in that it proposes for 
the Philippines a protectorate, that cunning device of despotic government 
to cloak imperialism, instead of granting them the full independence to which 
they are entitled ; and in that it virtually declares a protectorate by the United 
States over the whole of Central and South America and unmistakably proposes 
to extend the strife-provoking Monroe doctrine to Asia, thus aiming blows at 
the foundation of the peaceful constitutional republic under which the whole 
fabric threatens to totter to its fall. 

"8. We denounce government by protectorate as un-American and un- 
constitutional, never contemplated in their wildest dreams by the forefathers ; 
as historically the preliminary process in the operation by which a mon- 
archical power absorbs an independent principality, corresponding to the 
boa's preparatory saliva treatment of its victim before swallowing ; as a 
strife- breeding, war-provoking arrangement, involving the United States in 
entangling foreign alliances or rather in the entanglement of foreign 
quarrels without the assistance of allies ; as burdening the republic with 
heavy responsibilities and at the same time denying it the power and the 
control necessary to meet them ; as fostering the military and meddlesome 



spirit among American youth ; as inflaming the imperialistic greed for land 
through foreign acquisitions and for gold through foreign trade ; as 
rendering essential a large army and navy to the injury of the peaceful tax- 
payers, and as developing a spirit of rampant militarism and pointing straight 
to the overthrow of the republic. 

A STABL.E GOVERNMENT WITHOUT COSSEKT. 

"9. We denounce the Democratie proposition to delay indefinitely 
independence for the Filipinos, on the pretext of first establishing there a 
stable government imposed upon them by us without their consent. 

" 10. We denounce the method of construing the Constitution proposed 
by the Democratic party, which would make of the Philippines instanter an 
integral part of the Union and thus prevent forever their separation or 
secession from the United States and their enjoyment of an independent 
government. 

"11. We declare that the government of our foreign acquisitions would be 
safer under the Republican program of treatment as "territory belonging to 
the United States '' (a status recognized by the Constitution) to be governed 
under limitations stated in the Constitution and construed and precisely 
determined by the Supreme Court, than under the Democratic program of 
an imperial, war-provoking, unconstitutional protectorate, or under "a 
stable goverment " forcibly imposed by us on the Philippines as an integral 
part of the United States. 

ft 12. But we declare that both parties are worthy only of our con- 
demnation. Instead of suggesting and upholding any special form of 
government for the Philippines, whether a protectorate or otherwise, we 
demand that the United States immediately grant them full independence, 
leaving them free to determine for themselves the form of government 
most pleasing to them." 

ARE MAJLAYS BETTER THAN NEGROES ? 

Will the Malay Filipino fare better at their hands than the North 
Carolina negro, whom the Constitution takes specifically under its protec- 
tion, but whose consent or dissent in matters of government is not to be 
expressed except at peril of his life? Which organization represents more 
truly the rule of force that constitutes tyranny and imperialism, that fosters 
the empire and menaces the republic — the Red Shirts intimidating, murder- 
ing and disfranchising the North Carolina negroes, or our army in the 
Philippines, seeking to restore order and protecting peaceful Filipinos 
against the robber bands? 

The pillars sustaining the Kansas City platform are the Solid South and 
Tammany Hall. The Red Shirts are indignant that the Filipinos' consent 
to be governed has not been obtained, and they uphold the Constitution 
manfully — in Luzon. Tammany Hall vigorously denounces official corrup- 
tion — in Havana. 

FREE RIOTS A\D ANTIMILITARISM. 

The German- Americans, who are impressed by warnings against the 
evils and dangers of a large standing army and by praise of the National 
Guard as a substitute therefor, remember that the Chicago platform re- 
affirmed at Kansas City, in its free riot clauses caters to those who savagely 
denounced the American militia also; and they note that the combined 
effect of these attacks upon both army and militia and of practical mob rule 
in certain Southern states is to point not to anti-militarism, but to free riot, 
anarchy and the complete triumph of the forces of disorder. 

The German-Americans are reasonably opposed to a large standing 
army and to the system of conscription and heavy taxes which such an 
army involves. But they are also great traders, conspicuous in ail mercan- 
tile enterprises here as in Germany, and they favor any expansion which 
tends to build up foreign trade, provided the accompanying danger of mili- 
tarism is reduced to a minimum. Of course, there is no standing army in 



existence or proposed for the United States, which furbishes the slightest 
reasonable ground of apprehension on this score. The republic which after 
the civil war absorbed into civilian pursuits without the slightest jar or 
hitch and without the slightest perceptible danger of the supremacy of 
militarism eight hundred thousand soldiers hardened in the military mold 
by years of desperate struggle, has nothing to fear from the army, insig- 
nificant in numbers and largely enrolled to meet an emergency from civil- 
ian volunteers, which has developed from the war with Spain. The Ger- 
man-American, shaken in his belief in the sincerity of the anti-imperialism 
declarations of the Kansas City platform, is the more ready to accept the 
Republican claim that the G. O. P. is the true exponent of practical anti- 
imperialism. 

TSl T E REPUBLICAN ANTI-IMPERIAL.ISJH. 

Summarizing its anti-imperialism achievements, the Republican party 
may be imagined as saying : 

"I freed nearly four million slaves ; I prevented the creation of a southern 
empire and saved to republicanism and from imperialism the Southern states ; 
1 expelled French imperialism from Mexico ; I effected the withdrawal of 
Russian imperialism from Alaska ; I ejected Spanish colonial imperi- 
alism from both hemispheres ; I substituted a republic for the imperialism 
of a corrupt monarchy in Hawaii ; I freed the Cubans from a most oppressive 
and destructive form of imperialism, and will quickly enable them to enjoy 
in lieu thereof self-government, republican in form ; I freed the Porto 
Ricans from Spain's despotic imperialism, and have sent them rejoicing far 
along the path which leads to American self-government ; I relieved the 
Filipinos from the grinding, unbearable imperialism of oppressive, cruel 
Spain, and would long ago have blessed them with good and stable govern- 
ment in accordance with American precedents but for the present hateful 
and unnatural warfare precipitated under a misunderstanding of the 
American intention by the Filipinos themselves. 

IXSTAI^INO AN ASSASSIN. 
"The true anti-imperialistic policy of government is not that which sets 
up a protectorate over our Asiatic islands, binding the republic without con- 
stitutional authority to guard against foreign attack Aguinaldo's dictator- 
ship, a despotism buttressed by assassination, whose first independent, 
unrestrained act would be to murder the European friars and confiscate 
their alleged property, and to kill the hated Chinese. Genuine anti- 
imperialism demands that the republic, having struck off the chains of 
Spanish oppression from the Philippines, shall govern them as part of the 
territory belonging to the United States (a status recognized by the Con- 
stitution), through Congress (a body created by the Constitution) exercising 
powers defined by the Constitution and construed by the Supreme Court of 
the United States. Anti-imperialism consists in giving to the Filipinos, 
rescued from Spanish despotic rule, as full a measure of American rights, 
including the privilege of local self-government, as is consistent with 
national and territorial welfare and as is permissible in accordance with the 
Supreme Court's construction of the Constitution. Anti-imperialism con- 
sists in the exercise of the same powers by Congress in relation to the 
Asiatic and insular territory of the United States, saved from imperialism, 
as were exercised in dealing with Louisiana in the beginnings of national 
growth, and in dealing with Alaska, our latest acquisition prior to those 
which came to us during and after the war with Spain. Modern anti- 
imperialism is even more considerate of the interests of the territory 
belonging to the United States than that which prevailed in the earlier 
days, Hawaii and Porto Rico have been favored and pushed toward 
American self-government far more rapidly than Louisiana and Alaska. 
The latter waited thirty-three years and until 1900 before it reached the 
stage attained by Porto Rico in the very first legislation concerning that 






island, and Alaska is not to-day so far advanced as the organized territory of 
Hawaii. 

" I am for sound money and practical anti-imperialism; for anti-imperi- 
alism at home and abroad, in North Carolina as well as in Luzon. I oppose 
silver free coinage at 16 to 1 as an act of fraudulent bankruptcy, dishonor- 
ing the nation. I oppose government by force through Red Shirts at home 
and imperialistic government by American protectorates abroad. I oppose 
contraction of American trade in territory by cowardly abandonment under 
fire of any of our acquisitions from Spain. My motto is: tk Prosperity at 
home ; prestige abroad I" as opposed to " Panics at home, and a perilous 
pusillanimity abroad !'' 

PLATFORM HUMBUGGERY PERSONIFIED. 

The various humbugging, vote-inviting inconsistencies which have 
been noted as developing in and under the Kansas City platform give to that 
document, as varyingly construed and practically applied, the aspect of 
groveling in the dust to beg for votes and of submitting even to the hu- 
miliation of confessing insincerity and disregard of veracity if only its men- 
dicancy may be successful. To such an extent, indeed, does this spirit per- 
meate and characterize the document that, without any severe strain upon 
the imagination, the platform, personified, may be conceived as saying to 
American voters : 

" If you are offended at anything I assert, don't believe it. I can say 
without either undue vanity or mock modesty that I have built up a no- 
torious reputation which entitles me to make this request for incredulity 
with full confidence that it will be readily granted. 

"You will remember that I made free trade the paramount issue in 1892 
and won upon it, but the prophecies of evil based upon my success were not 
fulfilled, for I did not redeem my pledges. I adopted the Wilson tariff bill 
which, you will remember, was denounced by my own people as protective 
in principle. 

DISPOSED TO SMEJLVE SILVER. 

" In 1896 I made free silver at 16 to 1 the paramount issue to please the 
Populists and silver Republicans. Of course being unsuccessful, I cannot 
demonstrate that I was no more in earnest about free coinage than about 
free trade. It is significant, however, that with the conditions unchanged 
from 1896 except that the Republicans have identified themselves more com- 
pletely than ever with the gold standard, I consider the money question as 
no longer paramount. I treat it as subordinate and incidental, and, outside 
of the perfunctory verbal reiteration of it, I am disposed to shelve it as not 
an issue at all. 

" If by directly contradicting the money plank of the Republican plat- 
form I have inadvertently made silver free coinage the one technical, legal 
issue of the campaign, I am inclined rather than have words over the 
matter to yield and confess judgment on that issue. 

"So in respect to anti-imperialism about which I have so much to say 
as the paramount issue to-day, no expansionist need to be alarmed. You 
will notice that I do not propose to abandon any of our acquisitions; that I 
hint at this course only in the case of the Philippines, and that even in 
respect to these islands I announce as the first step the provision of a stable 
government. I do not say that I would take any other course to establish 
this stable government than that followed by the Republican administration. 
Who can say how long it will take me to establish this stable government? 
Who can say that long before this stable government is established to my 
satisfaction the Filipinos themselves will not wish to remain annexed? 

IXSOCERITY OF THE BRYAHf PRESS. 

"A number of statesmen and newspapers support the Kansas City plat- 
form in the light of this reading and construction of it. Why may not any 



expansionist do the same? The solid South, my strongest backer, produces' 
the cotton which is the most conspicuous factor in our wonderfully-increasing 
Asiatic trade. The material interests of the South demand expansion, and 
the merest glance at conditions, in North Carolina and Louisiana, as sample 
states, will indicate how much solicitous care will be taken in the Philip- 
pines to secure the uncoerced consent of the dark-skinned governed. 

"The independence which is suggested by me for the Filipinos is sand- 
wiched between a preface of stable government and the postscript of a 
protectorate. It is to be delayed indefinitely during the unlimited period 
of establishing a stable government, and modified indefinitely, if it ever 
arrives, by a sovereignty -dividing protectorate. 

" The foreign policy declared by me is viewed by some of you as pusil- 
lanimous, but I call on you to note that as the supporter of an advanced 
Monroe doctrine in this hemisphere which declares the republic's imperial 
jurisdiction over the Three Americas and throws down the gauntlet of 
defiance to the outside world, I go farther than the farthest, for I announce 
that (1) the United States has exercised and is now exercising a protectorate 
over the republics of Central and South America, and (2) that this protect- 
orate is of the same order as that which the United States would exercise 
over territory once belonging to it to which it might grant domestic self- 
government. There is not much peace-loving pusillanimity in a policy 
which thus irritates the sensitive and jealous Spanish South Americans, and 
slaps the whole world in the face. Nor is there any pusillanimity in my 
suggestion of a war with England over the inalienable right of the Boers to 
govern the outlanders without the latter's consent. 

AMi SORTS ARE WELCOME. 

"All sorts and conditions of political opinion may gather comfortably on 
my declarations — free coinage and anti-free coinage voters; silver Republi- 
cans and gold Democrats; Populists and conservative anti-populist Demo- 
crats; contractionist anti-imperialists and trade and territorial expansionists; 
imperialists who favor a protectorate and the manifest destinarians of the 
advanced Monroe doctrine. 

" To any class of voters whatsoever who are inclined to cast their ballots 
against me because they credit what I assert or seem to assert on any sub- 
ject I can only say: 'Believe me, I am not to be believed.' 

" Hosea Biglow has well stated my political creed: 

" ' In short, I firmly du believe 

4 In Humbug generally, 
1 Fer it's a thing thet I perceive 

'To hev a solid vally; 
' This heth my faithful shepherd ben, 

' In pasturs sweet heth led me, 
'An' this'll keep the people green 

'To feed ez they hev fed me.' " 



Until this money question is fully and finally settled, the people will not consent to the consideration 
of any other important question.— Bry ail's Letter of Acceptance, i8q6. 

BRYAN=the Prophet 



HIS NUMEROUS PREDICTIONS, AND HOW THEY HAVE 
STOOD THE TEST OF TIME. 



MOST SWEEPING INDICTMENT IN AMERICAN POLITICS. 



PROSPERITY IMPOSSIBLE— "VICTORY WILL COME"— NOT ENOUGH 
MONEY TO DO BUSINESS — GOLD DEMOCRATS MUST SAW 
W T OOD — "A WAR OF EXTERMINATION" — CON- 
VICTED OUT OF HIS OWN MOUTH 
ON MANY COUNTS. 

By D. F. Kennedy, of Indiana. 

When a man who was once defeated for the presidency is again pre- 
sented for the suffrages of the American voter, for the highest office in 
their gift, it is well for the voter to ask what this man has done since the 
last election that entitles him to their consideration a second time. Have 
the issues and policies he stood for then had their wisdom demonstrated 
by the four years that have elapsed? Has the test of time vindicated his 
predictions? Have the policies he opposed been found failures when 
tested? These are not idle questions; they are questions fraught with 
destiny, for if we believe in the perpetuity of our government, we must 
believe that the mass of voters desire to vote for the best interests of our 
country and its people. 

Voters Must Be Intelligent. 

Therefore, we will be doing our patriotic duty to make a careful 
investigation of the facts. We assume that the question of a man being 
eloquent or sincere in the advocacy of an issue can have no weight in 
the effect or value of a governmental policy. This government will 
suffer just as much from a wrong policy carried into effect by an honest 
executive as if he was a dishonest one, and the voter who votes hon- 
estly for a bad policy, will suffer just the same. Therefore, the voter 
must be highly intelligent in order to do his whole duty as a citizen. Mr. 
Bryan came to the front suddenly as a leader, dominated by one over- 
mastering thought, the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1. To him it was 
the one vital issue. Mr. Bryan said in his Philadelphia speech in 1896: 
" I studied the money question. I read books on the money question. 
I compared the works that I read — and I read on both sides of the 
money question — and the more I read the deeper became my convic- 



tions, until, my friends, I became so firmly of the opinion that there could 
be no prosperity in this country until free silver was restored and the 
white metal was put again by the side of the yellow metal and given free 
access to the mints as gold is given. I became so convinced that I was 
willing to risk all I had or hoped to be upon the correctness of the 
conclusion." 

He staked his fate and that of his party on that one issue. He lost 
before the people and time has proved that his issue was a gilded fallacy. 

Seeing the narrow escape the nation had four years ago, can we 
safely trust the destiny of the nation to the guidance of a man so im- 
pulsive and easily led astray by fallacies that vanish at the first test, like 
the one advanced by W. J. Bryan four years ago? 

We will now examine the record. 

Prosperity Impossible. 

" There can be no return to prosperity in the United States until we 
stop the appreciation of money by giving the people more standard 
money." — Bryan at Kenosha, Wis., Sept. 5, i8g6. 

"There can be no general prosperity in this country until we stop 
the conspiracy of those who would make gold the only standard of the 
world." — Bryan s First Battle, page 41. 

"There is no end to the gold standard. You think you have suffered 
enough; your suffering has just begun. You think there has been 
enough depression, but depression has just commenced." — Bryan at 
Wheeling, W. Va., Oct. 1, 1896. 

"When prices are falling and money is rising a man can better 
afford to lock his money up in a vault and gain the rise, than invest it in 
property. You are making property not worth having and everybody is 
trying to turn their property into money, and while the gold standard lasts 
that conditio?i must remain, and times must be hard, and hard times mean 
more idle men and more destitute men." — Bryan at Raleigh, N. C, Sept. 
17, 1896. 

In concluding a speech at Baltimore, Sept. 19, 1896, Mr. Bryan said 
with marked emphasis : 

" If we win this fight now, then the reform begins at once. If we are 
defeated in this campaign there is nothing before the people but four 
years more of hard times and greater agitation, and then victory will 
come." 

Time has demonstrated that the direct opposite of these predictions 
has come about. The gold standard remains and is more fixed than it 
was four years ago. Property of all kinds has increased in value and 
money is seeking property. The army of the unemployed has practi- 
cally disappeared, wages of labor has increased, employment has become 
more constant and general prosperity is upon every hand. 

"There is but one way to stop this constant issue of bonds, and that 
is to return to bimetallism." — Bryan's First Battle, page j 70. 

"The Republican party is pledged to continue the present financial 
system, which means a continued issue of bonds." — Brya?i at Richmond, 
hid., Oct. 21. 

Four years of the gold standard system since this prediction has 
shown it to be utterly false, for we are farther away from the issue of 
bonds than ever before. 



Gold Must Go Abroad. 

"The cnly way to stop the outflow of gold is to adopt bimetallism." 
Brya?i at Asheville, N. C, Sept. 16, i8g6. 

44 Under the gold standard, our gold must go abroad and we must 
either issue bonds to bring it back or else we must lower the prices of 
products and bring it back that way. These are the only two ways the 
treasury can be replenished. If we issue bonds, we simply postpone the 
evil day. We must pay interest on the gold while we have it. If, on the 
other hand, we lower prices, we drive down the value of our exports 
below the cost of production and throw upon the producing class the bur- 
den of maintaining the gold reserve." — Bryan's Peoria speech, Oct. 23, i8g6. 

To the contrary, gold has flowed into the treasury for four years until 
at the present time the gold reserve in the treasury is the largest in the 
history of our government. There is more gold in circulation among the 
people. The prices of products have increased to a healthy profit level. 
New life perv-ades every branch of industry and traffic. 

14 If the Republican part}' succeeds, it will go on contracting the cur- 
rency instead of increasing it." — Bryan at St. Louis. 

44 The Republicans are pledged to the present financial system, which 
means a continued decrease in the volume of the currency." — Bryan at 
Richmond, Ind., Oct. 21, i8g6. 

44 If you vote the Republican ticket you will not be troubled with see- 
ing too much money for the next four years. There is $150,000,000 less 
money in circulation now than two years ago, and it will still go lower 
under the present financial system. It means the substituting of bonds 
upon the people instead of putting money in the pockets of the people." 
Bryan at Harper 's Ferry, Sept. 30, ii 



Not Money Enough to do Business. 

44 1 call your attention to the fact, that the Republican party proposes 
to make no effort to supply sufficient money to do the business of the 
country. If I was to tell you that a grown person could wear the 
clothes of a child, you would think me foolish; and if I should tell you 
that a grown person could live on the food necessary to sustain life in a 
child, you would call me foolish; and yet, they call these men financiers, 
who assume that the people, growing in numbers, can survive on a money 
decreasing in its amount." — Bryan in New York. 

" What is going to be the result when the election is over ? Why, 
the money which they now furnish in exchange for treasury notes and 
greenbacks, can be withdrawn the next day after the election. Having 
blinded the people during the election period, they will then bleed them 
for another four years." — Bryan s Milwaukee speech, Sept. 3, i8g6. 

The record shows that during the first year of President McKinley's 
administration the circulation of money was brought up to $1,640,209,519, 
a raise of $134,000,000. In 1898 it raised to $1,837,000,000. In 1899 it 
reached $1,904,071,881, increasing the per capita circulation to $25, 
this being the largest per capita circulation in twenty-five years. The 
next largest was at the close of President Harrison's administration in 
1892, when it was a fraction over $24. At the close of President Cleve- 
land's term the per capita circulation was down to $21 and total 
circulation $1,506,000,000, which was the lowest since 1880. The interest 



on money has gradually diminished. Money is more plentiful now than 
it has been since the resumption of specie payments. The volume of 
trade is nearly twice as large as it was at the end of President Cleveland's 
term. Money is seeking investment in property and business ventures 
with a view to future gains. Our exports have nearly doubled, reaching 
the phenomenal amount of $1,400,000,000 in 1899. 

Gold Bad for Farmers. 

"If there is any Republican farmer here who feels that when he sells 
his oats at ten cents a bushel that he is getting too much for them, all he 
has to do is to vote the Republican ticket and he will not get more than 
five cents a bushel, and he can keep on voting the Republican ticket until 
the price is so small that it will not trouble him at all." — Bryan at Martins- 
burg, Va.y Sept. jo, i8q6. 

" Is it a fair measure of value that in our great producing section ten 
bushels of potatoes must be paid for a dollar, ten bushels of oats for a 
dollar, six bushels of corn for a dollar* three bushels of wheat for a dollar, 
and all other products, and labor also, at the same ratio? This is the 
condition to which the gold standard has brought us. So it has been and 
so, under the present gold standard, it must continue to be.'' — Bryan's 
First Battle, page 4j8. 

"The producers of wheat and cotton have a special grievance; as 
silver goes down the prices fall." — Bryan's Book, page g8. 

"The gold standard makes dear dollars. Dear dollars make cheap 
men and cheap products." — Bryan's Book. 

The result is just the opposite. The prices of all products that had 
fallen below living profits under Democratic mismanagement have risen 
to a fair price. The farmers, who suffered most in this respect, have had 
their prices largely increased. They can buy a dollar now with less than 
a bushel and a half of wheat. They can buy a dollar with less than five 
bushels of oats. They can buy a dollar with less than two and a half 
bushels of corn, and all other farm products have advanced in the same 
ratio. The farmer can now pay his mortgage with a much less amount 
of products than he could four years ago. This is even better than Bryan 
promised under free coinage. The man who pays interest on a mortgage 
is now on a level with the man who gets the interest, for they both spend 
their dollar in a market that has been adjusted to the gold standard. 

Gold Democrats Must Saw Wood. 

" Let not the Democrats, who so delude themselves with the thought, 
that this is but a temporary disagreement — let them not delude them- 
selves with the thought that they can separate from us now and come 
back hereafter to assume positions of command. This contest is not for 
now or for to-day. Any Democratic son, who desires to leave his father's 
house, may do so, but let him understand that when he gets tired and 
comes back we may not kill the fatted calf for him. It may be that those 
whom he left at the house will make him saw wood a long time before he 
gets to the dinner table."— Bryan's First Battle. 

And yet we see Mr. Bryan on his knees before these wandering sons. 
He has laid down the softest carpets for them to walk back on, he has 






invited them to the dinner table without sawing wood, he has even 
refrained from mentioning the money question in his public utterances, 
and yet we know his mind has not been changed, despite the fact that 
every prediction he has made has been proved to be false. He has 
simply undertaken to win by deception what he failed to win in a frank 
and open campaign, Mr. Bryan charged the Gold Democrats with 
deception in putting a ticket in the field and voting for another at 
the election. He is now making a campaign for votes on one issue 
with the intention of making another issue the dominant one in his 
administration. A few weeks before his nomination at Kansas 
City, he said: "The Democratic party has begun a war of extermination 
against the gold standard. We ask no quarter, we give no quarter. We 
shall prosecute our warfare until there is not an American citizen that 
dares to advocate the gold standard." 

"Until the money question is fully and finally settled, the people will 
not consent to the consideration of any other important question." — 
Bryan's Letter of Accepta?ice, i8g6. 

Bryan and Workingmen. 

" If these men who pride themselves upon their prominence in busi- 
ness, and who glory in the title of business men, are going to make a 
business out of politics and are going to use their ballots to increase their 
income, I beg you to consider whether the great toiling masses of this 
nation have not a right to make a business out of politics once, and 
protect their homes and their families from disaster." — Bryan's New York 
Speech. 

" I say that until a man is willing to give up faith in our institutions, 
until he is willing to make us a province of a foreign nation, until he is 
willing to go back on the Declaration of Independence, he cannot vote 
for the Republican ticket." — Bryan's Speech at Cambridge City, Oct. 21, i8q6. 

"The Gold standard makes dear money and dear money makes cheap 
products and cheap men. Prosperity must begin with the workingman 
and the farmer and work upward. The free coinage of silver will do 
this, hence, when we open the mint we will start the factory; there is no 
other way." — Bryan. 

"Mark my words. If the gold standard goes on, the gold standard 
advocates, instead of trying to improve the condition of the people will 
be recommending that you close your schools so that the people will not 
realize how much they are suffering."— Bryan's First Battle, page J2. 

This is indeed a dark prophecy, a dark prophecy for labor, but fortu- 
nately the workingmen took Mr. Bryan's advice and made a business out 
of politics and voted in a business administration, and thereby averted 
the dire calamity, but they showed that they knew more about business 
than Mr. Bryan. The gold standard prevails and the schools are still 
open. These are only a small portion of Bryan's prophesies, but they are 
all of this kind. 

The False Proposition. 

Mr. Bryan's whole philosophy is based upon a false proposition, and 
for that reason every prediction he made has been refuted by experience. 
In most of his speeches he said the law of supply and demand controlled 



the value of money just the same as commodities. He asserted when 
dollars are scarce they are dear, and when dollars are plentiful they are 
cheap. He asserted in all his arguments that the gold standard was too 
narrow to have a sufficient quantity of money to do the business of the 
country, and therefore money must be dear and products of labor 
cheap. But unfortunately, he got his erroneous idea from a Dem- 
ocratic administration that was utterly incapable of handling the 
financial question. He saw money get scarce under President Cleveland, 
and he assumed it must remain so. Mr. Bryan, like the party he repre- 
sents, is utterly unreliable on great governmental questions, and especially 
is this true on finance and tariff. The manufacturing and business world 
have no confidence in the Democratic party. This accounts for the fact 
that most of this class of men are in the Republican party. The great 
governmental questions of the country have been handled in such a mas- 
terly way in the past three years that all classes of people have been 
doing the very best that is possible under our present system. The 
factories never operated so steadily, the farmer is getting good prices for 
all kinds of products, the railways and mercantile establishments never 
did better, and labor has as good an opportunity as it can hope for under 
the present system of production. 

Democrats Bad Financiers. 

In this connection it is well to remember that the Democratic party 
have always been unfortunate in dealing with the finances and tariff. 
When President Buchanan turned the treasury over to Mr. Lincoln there 
was not enough money in it to make a report. When Cleveland was 
filling his first term he scared the country by warning the people in his 
message that a money famine would result from the enormous accumula- 
tion of money in the treasury. He said he knew no way to get it out 
except by lowering the tariff. Mr. Harrison said if he was elected he 
would get the money out among the people by paying off some of the 
nation's bonds. Mr. Cleveland said this could not be done because the 
bonds were not due, but President Harrison found no trouble in doing it 
when he took charge. Mr. Cleveland, during his second term, said the 
gold standard could not be maintained without bond issues. He con- 
tracted the circulating medium to the lowest point since the Civil War. 
Mr. Cleveland maintained a gold standard but he showed his utter 
lack of skill in doing it, and Mr. Bryan was foolish and inexper- 
ienced enough to think nobody else could do any better than Grover. 
The Democrats, after years of agitation on the tariff question in opposi- 
tion to Republican policy, were finally successful in getting a free hand 
to carry out a Democratic policy, and then made such a mess of it that 
the party dares not talk tariff since. 

Farmers and Wage Earners. 

The price of farm products has advanced and the markets have 
greatly increased. There has been an increase of at least fifteen per cent 
in the price of farm products. To an average farmer, producing two 
thousand dollars' worth of products per year, this is a net gain of three 
hundred dollars per year. Now suppose this farmer had a mortgage of 
$1000 on his farm upon which he paid eight per cent interest. He can 

6 



now refund that debt into a five per cent debt and save thirty dollars per 
annum. This, added to his three hundred increase in prices, will pay his 
mortgage off in three years. All the farm mortgage indebtedness in the 
United States can be paid in three years by the net results of the im- 
proved conditions, and the farmers' conditions are growing better every 
year. Why should he vote to change this? This improved condition of 
the farmer amounts in the aggregate in the nation to about three billions 
of dollars. 

How is it with the wage worker? Has he suffered or has he been 
benefited by the gold standard? The aggregate number of days work 
has increased by at least one-third per year. This is proved beyond a 
doubt by the fact that the production of wealth has increased by more 
than that amount. If production has increased thirty-three per cent, 
then the labor that creates it has increased by like amount. By whatever 
amount production is increased or diminished, by that ratio is labor in- 
creased or diminished. Now let us see what this means to the working- 
man. To illustrate: Suppose a man is getting $1.50 per day and is only 
able to work two hundred days, that gives him a yearly income of $300. 
Now suppose that this number of days is increased one-third, he now 
gets $450 per year. His yearly wages have been increased fifty per cent. 
This represents his purchasing power. 

There has been an average increase of ten per cent in per diem 
wages. If we add this to the increase in days work we have a net increase 
of $195 per year. Now we will take a mechanic receiving $2.50 a day 
and working one hundred and fifty days. Previous to the last three years 
his yearly income was $375. Now suppose the number of days work is 
increased to two hundred and fifty, then his yearly income is increased 
to $625. Now add an increase of ten per cent per diem and we have 
$687 — a yearly increase of nearly ninety per cent. 

Increased Purchasing Power. 

Taking a dollar and a half per day man again as shown in the first 
illustration, this shows an aggregate increase in yearly wages in a town of 
twenty thousand people amounting to $780,000. It is this immense in- 
crease in the purchasing power of labor that caused the merchant to 
take on more clerks nnd delivery wagons. It is this new market that 
made the railways and factories prosper. These facts can be easily 
verified by any workingman. This illustration, when applied to the 
whole nation, shows the enormous amount of four billions increased pur- 
chasing power. When we add to this the increased purchasing power of 
the farmer we have a total of over six billions. This vast amount of 
money, thrown into the channels of trade all over this country, vitally 
affected every branch of traffic, and manufacture. Money that, like 
labor, had been idle for several years, now went to work, paying wages 
in the factory and pa)nng for the necessities and comforts of life over 
the counters of merchants. 

The Value of Wages. 

If any workingman doubts this, let him ask the merchant who it was 
caused him to increase his facilities for handling goods. The merchant 
will tell him that labor buys twice as many goods as it did four years 



ago. Then, if labor had nothing but wages with which to buy goods, it 
follows that wages must have been increased by whatever amount the 
sale of goods increased. And here let no one be confused. It is the 
increased yearly income that accounts for the major part of this purchas- 
ing power. Per diem wages got very low in many branches of industry, 
but there has been a very decided improvement in wages and the move- 
ment is upward. Now we ask is it wise for the workingman and farmer 
to take the risk of disturbing these conditions by following the advice of 
Mr. Bryan, who proved to be a false prophet to labor four years ago? 
Are we going to be deceived by his false issue of imperialism which is a 
sham to cover his deeper purpose to destroy the stability of our finances? 

Bryan Honest But Mistaken. 

The fact that Mr. Bryan is honest in his free silver contention counts 
for nothing against the demonstrated fact that he is mistaken. We are 
now fully adjusted to the gold standard and we have achieved more under 
it than Mr. Bryan promised us under free coinage of silver. Then 
why should we take the risk of change ? Does anti-imperialism propose 
to accomplish anything good for labor ? Will the success of Aguinaldo 
add anything to the benefit of American labor ? But labor asks, how did 
President McKinley and the gold standard bring about these good times? 
This is not hard to answer. Under our productive system, labor cannot 
work unless capital works, for labor works for and with capital. Capital 
owns the tools and is the superintendent. Anyone who will stop to think 
must know that capital has no more desire to be idle than labor, but cap- 
ital, like labor, does not care to work without fair prospects for returns. 
Capital will always be active when it sees a fair prospect to make divi- 
dends, therefore any governmental policy that causes an uncertainty in 
value, must cause capital to hesitate and wait till values are settled. 

No matter how eloquently Mr. Bryan may plead, nor how many 
prophesies he may make for the weal or woe of this nation, he cannot 
rub out the stern fact that he has been a false prophet, that he represents 
a party that is feared by the best interests of this country, and that he 
now represents a false issue to shield himself from the real issue that is 
his hobby. 



CHANCES IN THE PHILIPPINES. 



Some of the Opportunities which Await Young- 
Americans with Energy and Small Capital. 



Fred Funston's View of the Possibilities — Almost an 
Unknown Country — What Modern Methods of 
Agriculture Would Produce — Cheap and In- 
exhaustible Lands to be Had — Fortunes in 
Virgin Forests — A Great Future for 
Hemp Raising — Coffee Culture — 
Undeveloped Mineral 
Resources. 



By Frank G. Carpenter. 



{From the Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia, June 16, 2900.) 

"If I were not in the army I could make $40,000 a year on a 
capital of $10,000." These words were uttered by General Fred- 
erick G. Funston not long ago in the Oriente Hotel, in Manila. 
We had been chatting of the chances which the Philippine Islands 
offer to enterprising young Americans. General Funston had just 
returned from a trip along the coast of eastern Luzon, and he 
was full of the riches of the country and of its possibilities. He 
went on to say that the above sum might be made by trading 
there with the natives, by selling cloths and other goods to the 
merchants of the various towns, and taking in exchange the 
products of the country, such as hemp, tobacco, sugar and rice. 
He then spoke of other lines in which money could be made, and 
grew enthusiastic as he described the country, the fertility of its 
soil, and the wealth of its mineral and timber resources. 

His view of the opportunities for fortune making here is not 
an uncommon one. Nearly every practical business American 
who has investigated the subject expresses a similar opinion, al- 
though few would venture to predict such large returns within 
such a short time. 

After a stay of several months, and travels which have covered 
the principal parts of the Philippine Islands, I am impressed with 

1 



the enormous development that must come in the near future. 
As soon as the war is entirely over the country will be opened 
up along modern lines, and its vast resources will he exposed to 
the world. At present, the conditions are such as to make most 
travel and investment unsafe. The principal islands are overrun 
with brigands and robbers, and it is dangerous to go anywhere 
outside the cities without a military escort of twenty or more men. 
The country, however, is fast being pinned down with bayonets, 
the insurrectos have lost their organization, and the pacification 
of the people is only a matter of some months. Within a year 
conditions should have become settled, and then the big, fat oyster 
of the Philippines will be ready for any one who is big enough 
and brave enough to attempt to open it. 

THE FIELD FOR LABOR AND CAPITAL. 

At the start, I would say that this part of the world has no 
place for young Americans without money, who have only or- 
dinary muscle and brains as their stock in trade. The common 
day laborer cannot expect to find work here. He cannot compete 
with the Chinese or the Filipino. He cannot do hard manual work 
day after day in the tropics, nor can he live on the twenty-five 
cents a day which the ordinary day laborer receives. There are 
also plenty of cheap clerks and bookkeepers here, and ordinary 
second-class positions of all kinds are easily filled. 

When it comes to skilled labor the situation changes. There 
will be plenty to do for engineers and high-grade mechanics. The 
land will be opened up by railroads, and it has been estimated 
that at least one thousand miles of profitable road can be con- 
structed, necessitating an investment of more than $25,000,000. 
Factories and machine shops will be established, and all sorts 
of modern improvements will be introduced into the cities, so 
that plumbers, electricians and mechanics of various kinds will 
be needed. 

As to professional men, there are already American doctors 
and dentists who have opened offices in Manila and are doing well. 
They charge high prices for their services, and get them. There 
are a number of American lawyers who boast many clients, and, 
in the litigation which is sure to arise in the transfers of landed 
property, there will be abundant opportunities for others. There 
will also be places for stenographers and men able to act as fore- 
men and managers of estates. The photographers who are here 
are making money, and the same may be said of the small trad- 
ers who are handling American goods. 

No one should come to the Philippines unless he has enough 
money to pay his way here and back home, and no one should 
come with the idea of staying without enough to enable him to 
go into some business, even though it he in a small way. Three 
thousand dollars is the least capital with which the venture should 
be made. The passage here, supposing the start be made at New 
York, will cost about $400, and the living expenses in the islands 
while looking about will be much the same as at home. If the 

2 



man is disgusted he will need another $400 to take him back, so 
that he cannot allow much less than $1,000 for an experimental 
trip. 

This is a great deal to pay for an experiment, and a young 
man should think well before he decides. He would better not 
come unless he has the expectation of spending from ten to fifteen 
years in making his fortune, if not with the purpose of making 
the Philippines his home for life. For such men there are many 
opportunities, and such men are practically the only men who will 
succeed. 

HOW LITTLE IS KNOWN OF THE ISLANDS. 

But what are the Philippine Islands, and what are the chances 
which they offer ? It is difficult to answer in detail. The country 

is so little known that 
it is hard to get an intel- 
ligent idea of it, even 
when on the ground. 
The Spaniards held it for 
more than three hun- 
dred years, but they have 
merely skimmed the sur- 
face of the more acces- 
sible parts. They did not 
know what they had, and 
the L T nited States to-day 
is not able to give accu- 
rate, figures as to the ex- 
tent of the land and the 
character of its recources. 
There are large tracts 
of the islands which have 
never been explored, and 
mountainous districts 
which have never been 
prospected. But few parts 
of them have been accu- 
rately surveyed, and the 
actual area has not b'_ a en 
scientifically calculated. 
We only know that the islands number more than a thousand, and 
that the archipelago is longer from north to south than from our 
Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. We know that it is wider 
from east to west than from New York to Pittsburg, and that 
certain of the islands are as big as certain of our greatest States. 
Luzon, at the north, about eciuals New York in area, and Min- 
danao, at the south, is almost as bie as Ohio. Panay and Min- 
rloro are much larger than Connecticut, and Negros, Leyte and 
Cebn would each cover one of our smaller States. 

The topography of the Philippine Islands is of a somewhat 
uniform character. Coasting about through them, you are never 

3 




A STRAND OF HEMP. 



out of sight of mountains, many of which are extinct volcanoes. 
Every large island has its ranges rising from fertile plains along 
the coast, with extensive tracts of valley and plateaus in the in- 
terior. The Philippines, in fact, are made up of valleys and 
mountains, althougn some of the valleys are so flat as to be almost 
plains. The valley of Luzon, just north of Manila, has a slope 
so slight that its rivers sometimes change their course, now flow- 
ing into the gulf of Lingayen at the north, and again flowing 
southward into the bay of Manila. 

Nearly all of the valleys are flooded during the rainy season. 
The water, -loaded with the earth-washings of the mountains, lies 
for weeks upon the land, dropping its rich fertilizing silt and 
revivifying it as the Nile does Egypt. Indeed, some of the best 
lands of the Philippines are of this nature ; they raise abundant 
crops year after year without artificial fertilization. Take, for 
instance, the Cagayan Valley, of northeastern Luzon, the best to- 
bacco lands in the Philippines. Tobacco is a soil-exhausting crop. 
In the United States the best tobacco farms are regularly ma- 
nured, and it is necessary to renew the land by rotation of. crops. 
In the Cagayan Valley tobacco is raised in the same place year 
after year, and the soil is such that the crops in the older estates 
are better than those grown on land newly cleared, as the latter 
are too rich to produce tobacco of the finest flavor. 

PRESENT AND FUTURE OF FARMING. 

• 

So far I have seen no fertilization whatever in the Philippine 
Islands. Sugar lands and rice lands are cultivated year after 
year by merely planting and harvesting the crop. No deep plow- 
ing is done, and all farming is of the rudest possible character. 
The agriculture is about the same as was that in Palestine in the 
days of the Scriptures. The plows are little more than forked 
sticks, with now and then an iron mould-board attached. The 
harrows are made of bamboo poles, with the branches left on ; 
a half-dozen such poles are tied together, and the branches scratch 
the soil as they are dragged over it. The reaping is all done by 
hand. In many localities the rice is cut a stalk at a time with a 
little knife which the harvester holds inside his or her hand. 

Fullv half of the farming is done by the women. The rice 
is usually hulled by women, who pound the kernels out in a mor- 
tar made of a hardwood log. Much of the grain is threshed by 
piling the straw upon the ground and driving water-buffaloes or 
ponies over it. Indeed, I have seen men and women jumping 
up and down upon the sheaves of rice with their feet to thresh 
the kernels out of the stalks. 

Sugar making, which requires such costly machinery in other 
countries that it "takes tens of thousands of "dollars to establish a 
small factory, is, in the Philippines, of the rudest possible nature. 
Some of the mills are run by water-wheels like those which turn 
our old-fashioned grist-mills. In others, the motive power is the 
carabao, or water-buffalo, which is driven round and round, turn- 
ing the wheels which, after the principle of the ordinary |Jjjthes- 

4 



wringer, squeezes the juice from the cane. Nothing but the low- 
est grade of unrefined sugar is made ; notwithstanding which it 
is said that the business is so profitable that the planter makes 
at least twenty-five per cent annually upon his capital invested. 

LAND PRICES AND REAL VALUES. 

And what about the lands of the Philippine Islands ? Are 
there good lands in the market, and can they be bought at reason- 
able prices? Yes. Much of the best land here was owned by 
f—mmmmm* i the Spaniards, some of whom have 

already left, and almost all of 
whom are anxious to get away. 

There are 
large 
tracts held 
by the 
natives 
which are 
offered for 
sale, and 
a m o n g 
these some 
on the very 

ut skirts 
of Manila. 

1 was told 
the other 

day of a tract of 7,500 acres upon which an American had an 
option price of $112,000 gold. He offered the land to persons 
in New York for half a million dollars, 
but his proposition was not accepted, 
and his option has expired. At the first 
price the 
land would 
have cost 
about fif- 
teen dol- 
1 a r s an 
acre, and, 
consider- 
ing that it 
was good 
sugar land 
near Ma- 
nila, it was 
exceeding- 
ly cheap. 

As an illustration of how the natives handle such property, the 
owner did not cultivate more than one-third of his estate, and this 
was farmed out on shares. Nevertheless, his receipts were about 
$10,000 a year. This appears to have satisfied him, for when he was 




Photo by Squires & 
Bingham, Manila, P. I 



NATIVE PLOWING. 




Photo by Squires & 
Bingham, Manila, P.I. 



BUFFALO TEAMS iN PALO. 



asked why he did not cultivate the whole of his property, he- 
replied: "Why should I? I cannot spend in one year more than 
$10,000. Why should I?" 

The above should not be accepted as an average price for land 
in the vicinity of Manila. Some of the property is held very high, 
but there are lands scattered over the islands which can be pur- 
chased for five and ten dollars an acre, and some for much less. I 
do not pretend to give prices. 

There is also an enormous amount of land here which belongs 
to the United States Government. The lands in the mountains 
and of the out-of-the-way districts have not been taken up. They 
still belonged to the Spanish Government at the time of our 
taking possession of the islands, and, by the treaty of Paris, they 
have become the property of the United States. 

CHOICEST HARDWOODS FOR THE WORLD. 

These lands include most of the timber of the Philippine 
Islands, timber which is of enormous value. There are, indeed, 
few parts of the world which have so much and such valuable 
hardwood as this archipelago. Mahogany is as common here as 
pine is in the United States. Woods that in the United States 
would be cut into sheets and used for veneering are here manu- 
factured into boats and bridges. I have ridden my horse over 
planks of mahogany and rosewood, and I walk daily upon floors, 
the boards of which would make excellent piano cases. I have 
seen houses built of mahogany, with stairs of rosewood and posts 
of ebony, and I find almost daily some new tree or log, the wood 
of which has a beautiful grain, but which is almost unknown to< 
commerce. 

It is difficult to describe the timber resources of the Philip- 
pines. Most of the mountains are covered with trees, and there 
are vast tracts of virgin forest. The timber resources of the 
great island of Mindanao, which, as I have said, is almost as big 
as Ohio, are practically untouched. Mindoro is almost all woods, 
and there are valuable forests in the mountainous parts of Luzon. 
Some of these trees are easily accessible, while others, owing to 
their distance from the sea and the fact that certain kinds of the 
logs are so heavy that they will not floaty will not soon pay for 
their cutting and transportation. 

The trees in nearly all the mountainous regions are enormous. 
I have seen some so big that you could not reach half way around 
them with your two arms, which rose up to a distance of 150 feet 
from the ground without a branch. Mahogany boards six feet 
wide are now and then met with, and I have been told of rose- 
wood logs which were nine feet in diameter, but have so far seen 
none which approximate this size. 

AN INDUSTRY OF VAST POSSIBILITIES. 

Up to the present time no modern means of exploiting these 
timber resources have been attempted. The Spanish Government 

6 



had a heavy tax upon all lumber industries, and the restrictions on 
cutting the trees were such that the industry was never developed. 
There are not a dozen sawmills in the whole -archipelago, and such 
a thing as a planing mill is almost unknown. 

Nevertheless, lumber is very high in all Philippine cities, due 
largely to the rude method of bringing the trees to the market and 
manufacturing them into lumber. Many of the largest trees are 
cut down with boloes, knives which somewhat resemble the old- 
fashioned corn cutters of the United States. The logs are squared 
in the forest, and are often dragged for miles upon buffalo carts or 
sleds to the streams. In turning them into boards the sawing 
is done by hand, the motive power being two Filipinos, and the 
saw being much like our cross-cut saws, with an upright handle 
set at right angles to each end. There are millions of feet of 
flooring in the islands which have been hewed out with the adz. 
Some of the floors of the best houses of Manila are of this 
nature. You can see the rough places where the chips have been 
cut out, but the grain of the wood is so fine that, from daily 
sweeping and scrubbing, it has taken a polish like that of a plate- 
glass mirror. 

ENORMOUS PROFITS IN HEMP RAISING. 

One of the most profitable crops of the Philippines is hemp. 
It brings into the islands about $18,000,000 in silver every year, 
and it forms an aggregate product weighing more than a quarter 
of a billion pounds. There are hemp plantations in nearly every 
one of the islands, and there are large provinces which are sup- 
ported almost entirely by the hemp industry. There are mer- 
chants and exporters who devote themselves to dealing in hemp, 
and millions of pounds of it are shipped by them annually to the 
United States. Nearly all our clothes-lines are made of Manila 
hemp, and vast quantities of it are sent to our grain fields of the 
Northwest for the binding of grain. 

Hemp raising is one of the most attractive as well as the most 
profitable kinds of farming. The hemp plant is a species of the 
banana. The plants look just like the banana plants, from which 
come the fruit sold in our markets. Each plant is composed of 
many leaves wrapped about a central stalk, and extending, when 
full grown, to a distance of ten or twelve feet from the ground. 
Each leaf of the plant is composed of thousands of fibers as fine 
as human hair, and the harvesting consists in cutting off the 
leaves, squeezing out the juice or sap, and drying the fiber for 
the market. The plants are set out six or eight feet apart. It 
requires three years for them to arrive at maturity. After that 
they continue to reproduce themselves. 

The profits of hemp farming are enormous, and when one, in 
addition to raising the hemp himself, has enough capital to buy of 
his poorer neighbors, he can do exceedingly well. Only a small 
portion of suitable land is now in use. 

There are vast tracts of uncleared country suitable for the 

7 



plant. All that is required is some capital and energy, and the 
waiting of three or four years until the plantation comes into 
bearing. 

JAVA'S POSSIBLE RIVAL IN COFFEE. 

I believe there is a big future for the coffee planter in the 
Philippine Islands. The great island of Mindanao is in much the 
same latitude as Java, and its soil is said to be of the same nature. 
I saw luxuriant coffee plants about Zamboanga and on the island 
of Sulu, near by. I visited a plantation containing 35,000 trees, 
which is, I believe as fine as any plantation of its age in the world. 
I have traveled quite extensively through the coffee regions of 
the West Indies and Brazil, and I have never seen anything 
which quite equals this plantation in Sulu. The trees are but 
three years old, the age at which the coffee tree first comes into 
bearing. Each of these trees will produce this year at least a 
pound of coffee, and some are so heavily laden that their limbs 
are breaking" down with the fruit. The trees are about three 
inches in diameter, and are perfectly healthy, although I am told 
that the coffee plantations of southern Luzon have been ruined 
by the blight. As to this, however, it is said that a remedy has 
been discovered within the past year by some man in the Hawaiian 
Islands, and, i'f so, there may be opportunities to buy the Luzon 
plantations at low prices and revivify them. 

Another extensive field of investment and work in the Philip- 
pine Islands will be in the development of their mineral resources. 
There are now prospectors moving cautiously here and there 
through the mountains looking for gold. Small quantities of the 
metal have been found in many localities, and some promising 
quartz mines have been located. Extensive coal deposits are 
known to exist here and there throughout the archipelago, and 
also veins of copper, iron and lead. In the south an extensive 
industry is carried on in the shipping of shells to Europe for the 
making of mother-of-pearl buttons, combs and similar articles, 
and the same fisheries produce valuable pearls. 

The whole Philippines, in short, are an undeveloped empire 
of agricultural, industrial and mineral wealth, and if they are to 
remain the property of the United States they will, within the 
near future, have a development which will be surprising to the 
world, and which will furnish our young men opportunities for 
successful ventures along many lines. 



A tariff which protects American labor and industry and provides ample revenues has 
been written in public law. 

—William McKinlby. 



n 



e 



Tin Plate Industry 

ESTABLISHED UNDER McKINLEY PROTECTION, CHECKED BY 
DEMOCRATIC FREE TRADE, IT HAS EFFECTED A SAV- 
ING OF $35,000,000 TO THE COUNTRY AND 
NOW GIVES EMPLOYMENT TO 17,000 
PEOPLE, WHO EARN $10,000,000 
A YEAR IN WAGES. 

By B. E. V. LUTEY, 

[Editor "TIN AND TERNE" Pittsburg.] 



The American tin plate industry is the best illustration of the benefit of a 
protective tariff. It is for this reason that it is singled out by the Democrats for 
especially vicious attack. 

The McKinley protective duty of 2.2 cents a pound went into effect on July 
1, 1891. For years prior to that time there was a revenue tariff on tin plate of 
one cent a pound. Under it no tin plate could be made in the United States, our 
supply being all imported from Wales, which had a monopoly. The Welsh 
manufacturers had an understanding among themselves which amounted to a 
trust, and charged exorbitant prices. The duty, being a revenue one, was paid 
by the American consumer. The reduced duty of 1.2 cents in the Wilson-Gorman 
law went into effect on October 1, 1894, and caused a wage dispute which kept all 
the American tin plate works closed from that date until the latter part of Janu- 
ary, 1895, when they were put in operation at greatly reduced wages. The 
American tin plate works were then enabled to operate under the existence of 
the Wilson-Gorman tariff law because : 

«* Growth of the Industry." 

1. The industry had acquired great momentum under the McKinley law. 

2. Economies and new processes were introduced during that period, after 
great expenditures of time and money. 

3. There were heavy wage reductions. 

4. The Wilson-Gorman duty of 1.2 cents a pound was .2 cent higher than 
the old revenue duty. 

5. The general depression in the iron and steel and other industries, caused 
by the Wilson-Gorman law, brought the raw materials of tin plate manufacture 
in the United States down to lower points than had ever been seen before. 

Five Hundred Mills Busy There. 

Up to July 1, 1891, when the McKinley tin plate duty became effective, over 
500 tin mills were kept in practically steady operation in Wales. Since then 
there has been a continuous succession of strikes and lockouts. The number of 



mills in operation has fallen below 300 at times, and prices of tin plate in Wales 
were brought down to a level formerly unknown. The Welsh tin plate trust was 
completely broken up. The following table shows the decline in the Welsh tin 
plate trade, due wholly to the establishment of the American industry : 

British Exports Decrease. 

Exports of tin plate from Great Britain to all countries since 1887, in 

long tons : 

Year. Long Tons. 

1887 354,773 

1888 391,291 

1889 430,623 

1890 : 421,797 

1891 448,732 

1892 395,580 

1893 379,233 

1894 354,081 

1895 365,982 

1896 266,955 

1897 271,230 

1898 250,953 

1899 256,629 

The following table gives the imports of tin plate into the United States 
since 1889 in long tons. 

Year. Long Tons. 

1889 331,311 

1890 329,435 

1891 327,882 

1892 268,472 

1893 .' 253,155 

1894 215,068 

1895 219,545 

1896 119,171 

1897 83,851 

1898 67,222 

1899 58,915 

Our Imports are now Smaller. 

The imports of the past three or four years have been confined almost en- 
tirely to tin plates which are re-exported in the form of cans containing oil, fruit, 
fish, meat, etc. By the terms of the Dingley law 99 per cent of the duty origi- 
nally paid on such tin plate is refunded by the Government on its re-export. 

The following table gives the production of tin plate in the United States in 
each calendar year since 1891: 

Year. Long Tons. 

1891 552 

1892 18,803 

1893 55,182 

1894 74,260 

1895 113,666 

1896 160,362 

1897 256,598 

1898 326,915 

1899 397,767 

High and Low Prices. 

The following table shows the highest and lowest prices in Wales of full 
weight coke tin plate since 1889. The great decline caused by the American 
industry will be noted. The much higher prices in 1899 and 1900 were caused by 
the great advances in raw materials, especially steel and pig tin, which have oc- 
curred all over the world: 



Year. Lowest Highest 

1889 12s 9d 18s Od 

1890 13 3 17 3 

1891.. 12 6 12 6 

1892 11 9 '12 3 

1893 10 10^ 12 6 

1894 10 3 11 

1895 9 9 10 9 

1896 8 10# 10 6 

1897 * 9 9 10 3 

1898 9 9 10 6 

1899 11 15 6 

1900 15 16 9 

(First half.) 

The following table gives the average price paid for full weight coke tin 
plate at New York each year since 1890; prices are for imported plates up to 
and including 1894 and for domestic plates since then: 

1890 $5 . 15 

1891 5.30 

1892 5.34 

1893 5. 15 

1894 4.57 

1895 3.66 

1896 3.63 

1897 3.26 

1898 2.99 

1899 4.50 

1900 4.99 

(First half.) 

A Saving of $35,000,000. 

By making a careful estimate of what tin plate would have cost the consumer 
from the beginning of 1892 to the middle of 1900, had there been no American 
industry and no protective tariff, and closely calculating what it actually has cost 
in these years, with the protective tariff and the American industry, it has been 
found that the country has saved to date fully $35,000,000 through the McKinley 
tin plate industry. Most of this saving was due to the American product selling 
at so much below the imported, but part was due to the lower prices at which the 
foreign was sold, on account of the competition, before the country made all the 
tin plate it needed. 

Earnings More than Three Times those in Wales. 

Taking the average of all the tin mill employees, the wages paid in the 
United States average from two and a half to three times as much as in Wales. 

The best paid in both countries are the skilled men in the hot mills, paid by 
the ton, including rollers, catchers, doublers, heaters and shearmen. In Wales 
the roller and catcher receive $1.96 per ton; doubler, $1.16; heater, $1.09, and 
shearman 44 cents, a total of $4.65 per ton. In the United States these men 
received in May and June, 1900, roller and catcher, $6.04 per ton; doubler, $3.16; 
heater, $2.94; shearman, 56 cents; total, $12.70 per ton. This is 173 per cent 
more than the Welsh wages, but on account of the better machinery here the 
men are able to make fully one-fifth more output per day without extra exertion, 
increasing their earnings to 228 per cent above the Welsh earnings, so that their 
earnings are more than three and a quarter times the Welsh workers' earnings. 

Wages Increased under the Dingley Law. 

During the existence of the McKinley duty these five skilled men received 
$11.09 per ton; when the Wilson-Gorman duty went into effect their wages were 
reduced to $9.57 per ton, a reduction of 14 per cent. As stated, these men in May 



and June, 1900, received $12.70 per ton, which is an advance of 33 per cent 
over the Wilson-Gorman wages and of 15 per cent over the McKinley wages. 
These skilled men are thoroughly organized, and prevented a greater wage re- 
duction when the Wilson-Gorman duty went into effect, at which time the wages 
of the common, unskilled labor were reduced in greater ratio, in order to strike 
the proper average to permit the American industry to live. 

The report of the Bureau of Industrial Statistics of the Department of In- 
ternal Affairs of the State of Pennsylvania for the year 1895, when the Wilson- 
Gorman law was in force, gives the average number of persons employed in the 
tin plate works of the State during the year as 3,031, with daily average wages of 
$1.78. According to the same authority the average number of persons so em- 
ployed in 1899, under the Dingley law, was 8,008, who received average daily 
wages of $2.33. This is an increase of 164 per cent in the number employed, and 
of 31 per cent in the average wages. 

Less Advance in Finished Article than in Raw Material. 

Tin plates are considerably higher in price now than they have been, but 
this is due entirely to advances in wages and in the cost of raw materials, caused 
by the iron and steel boom which has extended all over the world. The price in 
New York has never been more than 73 per cent above the lowest price on record ; 
during the boom pig tin advanced to 34^ cents a pound, or 174 per cent above 
the lowest price on record of 12# cents, and steel slabs to $41 a ton, or 193 per 
cent above the lowest price on record of $14. These are the principal raw ma- 
terials in tin plate making. Bessemer pig iron advanced to $24 a ton, or 174 per 
cent above the lowest price on record of $8.75; steel tank plate advanced to $3.25 
per hundred pounds, or 261 per cent above the lowest price on record of 90 cents 
a hundred. None of these articles are controlled by monopolies or trusts of any 
description. The average advance of all iron and steel products has been con- 
siderably greater than the advance in tin plate. The highest price of tin plate in 
Wales has been nearly double the lowest price on record. 

Tin Plate is Very Cheap. 

Even at the moderate advance which has occurred, tin plate is very cheap. 
At present New York prices the value of the tin plate needed to make the fol- 
lowing articles is : 2 lb. fruit can, 1.255 cents (about \% cents); 3 lb. fruit can, 
1.789 cents (about \U cents); % pint tin cup, 1.056 cents; 1 quart tin cup. 1.778 
cents (about \% cents); 3 quart dinner pail, 5.771 cents; the same, including 1 
pint tin cup, 7 cents. One dollar's worth of tin plate will make any of the fol- 
lowing items : 80 two-pound fruit cans 56 three-pound fruit cans, 95 half-pint tin 
cups, 56 one-quart tin cups, or 14 three-quart dinner pails with a pint tin cup to 
each. 

If the duty were taken off tin plate it would be necessary at once for the 
wages paid in the American tin plate factories to be reduced to the level of the 
wages paid in the Welsh factories, and not only this, but wages would have to be 
reduced also in a great many of the other industries which furnish raw materials 
to the tin plate industry. If workmen could not be secured at these greatly 
reduced wages it would be necessary for the tin plate manufacturers to move 
their plants to Wales where such workmen could be secured. 

There are fully 17,000 people employed directly in the tin plate factories of 
the United States, receiving fully $10,000,000 a year in wages; the number is still 
larger of those employed in the steel works, blast furnaces, ore and coal mines, 
box factories, acid works, machine shops and many minor industries engaged in 
furnishing supplies to the tin plate works, and the employment of all these would 
be seriously curtailed by a change of duty injuring the tin plate industry. 



ii 



WAS IT A CRIME? 



COIN AT SCHOOL" DISSECTED 



Hon. WILLIS GEORGE EMERSON, 

OF WYOMING. 



Let us imagine that we are back in the days of '96, and let us once more talk 
over political conditions as they existed in the last Presidential campaign. 

Hon. W. H. Harvey, author of Coin's Financial School, is a gentleman I have 
known for many years, and for as many years as we have known each other, we 
have been warm, personal friends. Toward the man I entertain the greatest re- 
spect; as for his theories I regard them as idle, visionary sophistries as unstable 
as "the house that was built upon sand." 

The student who really gives thought to the financial question will early dis- 
cover that Coin's Financial School rests upon a false foundation and the super- 
structure must surely fall when beaten against by the irresistible and truth-capped 
waves of facts and history. No better answer can be given to these misleading 
and false theories than a plain, truthful statement of our coinage laws and the 
effect of legislation relating thereto. 

Whatever else we may be, we are all Americans, either by birth or adoption; 
we respect and love the same flag and the undying principles which it represents. 
We do not differ in a desire for good government. We may differ and differ wide- 
ly, however, in our opinions and ideas as to what laws will insure the greatest 
blessings to the people of this nation. 

Fortunately for the Republican party the American people are a reading and 
a thinking people, and the problems of the present campaign are now on trial 
before a jury of 70,000,000 of honest peers, not one of whom am I willing to believe 
would wantonly strike down the flag of our country, or any of its cherished in- 
stitutions. 



The People a Jury. 

This jury, after the evidence is all in, will decide one way or the other, with 
an avalanche of snowy ballots, as spotless in their purity as the honest hearts of 
the voters who cast the verdict into the ballot boxes. As Americans we are justly 
proud of our birthright — proud of the air of freedom that kisses the Stars and 
Stripes — our nation's ensign, emblematic of mighty victories in the past, a guar- 
antee of protection in the present to all who stand beneath its folds and laden with 
rich promises of future prosperity. 



Our country is greater than the men whose election it is our pleasure to advo- 
cate. It is not men but measures which we are to consider. An earnest, conscien- 
tious desire to investigate and determine the right, should absorb and thrill the 
heart of every patriotic American voter. 

The great parties in the present campaign do not differ so much in regard to 
the amount of money as they do in regard to its quality. "It is not the medium 
of exchange so much as it is an active exchange of the medium itself." On the 
tariff question we do not differ in schedules, but principles — principles which we, 
as Republicans, believe involve the welfare of all our people and the prosperity of 
all classes. Personally I have every respect for a conscientious, earnest opponent 
in this crusade of education, and while honestly differing from them, yet will en- 
deavor to wound the feelings of none. 

Moral Questions Involved. 

This is a campaign embracing both political and moral questions. It is a politi- 
cal conflict, which the people will soon or later acknowledge to be one of patriot- 
ism. A moral conflict, which they will acknowledge to be indeed sublime. 

We must not forget that patriotism in time of peace is a 
scarcer article than in times of war. 

In the guise of citizens men like "Coin" Harvey are attempting ignorantly or 
otherwise to undermine and overthrow our nation's honor and credit, and it is these 
alone that can perpetuate our liberties and insure us prosperity. 

The Republican Party comes before the American people 
advocating the maintenance of the Gold standard and the use 
of Silver as money, in the largest volume possible, consistent 
with safety ; advocating the maintenance of our Nation's honor 
and credit; advocating a tariff, not for revenue only, but a 
protective tariff that will encourage domestic industries and 
give employment to all our people; advocating reciprocity, a 
doctrine which will open an unlimited market for the American 
farm and the American factory— a doctrine bequeathed to this 
generation by the now sainted James G. Blaine; advocating ex- 
pansion of our trade and commercial relations. 

Upon these issues the Republican party comes confidentially to the people, ask- 
ing for their suffrage, appealing not to their prejudice but to their reason, not to 
their passions but to their judgment. In this holy crusade we are lead by that 
valiant champion of the people's rights, " that advance agent of prosperity," Pres- 
ident William McKinley. On the other hand we find the Bryanized Democrats, Popu- 
lists, and believers in Coin's Financial School arrayed in a solid phalanx against 
these cherished principles which we so ardently believe in. 

Wilson Law Closed Factories. 

The repeal of the McKinley law in 1893 closed down factories and manufactories 
by the hundred and deprived tens of thousands of American workmen of em- 
ployment 

Under the operations of the EftcBCinley Law the wage earners 
of the United States were receiving every Saturday night a Sit- 
tie over $41,000,000. Under the operation of the Wilson Law 
they received a littie less than $19,000,000 as a Saturday 
night pay roll, a falling off of over $22,000,000 per week to 
the wage earners of this country. 



If asked what has been the most unfortunate and appalling result of this won- 
derfully shrunken pay roll, I would answer by saying that American workingmen 
by the thousands lost the roofs that covered their heads for themselves and families, 
were turned into the highways 5 and were beggared in the most unfortunate sense of 
the word. The questions of free trade and protection, however, have practically 
been relegated into the background this year, and the sixteen-headed monster of 
free silver pushed to the front wherever deemed convenient to do so. 

Free Trade and Free Silver are twin sisters of infamy, the 
assertions of R3r. Harvey to the contrary notwithstanding. 

It was the province of the Republican party eight years ago to send forth its 
protests and warnings against free trade, and four years ago against free silver, and 
to-day with equal vehemence it is sending forth its warnings against .destroying 
the high standard of our nation's finance, and reducing this country to a second 
class basis of silver monometallism. 

Bread and Butter the Issue. 

No doubt of it, the issue in this campaign is one of finance— the 
real issue is one of bread and butter. Free Trade has pauper- 
ized its tens of thousands, but this Free Silver Craze, if placed 
upon our statute books, will pauperize its hundreds of thous- 
ands. 

I believe, and believe most earnestly, with every throb of my heart, that in the 
present campaign the Republican party is the only true friend silver has. We have 
elevated the silver dollar, our opponents seek to debase it. The Republican party 
has provided a redeemer for every silver dollar. Our opponents seek to destroy 
and alienate this redeemer. If the silver dollar was not exchangeable with gold, it 
would not be worth any more than a Mexican dollar, or not as much, for there is 
less silver in it. 

Coin's Financial School and free silver advocates generally have much to say 
about the money of the constitution. The money of the constitution was based 
upon the relative market value of the two metals. The history of the last 408 
years, from 1492 to 1900, is replete with evidence proving beyond the question of a 
doubt that the relative or market value of these metals is continually changing. 
When Columbus discovered America in 1492, ten ounces of silver would purchase 
one ounce of gold; when the Pilgrim Fathers landed on the rocky and barren 
coast of New England in 1620, thirteen ounces of silver would purchase one ounce 
of gold; in 1792 fifteen ounces of silver would purchase one ounce of gold. In 1873 
one ounce of gold would not purchase sixteen ounces of silver. To-day one ounce 
of gold will purchase over thirty-three ounces of silver. 

This fluctuation of values of the two metals is controlled, 
not by laws we spread upon our statute books, but by the law 
of supply and demand, governed by the cost of production. 

Jackson and Jefferson. 

The patriotism and statesmanship of Andrew Jackson and Thomas Jefferson 
were untainted in 1792 by the dangerous influence of a coterie of silver barons. They 
simply ascertained as nearly as they could the relative or market value of the two 
metals, and determined the legal from the commercial ratio, placed them side by 
side and started our mints going with the unlimited coinage of gold and silver at 
the ratio of 15 to 1. As a matter of fact they had overvalued silver; that is to say, 
the gold dollar was worth 100 cents, but the silver dollar was only worth 98 cents. 
Now the rank and file of our forefathers cared very little about the discrepancy of 
the 2 cents on the dollar, but the money changers were abroad in the land in 1792, 

3 



the same as they are to-day and whenevef a gold coin came into tneir possession 
it was quietly retired from circulation. In other words, the cheaper money drove 
out of circulation the higher priced money, and as a result, we had silver as the 
only hard money currency circulating in this country from 1792 to 1834. Let me 
quote Thomas Jefferson's own words. In speaking of the ratio of the two metals, 
he says: 

"TSie proportion between the values of Gold and Silver is a 
mercantile problem altogether." 

What statement could be clearer and more concise than that? It being a mer- 
cantile problem, it of course was understood to be subject to fluctuation and change. 
Accordingly, .in 1834, our forefathers concluded as their first attempt at a double 
standard had utterly failed in keeping the two metals circulating side by side as 
money, that they would change the ratio from 15 to 1 to 16 to 1, which they did. 
It seems this ratio undervalued silver, that is to say, the gold dollar was still worth 
100 cents, but the silver doMar was worth from 102 to 103 cents. Gold at once be- 
came the hard money circulating medium in this country; silver, the higher priced 
money, was entirely retired by the money changers, bullion dealers and silver- 
smiths. This is another illustration where the cheaper money drove out of circula- 
tion the higher priced money. 

Greenbacks Were Cheap Money. 

In 1861 our country was engaged in civil war, and the greenbacks were issued 
as money, and were at once looked upon as a cheaper money than either gold or 
silver and immediately drove both gold and silver out of circulation and kept them 
out of circulation for eighteen years, or until we resumed specie payment in 1879. 
The history of these eighteen years is another instance where the cheaper money 
was victorious and drove out of circulation the higher priced money. Mr. Harvey 
no less than four times in one speech gave the following definition of bimetallism : 
"Bimetallism is the right to use either of the two metals for money." This con- 
densed answer bears about the same relation to the correct definition of bimetallism 
as the Boy Orator of the Platte compares with those intellectual giants whom he 
seeks to imitate, but without success, the immortal Washington and Lincoln. 

Bimetallism, as is understood in the discussion of our financial question, is the 
use of both gold and silver as money; both legal tender money, and the legal ratio 
between the two metals determined from the commercial ratio. Throughout Mr. 
Harvey's published works and lectures we find him affirming the false principle 
that money is a creature of law, and that by operation of law the commercial ratio 
between gold and silver can be made to conform with the legal ratio of 16 to 1. 
Let us follow the author of "Coin's" Financial School for a few moments, and see 
where this false principle will carry us. 

To-day the commercial ratio between Silver and Gold is about 
33 to 1. 139 r. Harvey claims that if his theories are spread upon 
our statute books that in a very short time the commercial 
ratio will be 16 to 1. If Iftr. Harvey possesses the superhuman 
power of reducing the value of Gold one-half, or doubling the 
price of Silver, whichever you will, and bring them to a com- 
mercial parity at 16 to 1, then indeed would he be false to the 
citizens of this Republic if he did not add a little more 
power to his " ECeeley-fHotor" theory, and make the commer- 
cial ratio between Gold and Silver 15 to 1, the same as it was 
in 1792, or better still, if it is a blessing to humanity to lower 
the ratio between Gold and Silver, then apply a little more of 
this occult power and make the ratio 13 to 1, the same as it 
was in 1620, when our ancestors came over in the Mayflower; 



or apply the same force with renewed energy and bring the ra* 
tio down to 10 to 1, the same as it was in 1492. Indeed, if 
this principle is a boon to humanity, and his theories are not 
false, why not push the work along and make the ratio between 
Gold and Silver 1 to 1 ? 

In following my friend Harvey, we are led into a labyrinth abounding with im- 
possibilities and as impracticable as the theory of perpetual motion. When the 
earth is proved to be flat instead of a globe, when water runs up-hill, when the law 
of gravitation ceases to be operative, when the tail wags the dog and not the dog 
the tail, then, and not till then, may we seriously consider these perpetual motion, 
"Keeley Motor" theories of Mr. Harvey and other double standard advocates. 

If we were unable to keep both metals circulating side by side when there was 
a slight discrepancy of only two or three cents in their intrinsic value, does any 
intelligent or sane man believe for a moment, whether he is a student of Coin's Fi- 
nancial School or not, that if we throw open our mints to the free and unlimited 
coinage of 48-cent dollars, that they would not at once drive out of circulation the 
$815,000,000 of gold, now constituting nearly one-third of our circulating medium? 

If gold, so important a factor in our medium of exchange both at home and 
abroad, should retire before silver — the cheaper money (and the light of experience 
surely proves that it would) can any one doubt that we would at once go on to a 
silver basis? Can any one doubt that the $626,000,000 of silver now used as money 
in this country would not instantly be cut in two so far as its purchasing power is 
concerned — that is, shrink from 100 cents, its face or nominal value, to 48 cents, its 
bullion value? 

In the light of past experience it would surely be a sad commentary on our 
intelligence as an enlightened nation, if we had learned nothing in 100 years. If 
the illustrious Hamilton and Jefferson were alive, they would, by pursuing the same 
policy which actuated them in determining the money of ^he constitution, fix the 
ratio to-day at about 33 to 1, simply because the relative or market value of the 
two metals h varied to that extent. 



Honesty and Sober Judgment Needed. 

The questions involved in the present campaign merit and deserve most careful 
thought and study. It is the sober, honest judgment of the thinking, reading, in- 
vestigating American citizen that the Republican party is relying upon for its 
support. Let me give a few facts worthy of rememberance. 

First, every free and unlimited coinage country in the world 
is on a Silver basis. 

Second, there is not a Gold standard country on earth but 
what uses both Gold and Silver as money. 

Third, there is not a Silver standard country in the world 
that uses any gold whatever as money; and 

Lastly, there is not a Silver standard country to be found 
in the great ocean of commerce that rolls all 'round the world 
that has one-fourth as much money in actual value per capita as 
has the United States and other leading Gold standard countries. 

China, Mexico and most of the South American states are on a silver basis. The 
United States, England, France, Germany, Belgium, Sweden and others are on a 
gold basis. 

One of the most interesting facts which the student of finance will encounter 
is the vast difference of the amount of money per capita between the gold standard 
and the silver standard countries. 



(Per Capita of Money. 

In the countries on a silver basis we find the Central American states with a 
per capita $8.97, China $1.96, Mexico $9.12. Now note the difference between 
these countries and a few that are on a gold basis: 

The United States has a per capita of $25.25, England $17.05, France, $36.15, 
Germany $19.84, Belgium $23.86. 

In this connection let me impress upon your minds the facts that you cannot 
go into any country on the face of the earth where its mints are open to free and 
unlimited coinage of silver and find a single gold coin circulating among the people; 
moreover, that the silver standard country does not exist where the United States 
gold dollar, the United States silver dollar, or the United States -paper dollar 
will not purchase twice as much merchandise as any dollar which 
you can find circulating among its people. I challenge the author of Coin's Finan- 
cial School or the Demosthenes of Nebraska, William Jennings Bryan, or any one 
else, to successfully contradict this statement. 



I Am a Bimefallist. 

To-day, I am a bimetallist, an ardent and devoted one, in the sense that I desire 
to see both gold and silver circulating side by side as money, and in the sense that 
we can have a greater per capita of money in this country by using both gold and 
silver as currency, than we possibly could by driving gold out of circulation, but, 
I disbelieve utterly in the possibility of a double standard. 

The phrase, "double standard" is a contradiction of terms. Standard means 
"correct measure," and you cannot have two different correct measures of value 
any more than you can have two different correct yard sticks, or two different 
correct results from a mathematical problem, or two different correct cyclometers 
on a bicycle. If one is right the other is wrong, and that is all there is to it. 

England tried the imaginery double standard for 470 years, and never succeeded 
in keeping the two metals circulating side by side, and finally gave it up as an utter 
failure. France with all the ingenuity of her inventive people, changed the ratio 
of gold and silver 118 times in twelve years in trying to balance on the double 
standard tight rope. We commenced trying it in 179 2 , and went on to a silver basis 
and remained there for 42 years or until we changed the ratio from 15 to 1 to 16 to 1, 
in 1834. This change of ratio placed us on a gold basis, where we remained for a 
number of years. 

In 1861 we went on a paper basis and remained there for a number of years, 
and finally went back on to a gold basis in the common accepted understanding of 
the question, where we have since remained. The progress and prosperity of the 
United States during the last third of a century have been without a precedent in the 
history of the civilized world, and yet, I believe with my whole heart, that in the evo- 
lution of this financial question, hastened on by agitation, a plan of understanding will 
be reached higher and beyond that which has ever heretofore obtained in any of 
the civilized nations of the earth, and it will come through deliberations and coun- 
cils in the Republican ^party — the party of progress— and when it comes it will 
lighten the burdens and*bless humanity. 

The Crime of *73. 

Mr. Harvey and all silver advocates talk to us about the crime of 1873. Let me 
say here and now there was no crime committed in 1873, directly or indirectly. 

Ef there was a crime committed, Senators Jones and Stew- 
art off Nevada, who were High Priests in the SiBver movement, 
were the chief conspirators, for they were among the largest 
silver mine owners in the United States, and they voted for 
the hill. 



Prior to 1873 we coined in this country, all told, about 8,000,000 of silver 
dollars; since 1873 we coined up to January 1st, 1896, $547,914,340 of silver, about 
$426,000,000 of which are standard dollars. During August, 1896, we coined 2,650,- 
000 of silver dollars, and the profit to the government — the people — was between 
$800,000 and $900,000. From January 1st, 1896, until June 30th, 1900, we coined 
$75,256,586 in standard silver dollars. 

Webster says : "Demonetization is to deprive of value, or to 
withdraw from use as currency." 

Does it look very much as though we had withdrawn silver from use as cur- 
rency? In what way have we deprived silver of value? It is a full legal tender for 
all debts, public and private, and without limit as to amount, and has been for the 
last twenty-two years. These are facts which you will not find within the covers of 
"Coin" Harvey's books. It looks as though we had added value to it, since the 
silver dollar circulates side by side with the gold dollar, notwithstanding its bullion 
value is 52 cents less than its nominal or face value. 



Consistent Friend of Silver. 

The RepubSican Party has ever been the consistent friend of 
Silver, but is unalterably opposed to Silver ftionometallism. 

For one, I am not willing to see all the gold in this country driven out of circu- 
lation and the purchasing power of silver reduced to its bullion value. In other 
words, I am not ready to see the per capita of money in this country reduced fully 
one-half and our nation doing business on a Mexicanized silver basis. Wages are 
the last schedule to advance, and as fully 95 per cent, of the male adults in the 
United States are wage, salary or fee earners, there would be almost universal want, 
misery and suffering bequeathed to these people, because of such a reckless, un- 
patriotic and unbusiness-like experiment. What party then is the real friend of 
silver? The party that is trying to maintain the parity of the two metals, or the 
party that is protesting friendship in unstinted terms and yet committed to the 
folly of reducing silver to its bullion value? The proposition in a nutshell is 
this: 

The RepubBican Party believes that the coinage of Silver 
should be restricted by law and coined on government account. 
Mr. Bryan and his followers believe in the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver on private account. When the government 
coins silver, under existing laws, it gets the difference between 
the cost of the bullion and the stamp that is placed upon it. 
This is known as the gain or seigniorage and is paid into the 
treasury of the United States the same as is provided by law 
regulating subsidiary coins. In this way every mechanic, every 
farmer, every laborer, in fact every citizen of the United States 
gets his proportionate share of this gain. 

Do Not Demand Bimetallism. 

What "Coin" Harvey and the advocates of free silver demand is not bimetal- 
lism, but the unlimited coinage of the silver dollar, not at the just ratio of 33 to 1, 
but at the unjust ratio of 16 to 1, not on government account, but on private ac- 
count. To-day the government — the people — are receiving the benefit of the 52 
cents on each silver dollar coined, that being the difference between the cost of 
the bullion and the face value of the dollar. The government — the people — will lose 
these 52 cents if silver is coined on private account. 

7 



The question is, who will get these 52 cents on each dollar, who will be bene- 
fited by this change? (We know the government will lose 52 cents on each dollar.) 
The question is, who will receive it, or will this profit, now accruing to the govern- 
ment — the people — be lost as completely as the value of a building would be 
to the owner if it burned to ashes and there was no insurance? I am pretty well 
acquainted with the mining business, have spent many years of my life in the min- 
ing districts of the west, and am the owner of mining properties in Oregon, Wy- 
oming and in Colorado, and also largely interested in one of the most noted silver 
mining properties in Old Mexico, and I know whereof I speak, when I say 
that English capitalists and American silver kings own a majority of the stock of 
nearly every, incorporated silver mining company in this country of any prominence. 

It is beginning to look to me like "there was a pretty good-sized African in the 
wood pile somewhere." 1 



Free Trade Should Be Undone. 

Twelve years ago, and again eight years ago, through the influence of the 
Cobden Club, England attempted to subdue America. She succeeded in prostrat- 
ing our industries, impoverishing our people, and increasing our public debt, 
but let us Rope that the intelligence of American citizens will never repeat 
the free trade blunder of 1892. It now looks to me as if there was a gigantic trust 
of silver kings and English capitalists attempting to again subdue free America. 
Evidently there never was such a concert of action in the United States as has 
taken place during the last few years in regard to this silver question. The rapid- 
ity with which it has traveled all over this country, to say the least, has been phe- 
nomenal. There is an old saying, that "a falsehood will travel a thousand miles 
while truth is getting its boots on." 

Go forth and tell the misguided advocates of free silver and believers in the 
false theories of "Coin's" Financial School to rejoice in their strength while it is 
called to-day, for, by the living God, "truth has its boots on" and is marching tri- 
umphant^ out among the people, tearing away the webs and veils of delusion and 
hypocrisy and appealing to the people, not to their passions, but to their intelli- 
gence, their reason and their honor. The people are not ready to advance by going 
backwards ; they are not ready to be Chinaized, South Americanized, Mexicanized or 
subsidized by a coterie of silver barons and English capitalists, who are attempting 
by stealth to nail the wage earners and farmers of this country to an unholy cross of 
depreciated silver. 



Goes After Bryan. 

William Jennings Bryan told us in his Knoxville, Tennessee, speech that there 
is no danger of a silver flood. "Coin" Harvey made the same statement, notwith- 
standing the world's production of silver since the year 1892 has amounted to over 
$200,000,000 a year, a greater annual production than ever before in the history of 
the world, and still he claims there is no danger of a silver flood. 

All that Mr. Bryan asks for is, that the reins of government and the keys of 
the United States treasury be turned over to himself and his followers, and they 
will try the experiment. 

I hardly think the people of the United States are ready to invest in any more 
political experiments. The experiment of eight years ago has proved quite enough. 
No flood of silver! The effrontery and insult to the intelligence of mankind by 
this degenerate Democracy and the silver advocates surpasses understanding. 

The so-called crime of 1873 is a myth and destitute of substance. The so-called 
conspiracy of that year is also a myth and without substance. You might just as 
well go out and from the housetop proclaim that the horse has been dehorseized, 
because of a huge conspiracy entered into by electricity and the bicycle. Why not 
ask that the noble animal be rehorseized, so that its selling price will be $150 or $200, 
the same as it was in "ye olden times." 



Improved Harvesting Methods. 

The old-fashioned methods of reaping the yellow fields of wheat have also been 
ousted by the conspiracy of the late improved harvester and binder. The old- 
fashioned cradle has been decradleized. Why not form an alliance all over this 
country to recradleize the cradle, and make common warfare against the up-to-date 
binder? Even the old McCormick reaper has been dereaperized, and the succeeding 
invention, the header, has been deheaderized, and who shall not say in this on- 
ward march of progress, in this wonderful advancement of our civilization, in this 
age of discovery and invention, that sooner or later the up-to-date binder of to-day 
will not be debinderized by the inventive genius of some American citizen? 

Now, let us see what the so-called crime of 1873 has done for prices of various 
commodities. One of the stock declarations of Mr. Bryan and Mr. Harvey and 
their cohorts four years ago was that prices should be restored and wages should 
be increased. This has been done by the Republican party. One of two things is 
very apparent, either the framers of the Chicago and Kansas City platforms did not 
consult the statistics of the United States or else they imagined the voters would 
not. "Coin" Harvey and the silver advocates generally sought to establish their 
position by quoting statistics of average prices of certain great commodities like' 
wheat and cotton, claiming that prices commenced falling in 1873 and their decline 
has continued. These arguments are those of the delusionists and must crumble 
before the evidence and the facts. The advance since 1897 has completely dis- 
proved this form of argument. Let me say that prices did not commence falling in 
1873, but in 1864-5. 

Why Are They Not Honest? 

If these men are not demagogues, pure and simple, why do they not inform the 
"dear people" why prices fell more during the eight years preceding 1873 than 
they have ever fallen since? 

"Coin" Harvey has never explained why, and if he did, his 
theory would vanish like the mist before the rising sun of truth. 

For example, cotton fell from $1.01^2 in 1864, to 17 cents a pound in 1871. Or 
wheat for instance- The average farm price of wheat in the United States for the 
year 1874 was 94 cents a bushel, paper currency, or only 84 cents a bushel in gold. 
The average farm price of wheat in the United States for 1891 was 83 cents a 
bushel, the same in 1890, while in 1888 the average farm price of wheat in this 
country was 92 cents a bushel, or 6 cents a bushel higher than it was in 1874. Thus 
it will be seen that an unfair and false impression was tried to be created among the 
people by both Mr. Bryan and his followrs. 

Perhaps Mr. Bryan and the free silver advocates would like to know where 
I get my statistics. I answer them by saying they are taken direct from the United 
States Statistical Abstract, which deservedly ranks high as an authority. 

In looking over this work I could not help wondering if "Coin" 
Harvey, who was shouting, and our other opponents who are shouting 
so loud and lustily for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and 
a restoration of prices, would not like to apply their cure-all to 
refined sugar, which was selling in 1872 at 12 3-5 cents per pound, and only 4 3-5 
cents per pound in 1892, or for instance, illuminating oil was quoted in 1872 at 23^ 
cents a gallon, and only 5 9-10 cents per gallon in 1892. Manufacturers of bar 
it on in T 872 were receiving $97.63 per ton for their product, and only $29.96 a ton 
in 1894. A keg of nails cost $5.46 in 1872, and $1.08 in 1894. A box of window 
glass thac cost $3.40 in 1873, sold only at $1.70 in 1891. A carpet that cost $1.14 
a yard in 1873, can be purchased to-day for 36 cents a yard. The steamboat trans- 
portation companies hauling wheat from Chicago to New York City, by lake and 
canal, were receiving a compensation in 1899 of a little more than 6)£ cents a bushel, 
but in 1873 they were receiving 24^ cents per bushel, for every bushel they 
carried. 

9 



Shall Prices Be Restored. 

The question is, do the people of the United States want these prices restored? 

We are willing as Americans that American industries and 
home competition shafiB adjust prices, hut we are not willing 
that prices of labor shall be adjusted in this country by Amer- 
ican workmen entering into competition with the pauperized 
laborers of Europe. 

From the same reliable statistics and undoubted authority we find that wages 
have* materially advanced in this country during the last third of a century, and 
particularly during the McKinley administration. The increase from the old 
double standard wages of i860 to those of 1890 have been no less than 58 per cent, 
in money, and 72 per cent, in purchasing power. This does not look very much 
like a" falling off. Let us continue a protection that protects, and we will not only 
insure abundance of labor for all our people, but will guarantee that farm products 
generally will command good prices as at present. 

I earnestly believe that "Coin" Harvey and all those 
who are advocating the free and unlimited coinage of 
Silver at the unjust and untrue ratio of 16 to l v as a nos- 
trum for our ills, are advocating a theory as misleading 
as it is wicked and unholy. No theory more false was 
ever advanced or calculated to more thoroughly de- 
ceive the earnest, industrious, Cod-fearing people of 
this Nation. 

We have undone the free trade blunder of 1892 and we should hear no more 
about the mythical crime of 1873. 



Protective Tariff Brought Prosperity. 

A tariff that protects; reciprocity that opens up a market for our surplus articles 
from the American farm and the American factory; a sound currency, and the 
business confidence which followed were the Republican party's remedies for the 
unfortunate condition of bankruptcy into which the country was submerged by 
Democratic political stupidity. 

The question is simply one of honesty or dishonesty. 

Shall thrift and economy be rewarded by robbery? Shall the widow's mite and 
the savings deposited in the banks of this country be cut in two by changing our 
money to silver monometallism? Shall the billions of dollars in school bonds 
from all over the country, held by English and American capitalists, and payable in 
gold, be doubled, and a double tax fall upon the shoulders of the taxpayers of this 
nation? Shall the toilers of this land, the wage-earners on farm and in factory, be 
rebbed every Saturday night of one-half of their weekly wages? 



Laborers Shall Be Honestly Rewarded. 

No. This blot of repudiation shall not smirch the un- 
tarnished escutcheon of American patriotism; neither 
shall the toiling masses receive as their reward for hon- 
est- labor a "mess of depreciated silver pottage." 

10 



We are now asked to desert the old ship of state that has carried this nation 
through many storms, through many conflicts, and invariably anchored us in the 
snug harbor of safety and maintained our country on the map of the world, and 
added many stars to the old flag. 

We are asked by these false prophets of finance to destroy this grand 
old ship, freighted with the hopes and ambitions of seventy millions of free Ameri- 
can citizens; this old ship tested by time, tried by adversity, taut and trim as a 
May Queen and invincible as a Bessemer steel iron cladder, a ship that was launched 
by Washington and the patriots of ioo years ago, and piloted by such noble men 
as Lincoln, Grant, Garfield, Hayes and McKinley. 

We are asked to desert this ship of known safety, and embark in an untried craft 
and sail away on the turgid waters of an unknown sea. A craft steered by a free 
silver captain, freighted with free tradeism, and ballasted with bombs of anarchy and re- 
pudiation; a craft whose every slimy plank is reeking with condemnation whose 
mutinous crew are ready to scuttle her in mid-ocean; whose worthless and shoddy 
sails are fanned by the angry breath of high heaven; and whose nearest port is 
bankruptcy and perdition. 

The true Solution of the former Financial Depression 
was along other lines, and was met by the administration 
of President McKinley. 

Perhaps you have noticed already in this campaign that no one is quite so 
silent on the tariff as a Bryanized Democrat or a Populist? The impoverished 
condition of the country, resulting from the free trade crime of 1893, is at an end, 
but when we lay the skeletons at their doors they frankly confess judgment, and 
tell us that other questions of more vital importance are now before the people — 
such as silver and imperialism. But I say to you that "imperialism" is nothing more 
and nothing less than a dream of Bryan the pretender. There is no more similarity 
between commercial expansion and imperialism than there is between the dignified 
"hands off" policy pursued by President McKinley, when the leaders of our party 
were adopting "the Philadelphia platform, and the sorry spectacle presented by 
William Jennings Bryan lashing the Kansas City convention with all the arbitrary 
instincts of a despot. He was the "imperialist" of that convention. 

The endless chain of American Prosperity which had 
been broken was mended and the drawn fires from our fur- 
naces were rekindled and the free trade smoke consum- 
ers were removed from the tall chimneys in our manufac- 
turing districts by the passage of the Dingley Law. 



A Principle Upfieid by Statesmen. 

It is not in any exulting spirit that we refer to a protective tariff, but rather 
because it is a great and underlying principle of national prosperity; a principle be- 
queathed to this nation by Washington, upheld by Henry Clay, fostered by Abra- 
ham Lincoln, championed by William McKinley, and supported by the reciprocity 
of James G. Blaine. Prior to the free trade crime of 1892 we heard nothing about 
a diminished gold reserve. 

In those halcyon days confidence flew abroad in the land 
on the wings of Prosperity. This confidence we have re- 
stored. 

Capital is freely invested and labor is employed at the highest wages. 
The gold reserve occasions no uneasiness and requires no thought. Instead of 
acting as an alarmist it has steadily grown, acting as a balance wheel to an ever- 
increasing confidence. The surplus was employed years ago in paying off the 
national debt; and during President Harrison's administration our national indebt- 
edness was reduced almost as much as it was increased by the last Cleveland ad- 



ministration. What happened during the last three and a half years of grace of 
Cleveland's last term in the White House? 

The alluring and musical hum of industry was no longer 
heard in the land of freedom. The pendulum of time swung 
back and revealed to the American people the ghastly 
skeleton of want and forced idleness concealed in the free 
trade closet of a Democratic Administration. 

Our great commercial institutions fell into a most deplorable and unhappy state; 
misery and want; with pinched and sorrowful countenances, walked hand in hand 
up and down by deserted workshops. The honest face of toil blushed as hunger drove 
him to eat the bread of charity. The stilled wheels of industry throughout our land, 
and deserted and idle farms were indeed eloquent in their silence in behalf of a 
protective tariff. Capital that was formerly employed in manufacturing enterprises 
was withdrawn, while the balance of trade with other nations was frightfully 
against us. 



England was Served. 

If England had had a political party manufactured to 
order by the most skilled artisans of the earth, she could 
not have had one made that would more faithfully serve her 
commercial purposes than did the last Democratic Admin- 
istration. 

Let us briefly inquire into the cause. Take, for instance, the sheep and wool 
industry, which under Republican protection is a prominent one. Under 
the stimulus of protection, we had in this country, in 1884, 50,500.000 
sheep. Then Grover Cleveland was elected president, and this was fol- 
lowed by the Democratic free wool indictment of 1885, known as the 
Mills bill. The wool growers of America became alarmed; they fat- 
tened and sold their sheep to the butchers by the millions. This slaughter 
continued for four years, or until General Harrison was elected to the presidency in 
1888. The authentic statement shows that the number of sheep had been reduced 
in this country from 50,500,000 in 1884 to 41,300,000 in 1888. President Harrison's 
election stopped the slaughter, and under the stimulus of the McKinley law the 
industry gained rapidly and at the close of Mr. Harrison's administration the total 
number of sheep in the United States was 47,800,000. In 1892 Mr. Cleveland was 
again elected president. This was followed by the repeal of the McKinley law and 
the enactment of legislation hostile to the wool industry. During the three and a 
half years following the number of sheep in this country was reduced from 47,- 
800,000 to 38,500.000, or fewer sheep than there was in this country in 1873, or at 
any time since the so-called crime of that year. We now have 63,121,881 sheep in 
the United States and wool growers are enjoying an unexampled period of pros- 
perity. In my state of Wyoming the wool growers were receiving 6 and 7 cents 
per pound under the Cleveland administration. To-day they are receiving 16 and 
17 cents for the wool cut from the backs of the same sheep. So much for the 
Democratic free wool joke on the American people. 

: He Talks of Wool. 

Now let us talk for a few moments about the price of wool. For ten years pre- 
ceding the repeal of the McKinley law, the average price of Ohio X.X. Washed 
wool in the Boston market was a little over 31 1-5 cents per pound. April 1, 1896, 

12 



wool was quoted in the same market at 18 cents a pound. To-day it varies at about 
30 cents. Such a startling contrast in prices needs no comments. As millions of 
our sheep were slaughtered we were compelled to import wool and 
woolen textiles into this country, sending our money abroad, which 
should have been paid to the American farmer and sheep raiser. In- 
stead of this we paid our money over to foreigners in exchange for wool and 
woolen textiles, which came into this country like a flood when the McKinley law 
was repealed and the duty removed. The result was that the woolen mills of 
America were practically all shut down and thousands upon thousands of American 
workingmen and women were thrown out of employment, and in turn, were unable 
to purchase the products from the American farm. No wonder the American 
farmer found a ready market for his potatoes in 1892, when all our people were em- 
ployed, at from 50 cents to 60 cents a bushel; and when our people were unem- 
ployed, the farm price of potatoes was from 25 cents to 30 cents a bushel. To-day 
it is nearly 40 cents. 

Let us see what sort of a stewardship went on in this country under 
free trade. For the twenty-five months ending November 1, 1892, our balance 
of trade with other nations was in our favor to the extent of $28,245,641. That is 
what the McKinley law and protection did for this country. That is what we call 
good business methods. Selling to other nations more than we purchased from 
them to the extent of $28,245,641, or an average of $1,129,822 per month, or $37r 
660 per day. But this was only a starter. With the Dingley law we sell $544»- 
471,701 more than we buy each year ; or an average of about $1,500,000 a day. 

What the Record was. 

Now, let us look at Mr. Cleveland's record for the fifteen months ending De- 
cember 1, 1895 — this, you will remember, was under the Wilson bill. We find the 
balance of trade, instead of being in our favor, was against us to the enormous 
amount of $70,494,044, or an average of $4,699,603 per month, or $153,653 per day. 
That is a pretty good-sized daily loss. That is what we call remarkably poor busi- 
ness methods, and so does every one who is disposed to be fair in the consideration 
of this question. 

But why speak further of the evils of free trade, or multiply examples of the 
blessings of protection. The record of the three and half years of free trade was 
an object lesson, both impressive and eloquent. It is gratifying to note that some 
of the ultra free traders in 1892 were the most pronounced protectionists in 1896 
and are in 1900. Many of the old-time Democrats who are proud of the traditions 
of their party, proud of the principles which they have cherished for so many years, 
are refusing to follow the platforms adopted by the degenerate Democracy of 1896 
and 1900. Let us mete out justice to whom justice is due. 

When the flag of our country, waving above Fort Sum- 
ter, was fired upon by the enemies of good government, 
thousands upon thousands of the Democrats of the North 
forgot their politics, shouldered their muskets and be- 
came patriots. This year of grace, 1900, when the guns 
of anarchy and socialism are directed against the Su- 
preme Court of the United States and the nation's honor 
and credit, these same Democrats by the tens of thou- 
sands are turning from that platform of the repudiation 
of prosperity and the flag and are the stanchest of 
patriots. 

Spirit of Revolution. 

It cannot be denied that a spirit of wantonness and revolution prevailed at the 
Chicago convention, repudiation was openly advocated on the floor of the con- 



vention hall and made a part of the platform adopted. The same feeling prevailed 
at Kansas City and the Chicago platform was reaffirmed." The red hand of anarchy 
ruled at Chicago, while at Kansas City Bryan was an imperialist and the supreme 
dictator. I wish to draw a line of demarkation, clear and distinct, between the old 
Simon-pure Democracy of Hamilton and Jefferson, and this new degenerate 
Democracy of Bryan, Tillman and Altgeld. It is true the framers of the Chi- 
cago and Kansas City platforms claim the name, but the tenants and faith are 
strangely at .variance with the traditions and principles of the old Jeffersonian 
doctrine. It is not alone the volume of money which the people want, but they 
demand its activity in trade and commerce. This has been accomplished by pro- 
tecting American industries and universal confidence has followed the passage of 
the Dingley law. 



Oreai Bs Confidence. 

Confidence is the Shibboleth of prosperity. 

Confidence that good dollars mean well paid labor. 

Confidence that well paid labor means good times. 

Confidence that wages paid to American workingmen 
will possess the same purchasing power as the best 
money in the civilized world. 

Confidence that a pension policy, just and generous 
to our living heroes, has been inaugurated. 

Confidence that no old soldier is to be deprived of his 
quarterly check without trial by judge or jury. 

Confidence that the Republican party will maintain a 
redeemer for eyery silver dollar coined. 

Confidence that a continuance of the Republican party 
in power will keep running every mill and factory in this 
country, without the aid or consent of any other nation or 
nations on the face of the earth. 

Confidence that a vote for McKinley and Roosevelt is a 
vote for the home and the fireside. 

Confidence that the dragon head monster of State 
Rights is not to be resurrected in this country. 

Confidence that sound money and protection are the 
pillars of Jackin and Boaz in the temple of American 
honor and prosperity. 

Confidence that the Supreme Court of the United 
States is to remain our bulwark of justice and all the 
gates of hell shall not prevail against it. 

Confidence that the honor of our flag is to be main- 
tained in Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines against 
fire in front and from treason at home. 



Proud of Being a Republican. 

I am a Republican and proud of my party's history. The history of the United 
States has been made rich and resplendent with victories and achievements of our 
party. We are proud of our nation's history from its earliest dawn down to the 
present, and for the valuable lessons it has taught. We would not expunge or ob- 
literate a single line. We accept it as a whole, from Plymouth Rock to Bunker 
Hill, from Bunker Hill to Fort Sumter, from Fort Sumter to Appomattox, and 
from Appomattox to Manila Bay and Santiago down to the campaign of 1900. 
We dedicate crowns of laurel for the giants who have evolved the mighty principles 
and tenets of the Republican party— Washington and Grant, Blaine and Logan, 
Sherman and Garfield, Harrison and McKinley, and most of all, that gentle soul, 
thai man of equal poise, whose peer has never lived since the days of the Blessed 
Galilean — Abraham Lincoln! Our history is one of greatness and sublimity. Its 
pages are rich with the names of orators more eloquent than a Burke, with the 
names of statesmen more acute than the "Iron Chancellor" and the names of 
warriors greater and mightier than Napoleon. 

In the dark and turbulent days of the rebellion, the 
Republican Party, with the assistance of Democratic 
patriots, saved this nation, while now in the dawn of a 
new Century, by the living Cod, patriots will save and 
protect our Nation's honor from Bryanism and Aguin- 
aldoism. 

Ours is the greatest nation on earth, and the possibilities of the future are al- 
most limitless, if we make no mistake in the great principles of protection, recipro- 
city, a sound currency and commercial expansion, which have for their object the continu- 
ance and betterment of the conditions of the wage-earners of this land. 



Searching to Greatest Victory. 

Following the leadership of our galjant standard bearer, that brave civilian 
soldier on the field of battle, that statesman without a peer, that friend of the toil- 
ing millions, that companion of every old soldier, that invincible leader of men, 
President McKinley, we are advancing proudly on to the greatest political vic- 
tory of modern times. In the life of William McKinley, we find nothing but purity 
and ability, bravery and compassion, and I promise you that on the fourth day of 
next March he will be continued as president of this republic; a republic whose flag, 
"Old Glory," the stars and stripes, floats over seas and land, peerless and without 
price, the emblem of power and protection to all. 

We have restored our protective system. Already it has accomplished wonders 
for the laborers of America, and its mission in behalf of prosperity and posterity 
has only commenced. 

It has enabled us to perfect a system of finance that is a marvel to all nations, 
and has raised our credit to a place as the first country of the earth, and we are 
now loaning money to the people of the old world. 

It has elevated the manhood of every American citizen, dignified labor, and in- 
stilled a more universal education throughout our land than can be found in any 
other civilized country on the face of the globe. 

It has made the flag of our nation emblematic of love, liberty, protection, reciprocity, 
honor, and all that is great and grand in human thought. 

15 



% EXPANSION MAP •** UNITED STATES. 




JLXControl Semi <*'7~7 j*~^ 

TT1 «,.» IAX/7 C*—~^ 



ty CcMOC**ric fUtrr. /860. 

mr/>eat rtjir* tt 'Ctnstnt of jettrne* 



16 



The Philippines are ours and American authority must be supreme throughout the archipelago. 
William McKinley. 

The Filipinos. 



THEIR FITNESS FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT JUDGED IN THE LIGHT OF MUCH TESTIMONY. 
INDEPENDENCE WOULD BE CRIMINAL. 



Aguinaldo Meant Anarchy— He Proposed in Official Documents Wholesale Slaughter — The 

Plot to Loot Manila— Bryan's Shallow Philosophy— Opinions of Those Who Have 

Studied the Conditions — Striking Unanimity of Conviction That 

American Authority Must Kemain. 

By Hon. William Dudley Foulke of Indiana. 



(An Address Delivered at English Opera House, Indianapolis , Aug. 24., iqoo.) 

Are the people of the Philippines capable of conducting an independent gov- 
ernment of their own? If they are, there is strong reason for allowing them to 
govern themselves. If not, it would be manifestly wrong for us to promise to 
turn over to them a government which we know that they are incapable of ad- 
ministering. 

For bear in mind the kind of government they ask us to acknowledge is a 
republic — a government of the people. Are they able to organize and maintain it ? 
If the inhabitants of these islands are merely to be remanded to despotism, to 
some government in which they shall have no voice, then the argument in favor 
of independence fails because the complaint is that we are stifling their aspirations 
for liberty and self-government. Hence the question is, can the Filipinos govern 
themselves? 

In determining this question to whom shall we apply for information ? To the 
Anti-Imperialist who sitting in his study in Boston or Chicago or New York 
evolves a fiat Filipino out of his inner consciousness, or to the men who know 
them best, who have lived among them, studied their customs, understand their 
dispositions and capacities, and are familiar with their history? 

SOURCES OF PRACTICAL KNOWLEDGE. 

For my part I prefer to apply to the highest sources of practical knowledge, to 
these who themselves know what self-government means and who also know the 
Filipinos and know whether they are capable of organizing and conducting it. 

Among such people I venture to say that the opinion is all but unanimous that 
they are not capable of self-government or of maintaining their so-called republic. 
They are a semi-civilized people of a rather high type, reasonably intelligent, 
brave, temperate, skillful in many kinds of industry, and not often savage, al- 



though they become so upon occasions and are sometimes very treacherous. 
Foreman, who knows them well says "that after years of faithful service a trusted 
native employe will sometimes rob his master or commit some horrid crime against 
him, betraying him into the hands of brigands, for instance." They have learned 
many of the arts of civilized life, but the one thing of which they have had the 
least experience and the smallest means of acquiring information, is self-govern- 
ment. A few of their leaders have received a European education. There are 
a few who have considerable skill in Spanish law, but liberty is absolutely un- 
known to them. 

When America declared its independence from England we had had the 
benefit of centuries of experience. We were brought up in the nurture of free in- 
stitutions, we had the common law, jury trial, free speech, free press, representa- 
tive government, parliamentary bodies, popular education. But with not one of 
these things has the great mass of the Filipinos the slightest familiarity or even 
conception. A very few of them have had some small experience in the local 
affairs of their villages and towns. That is all. If we take charge of the isl- 
ands it will probably be some time before we can accustom the people to even such 
a simple thing as jury trial. They are as incapable of forming a just conception 
of civil liberty as we are of understanding the institutions which prevail upon the 
planet Mars. How can they know it when they have never seen anything 

like it? 

THE BEST TESTIMONY. 

In stating these things I am not giving you merely my own opinion ; I am 
stating the conclusions reached by those who know the Filipinos best. This 
question was one which had to be considered by the American Commissioners at 
the Treaty of Paris in order to determine whether the islands should be returned 
to Spain or should follow the rule we had declared in the case of Cuba, or should 
he ceded to the United States without condition. 

The Commission took upon this subject the best testimony available and con- 
sulted the best authorities which had then been published. They were practically 
all to one effect. General Merritt submitted a large number of papers prepared 
by those who had made studies of the Philippine islands and their inhabitants. 

The first of these papers was prepared by General Greene, who was a student 
of Filipino customs and institutions. His memorandum was made on the 27th of 
August, 1898. He says: 

The Filipinos cannot govern the country without the support of some strong 
nation. They acknowledge this themselves and so their desire is for independ- 
ence under American protection, but they have only vague ideas as to what 
our relative positions should be, what part we should take in collecting and ex- 
pending the revenue and administering the government. * * * There are in 
Manila nearly two hundred thousand native Filipinos, among whom are large 
numbers with more or less Spanish and Chinese blood, who are men of character, 
education, ability and wealth. They hate the Spanish, are unfriendly toward other 
nations, and look only to America for assistance. They are not altogether in sym- 
pathy with Aguinaldo, fearing the entry of his army into Manila, almost as much 
as the Spaniards fear it. (Sen. Doc. 62, p. 374-375). 

And again (p. 417) : 

"In point of fact self-government and representation are unknown in these is- 
lands." 



And again (p. 424). 

"There is no reason to believe that Aguinaldo's government has any elements 
of stability. * * * In the next place, Aguinaldo's government or any entirely inde- 
pendent government does not command the hearty support of a large body of the 
Filipinos, both in Manila and outside, who have property, education, and intelli- 
gence. * * * The sentiment of this class, the educated natives with property 
at stake, looks upon the prospect of Aguinaldo's government and forces entering 
Manila with almost as much dread as the foreign merchants or the Spaniards 
themselves. * * * Upon one point all are agreed, except possibly Aguinaldo 
and his immediate adherents, that is that no native government can maintain 
itself without the active force and protection of a strong foreign government 
itself. This being admitted, it is difficult to see how any foreign government can 
give this protection without taking such an active part in the management of 
affairs as is practically equivalent to governing in its own name and for its own 
account." 

WHAT CHIEF SURGEON BOURNS SAID. 

Frank S. Bourns, the chief surgeon of the American volunteers, had been in 
the Philippines three or more years, knew the different languages of the is- 
landers, talked with them fluently, and General Merritt said his views were en- 
titled to a great deal of credit. He said : 

"Since my arrival, I have availed myself of every opportunity to talk with 
natives and half-castes, both in the insurgent territory and in Manila. I find 
that many of them would be perfectly willing to accept an American government, 
and many of them are very anxious that we should take full possession of 
the islands. Many others hold to the desire of the insurgent chiefs for a Philip- 
pine government under the protection of the United States. These people express 
themselves as being confident of their own ability to govern the islands. Many of 
these would not be satisfied until the experiment had been tried. I do not believe 
that such a government would be a success, but that the United States would 
ultimately have to take hold of the government. This for several reasons : First, 
because the only example of government ever seen by these people is that given 
by Spain, and they would naturally follow quite closely the methods heretofore 
pursued ; second, lack of unity, not only among the important .men here in the 
island of Luzon, but likewise on account of lack of union and full understanding 
with the various other races of the archipelago, such, for instance, as the Visayans, 
of the central islands ; third, because of the three other elements in the islands — 
the uncivilized hill tribes, the Mohammedans of the^ South, and the Chinese res- 
idents found in all parts of the islands." (Sen. Doc* 62, p. 377). 

AGUINALDO AND HIS ASSOCIATES. 

J. F. Bell, major of engineers, was an officer on General Merritt's staff, knew 
the officers of the insurgents from Aguinaldo down, and had frequent conversa- 
tion with them. He says : 

"Concerning the capacity of the Filipinos to govern themselves, I regret to say 
that I see no reason to change the opinion previously expressed, that they are 
unfit. I wish my opinion might be otherwise, for I prefer to believe them cap- 
able of self-government. * * * Their sense of equity and justice seems not fully 
developed, and their readiness to coerce those who come under their power has been 
strongly illustrated in this city since our occupation. A regularly organized sys- 
tem of blackmail has been instituted under the guise of making subscriptions to 
the insurgent cause. None of this money ever reaches the treasury of the so- 
called Filipino government, but is doubtless divided among the petty chiefs who 
assume to authorize subordinates to collect it. * * * 



j. nc native pujjuidiiuu ui ivxciiiiid. aic geiieiciiiy uppuseu 10 irie msurrec- 
ticnists. * * * 

"There is no secretary of state, the place being kept open for one Cayetano 
S. Arellano, a prominent native citizen, who is said to be the best lawyer and best 
man among the native prominent men. He is now in Pagaanjan, and has been 
repeatedly sent for, but does not return, stating as an excuse that he cannot get 
through Santa Cruz, which is held by the Spanish. He is an avowed annexa- 
tionist, and does not believe the Filipino people sufficiently advanced in the arts and 
laws of civilization to govern themselves." (Sen. Doc. 62, pp. 380, 381). 

CHARLES T. JEWETT'S OPINION. 

Charles T. Jewett, the legal adviser of the commanding general, a man well 
known in Indiana, states as his conclusion, from association with the native peo- 
ple and contact with the officers and leaders of the insurgent forces, that the peo- 
ple are not now fit for legal self-government or citizenship, as those terms are used 
in the United States, and that the insurrectionary government could not sustain 
itself even in the island of Luzon. (Sen. Doc. 62, p. 386). 

Frederick H. Sawyer, a member of the Institute of Civil Engineers, who re- 
sided in Luzon for fourteen years, visiting all the interior and Southern prov- 
inces, and made trips to many of the other islands, a man whose profession 
brought him into contact with all classes of the community, gave an admirable 
description of the Tagals, concluding as follows : 

"Altogether, I consider the Tagals to be a brave, kindly, intelligent, and in- 
teresting people, worthy of a better government than they have had. At the 
same time they are not advanced enough to take the administration of the archi- 
pelago, nor even of Luzon, entirely into their own hands. "(Sen. Doc. 62, p. 555). 

THE BELGIAN CONSUL AT MANILA. 

It will be said that the foregoing are ex parte statements, derived from Amer- 
icans who would naturally have a prejudice in favor of American government. 
Let us therefore take the statement of Mr. Andre, the Belgian consul at Manila, a 
wealthy man who has lived there about fourteen years. General Merritt states 
that reliance can be placed upon his report. He says : 

"If the United States does not take these islands under their protection, the 
country will be utterly ruined and all the foreign merchants will leave these is- 
lands." (Sen. Doc. 62, p. 386). 

After giving in detail the practices of the Filipinos, he says : 

"These things demonstrate that they belong to an inferior race unfitted to rule 
the country and that it is time that the United States should have pity on these 
people and show them better; that it is the duty of the United States to take 
the entire Philippines and protect the entire country ; that even the Spanish 
merchants beg them for this protection." (Sen. Doc. 62, p. 389). 

THE CONCLUSION OF AN EXPERT. 

But the most valuable and disinterested opinion given to the Commissioners 
was from an English resident, Mr. John Foreman, whose book on the Philippines 
and articles for the last few years, have been the chief source of popular informa- 
tion upon the subject. He had probably made, a more careful study of the sub- 
ject than any other person so far as was known at that time. In an article in the 
Contemporary Review for July, 1898, he says: 

4 



"General Aguinaldo's plan is to establish at Manila a congress to which depu- 
ties from all the principal islands will be invited. I do not hesitate to prophesy 
that, unless under European or American control, the schemes will end in com- 
plete failure.. At first, no doubt, the islanders will welcome and co-operate in 
any arrangement which will rid them of monastic oppression. The Philippine 
Islands, however, would not remain one year peaceful under an independent na- 
tive government. It is an utter impossibility. There is such racial antipathy that 
the Yisayans would net, in this generation, submit to what they would always con- 
sider a Tagalog republic, and the Tagalogs, having procured the overthrow of 
the Spaniards, would aaturally resent a preponderance of Visayan influence. 
Families there are very closely united, but as a people they have little idea of 
union. Who would be the electors? The masses are decidedly too ignorant to 
be capable of voting intelligently. The votes would be entirely controlled by 
cliques of landowners. * * * I entertain the firm conviction that an unpro- 
tected united republic would last only until the novelty of the situation had worn 
off. Then, I think, every principal island would, in turn, declare its independence. 
Finally, there would be complete chaos, and before that took root America, or 
some European nation, would probably have interfered ; therefore it is better to 
start with protection. * * * 

"A protectorate under a strong nation is just as necessary to insure good 
administration in the islands as to protect them against foreign attack." 
(Senate Rep. Doc. 62, P. L, p. 556). 

LUCY M. J. GARNETT. 

Another English resident of the islands, Lucy M. J. Garnett, says in the Fort- 
nightly Review, July, 1898, of the effort to establish a Philippine republic: 

"It is, I believe, an ascertained fact that the increase of energy introduced into 
the Philippine native by European blood lasts only to the second generation ; 
and, left to himself, the tendency of the mestizo is to revert to the maternal 
type. The native is too indolent and the hold of civilization upon him too slight 
ever to make anything higher than municipal self-government possible in these 
islands." (Sen. Doc. 62, p. 602). 

Then we have a letter written by G. S. Clarke, an Englishman who took part in 
the successful organization and control of the Straits Settlements, composed of 
Malays and consolidated under English rule. He wrote to Captain Mahan as 
follows : 

"If you take a waiting station and leave the islands to stew in their own juice 
there will be anarchy first and a considerable annexation afterwards." 
(Sen. Doc. 62, p. 631). 

TESTIMONY THAT WAS UNCONTRADICTED. 

This testimony was practically uncontradicted except by the dispatch of Ad- 
miral Dewey stating that the Filipino people were far superior in their intelli- 
gence and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba. It will be 
noticed that this was not a statement up*on Dewey's part that they were capable of 
self-government. Dewey never expressed that opinion. On the contrary he said 
both in the report of the Philippine Commission and elsewhere, that they are not a 
nation, but a variegated assemblage of different tribes and people, and that their 
lack of education and political experience combined with their racial and linguis- 
:ic diversities disqualified them from undertaking the task of governing the 
archipelago at the present time. 

It may be that Admiral Dewey was correct in his opinion comparing them with 

5 



the Cubans, for it is yet to be shown that the Cubans have sufficient capacity for 
self-government. My own impression is that the future will show that we have 
made a premature promise in respect to Cuba. At the present moment Cuba 
is quiet and the Philippines are disturbed. But five or ten years from today the 
reverse will be true, the Filipinos will be under an orderly government while Cuba 
is perhaps amid the throes of anarchy and dissension. The time will come here- 
after when they will call upon us to settle their differences. 

DEWEY SUPPORTED ANNEXATION. 

Dewey, like the other witnesses whose statements appeared before the Com- 
mission, supported annexation and believed that we ought to take the responsibility 
of governing the Philippines. 

THE ONLY JUST COURSE OPEN. 

The evidence was therefore practically uncontradicted, the Philippines were 
jiot fit for independent government of their own. If in the face of all this evi- 
dence the President had decided to give the Filipinos independence and to "let 
them stew in their own juice, with anarchy first and annexation afterwards," I 
will ask you whether the adoption of that alternative would not have been a 
crime. The President did right in insisting upon an absolute cession of the is- 
lands and in keeping in our own hands the power of determining their future des- 
tiny. If he had adopted any other course he would have been false to the best 
interest of the islanders and to civilization itself. 

But more important than any testimony given to the Commissioners at Paris 
was the statement of our own citizen, Prof. Dean C. Worcester of Michigan Uni- 
versity. Prof. Worcester was a member of a scientific expedition which visited 
the Philippines, arriving in Manila in September, 1887, and afterwards visiting 
all the principal islands of the archipelago, going into the interior, and inspecting 
many places rarely seen by Europeans. They spent eleven months among the 
islands. In July, 1890, they visited the islands again, remaining there over two 
years and a half. Owing to the semi-official character of the expedition they had 
exceptional opportunities for investigation. They were thrown among all classes 
from the highest officials to the wildest savages. Professor Worcester had better 
means of judging the capacity of the inhabitants of the Philippines than any living 
American. His book was written before the Philippine question assumed any 
definite shape. In law, as we are aware, particular value attaches to testimony 
which is given before the controversy has arisen and which is therefore essentially 
impartial. In this book, on page 482, he gives his conclusion: 

"With all their amiable qualities, it is not to be denied that at present the civil- 
ized natives are utterly unfit for self-government. .Their universal lack of edu- 
cation is in itself a difficulty that cannot be speedily overcome, and there is much 
truth in the statement of a priest who said of them that 'in many things they are 
big children who must be treated like little ones.' " 

I insist that this sentence contains the highest evidence now accessible to the 
American people in regard to the capacity of the Philippines for self-government. 
The conclusion is confirmed by the maturer opinion of Professor Worcester, after 
he had been appointed one of the Philippine commissioners and had made a thor- 
ough investigation of the political condition of the islands and the capacity of the 

6 



people for self-government. It ought to convince any impartial man that we have 
no right to leave the Philippines unaided to their own destiny or promise them an 
independence which we know they are incapable of enjoying. 

WHAT F. F. HILDER WROTE. 

In an article in the Forum for August, 1900, by F. F. Hilder, who is familiar 
wi h the Philippines, having twice visited the islands, from which he has recently 
returned, we find the following : 

"The Filipinos as a whole are certainly not at present capable of establish- 
ing and maintaining an independent government." 

RESIDENTS AGAINST INDEPENDENCE. 

Senator Beveridge gave us the results of conversations which he had held 
with people in all walks of life, foreign merchants, priests, mestizos, pure Fili- 
pinos, and every variety of men, . character and opinion from San Fernando, in 
Luzon, on down through the entire archipelago to the interior of Sulu. These 
conversations were informal, on journeys and the like, and always under con- 
ditions favorable to frankness. 

Let me cite a few of them. 

One of the principal merchants in the Philippines said : 

"The people are incapable of self-government. The few exceptions are no 
examples of the masses. For years to come a very strong government will be 
necessary." 

Another said : 

"I think it folly to talk of giving the natives any part in the government ; they 
are incapable. * * * Any but a strong government at first will result in 
disorder." 

An eminent doctor in the Philippines said: 

"Self-government is out of the question." 

An eminent scientist : 

"It will take a long time to prepare the people for self-government." 

A gentleman connected with the railroad service : 

"If they were given self-government business would almost disappear until 
some European power took the matter in hand." 

One of the large planters of Luzon, a pure Filipino with intimate relations with 
the insurgents, said : 

"They do not know anything about government except what Spain gave 
them, which was most corrupt." 

A pure Filipino, a physician, a man of wealth in the interior of Luzon, says : 

"They probably do not know what they want. They are incapable of self- 
government. My people are not a bad people ; they don't understand, they are 
children yet." 

The principal British merchant of Iloilo said : 

"They are capable of self-government in municipal matters, further than that 
I think it not safe to go at present. The common people probably do not under- 
stand the meaning of self-government as we do." 

Another British merchant in Iloilo said : 

"Don't indulge in any nonsense about self-government. It is out of the ques- 
tion at present at least." 

A highly educated Spanish mestizo, employed in Iloilo : 

7 



I do not believe that the mass 01 the people are at all htted tor seli-govern- 
ment now and will not be for a long time." 

A rich planter of Panay, pure Filipino, said : 

"The people are at present incapable of self-government though they might 
be entrusted with purely municipal affairs." 

A prominent Spanish mestizo of Negros said: 

"The people are not capable of self-government in the archipelago. It is well, 
though, to trust them with municipal administration, provided, however, that every- 
thing is under your final supervision." 

A pure Filipino, a large planter of Negros, said : 

"I should say that not over three or four per cent of them are capable of self- 
government or in any sense understand the term." 

A large planter of Negros, claiming to be pure Filipino, but with some Chi- 
nese blood, said : 

"I have from 1,000 to 1,500 men working for me. Of this number all are 
capable of self-government. Would they vote as I wish? Most assuredly they 
would. ' What would I do if any man spoke against or criticised the government ? 
Why, any one rising against the government would be tried and shot, if con- 
demned." 

A prominent Filipino of Cebu said : 

"Very few are capable of self-government now." 

An American planter of Panay : 

"The people are not capable of self-government. You had better beware of 
giving them too much than too little." 

Pablo Majia, a pure Filipino, rich, able and.honest, who was afterwards stabbed 
to death in Cebu : 

"I am sorry to say that very few of our population are capable of self-govern- 
ment." 

A doctor of Cebu, who has lived among the Filipinos twenty-five years, an 
able man, said : 

"These people are incapable of self-government ; that ought to be apparent to 
any thoughtful person. They are strangely childish. Thev do not themselves un- 
derstand clearly what they are fighting for." 

A gentleman living in Cebu, who had spent his entire life in various tropical 
countries, said : 

"Self-government for the archipelago would be a hideous mistake. They 
are utterly incapable of participating in government. * * * Government of 
the archipelago by natives would mean continuous civil war." 

Senator Beveridge, after the murder of Majia, very properly declined to give 
the names of his informants, lest they should suffer a like fate. 

THE ANTI IMPERIALISTS' EVIDENCE. 

The strongest evidence urged by the Anti-Imperialists against this over 
whelming current of testimony is the report of Leonard R. Sargent, who in Oc 
tober and November, 1898, visited the northern part of Luzon in company with 
Paymaster Willcox. His report says that at that time good order was observed in 
the places he visited, that there were evidences of intelligence and refinement. He 
describes the receptions and balls given in their honor and the desire of the peo 
pie for independence, states that he noticed no signs of ill treatment among the 
Spanish prisoners, describes the turning over of the town of Aparri from military 



to civil authority, speaks of the extreme ignorance of the poor classes, the limited 
information of the upper classes and the desire of all for more education. 

Mr. Sargent undoubtedly conceived favorable notions of the Filipinos, but in 
two provinces, Ilocas Sur, and Union, he found the officers very domineering. 
"When an accident happened to our carriage, the officer commanding our 
guard called to our assistance every native within sight. When they did not 
answer his call promptly we have seen him strike them with his riding whip. 
One man had a serious wound on his face where an officer had struck him with his 
pistol butt. He came to us for redress after having appealed in vain to the mil- 
itary officer in command of the town. In these provinces there were signs of 
actual discontent with the existing state of things." 

Mr. Sargent found that the natives had been prejudiced against Americans by 
the Spaniards, that they had received remarkable information upon two points : 
"First : That we have mercilessly slain and finally exterminated the race of In- 
dians that were native to our soil and that we went to war in 1861 to suppress 
an insurrection of negro slaves whom we also ended by exterminating ! Intelligent 
and well informed men have believed these charges. They were rehearsed to us 
in many towns in different provinces beginning at Malolos." 

At that time Aguinaldo himself refused passports to Willcox and Sargent on 
the ground that there was an attempt to stir up an insurrection in the Northern 
provinces and that if that should happen he might not be able to provide for their 
safety ! 

FILIPINO INCAPACITY FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

There are other matters that show the incapacity of the Filipinos for self-gov- 
ernment. While for a long time the Filipinos generally abstained from acts of 
barbarity and the prisoners in their hands were generally treated with kindness, 
when at last the American forces landed and prepared to capture Manila, a differ- 
ent spirit prevailed. The Filipino soldiers had received no pay and hopes were 
held out to them that they should have their reward in the general looting of the 
Philippine capital. 

The fact that Aguinaldo intended to deliver this great capital to . plunder ap- 
pears from many sources. 

General Greene says in his memorandum : 

"They receive no pay and are held together by the hope of booty when they en- 
ter Manila." (Sen. Doc. 62, p. 375.) 

Chief Surgeon Bourns : 

"At the present it is my opinon that these chieftains find themselves in a diffi- 
cult position on account of the promises made to their followers in regard to 
looting Manila, said promises being so far unfulfilled." (Sen. Doc. 62, p. 377.) 

J. F. Bell, major of the engineers, says : 

"There is a regularly organized system of blackmail under the guise of mak- 
ing subscriptions to the insurgent cause. None of this money ever reaches the 
treasury of the so-called Filipino government and is doubtless divided among the 
petty chiefs who assume to authorize subordinates to collect it. The Filipinos 
themselves living in the outskirts of the city are daily terrorized and interfered 
with by small bands of marauding insurgents who molest them for no other pur- 
pose than the accumulation of booty." 

More than this, however, we have official evidence in a memorandum drawn up 



1898. The fourth clause of which was as follows : 

"The sacrifices that we have made in contribution to the siege and capture of 
Manila being notorious it is just that we should have a part in the booty of war."" 
(Rep. Major General commanding army. Part 2, p. 344.) 

On the 8th of September, General Otis wrote to Aguinaldo in reference to this 
demand. He said : 

"Your forces, you say in substance should have a share in the booty re- 
sulting from the conquest of the city on account of the hardships endured and as- 
sistance rendered." 

And he explains that our government has never recognized the existence of 
spoils of war and he concludes : 

"My troops cannot acquire booty or any individual benefit by reason of the 
capture of an enemy's territory." (Rep. Gen. Otis, p. 8.) 

A PLOT TO BURN AND MASSACRE. 

Not only was it Aguinaldo's design to allow Manila to be looted by his sol- 
diers, but at a later period he organized a plot for an uprising in Manila to burn 
the town and massacre all the inhabitants, the plans for which are now in our 
possession. In respect to this General Otis reports as follows : 

"On February 15 the provost-marshal-general secured an order issued by the 
Malolos government through the responsible officer who had raised and organ- 
ized the hostile inhabitants within the city and then departed for the insurgent cap- 
ital, which directed a rising that evening and which for barbarous intent is un- 
equaled in these modern times of civilized warfare. A translation reads in part as 
follows : 

" 'First. You will so dispose that at 8 o'clock at night the individuals of the 
territorial militia at your order will be found united in all the streets of San 
Pedro armed with their "bolos" and revolvers and guns and ammunition, if con- 
venient. 

" 'Second. Philippine families only will be respected. They should not be mo- 
lested, but all other individuals, of whatever race they may be will be exter- 
minated without any compassion after the extermination of the army of occu- 
pation. * * *' 

"Of course arrangements were made to immediately check this demonstration. 
* * * This fortunate precaution served to keep very active the watchfulness of] 
all officers charged with the safety of the city, and vigilance was rewarded on 
the night of Feb. 22, when a directed rising was attempted and was successful in 
its inception and primary stages. Considerable numbers of armed insurgents, 
passing by water and through swamps around McArthur's left entered Tondo, the 
northern district of the city, about a mile to the rear of his line, and there concealed 
themselves, awaiting their opportunity. Shortly after dark in the evening a num- 
ber of buildings, some of considerable importance, situated in the thickly set-i 
tied portion of Binondo, were simultaneously fired, having been previously ker- 
osened, and while the city fire department (a department the membership of which 
was confined to natives who had always proved loyal) was making great efforts 
to extinguish the fires, or at least hold them under control, the fire hose was repeat- 
edly cut and musketry shooting commenced very near them at the north, on the 
Tondo and Binondo line." (Report Gen. Otis, p. 169.) 

AGUINALDO WAS RESPONSIBLE. 

Lest it may be said that Aguinaldo was not responsible for this cruel order, let 
us examine what has been his subsequent conduct. 

10 



In June of the present year the Secret Service Department under Lieutenant 
Trowbridge came upon an insurgent recruiting office where in the cupboard a 
quantity of papers were discovered of recent date, the latest being dated June 7. 
They consisted of orders and letters from Aguinaldo. One contained the de- 
tails of a plot to excite an uprising in Manila. Another contained the following 
words regarding the Filipinos : 

"Let us continue as a thorn in the side of our oppressors and stick where we 
dare, sparing neither men, women, children nor old people." (Indianapolis Jour- 
nal, July 22, 1900.) 

This was not an act done in passion. It was not the act of some irresponsible 
subordinate. It is the written declaration of the President of a so-called republic, 
deliberately proposing a wholesale slaughter of the innocent. Is the so-called re- 
public established by this man capable of maintaining free institutions ? 

Professor Worcester says in an article in Harper's Weekly : 

"When I left Manila the province of Batangas was overrun with robbers and 
cut-throats. No attempt was being made to bring criminals to justice. The 
schools were abandoned. The people had been forced to furnish large 'war con- 
tributions/ and many of them were ruined. Some who were unwilling to con- 
tribute had been buried alive ; others had had their hands hacked off. In several 
of the larger cities the individual houses were intrenched, so that their owners 
might defend themselves against their neighbors. The military governor of the 
province, a Tagalog, and an insurgent, but an honest man withal, had character- 
ized the condition that existed as 'complete anarchy,' and had repeatedly sent word 
to Manila that he was ready to surrender and help us in the restoration of order, 
M we would only send a small force there. In Cavite Province insurgent troops 
had robbed the inhabitants of Paranaque, Laspinas, and Bacoor before retreating 
and had left them literally starving, so that it was necessary for us to provide them 
with food. At Bacoor insurgent soldiers had fired into houses filled with defence- 
less women and had then broken in and robbed them, searching their persons for 
concealed jewelry. The unarmed natives throughout the province called their 
troops by the name ordinarily applied to the mythical being popularly believed to 
breed cholera. General Noriel was refusing to obey the orders of his superior 
General Trias, and had set up a regular seraglio. Many of his soldiers were fol- 
lowing his example, both in disobedience and licentiousness. The natives of 
Bulacan were begging for firearms to defend themselves against robbers. The 
Bicols, of southern Luzon, had attacked the Tagalogs at several points and were 
asking for help from us. 

"In some of the other islands conditions were even worse. Early in the revolt 
Tomas Aguinaldo, a cousin of Emilio Aguinaldo, and an insurgent official, had 
gone to the west coast of Mindoro, and had there organized a genuine piratical ex- 
pedition. He had then coolly plundered the inhabitants of the Calamianes Islands, 
Masbate, Sibuyan, and Romblon, and had returned to Mindoro with his booty. 

"The Tagalog General Lucban had extorted a 'war contribution' of $200,000 
from the peaceable Visayans of Samar and Leyte, and had put it into his pocket. 
The insurgents and the Moros had been fighting each other at Zamboanga in 
Mindanao. The Visayans of North Panay, who a few months before had been 
ready to die for independence, had sent word that they would welcome the Amer- 
icans, the Russians, the Turks, the Chinese, or any one who would rid them of the 
Tagalogs. 

"I could add illustrations indefinitely, but to briefly sum up the case the insiu 
gent government, even within Tagalog territory, had failed to administer just' 
protect life and property, provide for public education, and just taxation, r 
satisfactorily perform any of the legitimate functions of government." 

11 



it must oe Dorne in mma mat tnese acts were committed not against tneir 
American "oppressors,'' but against their own people. They were not caused by 
disorders introduced by our armies, but were the result of the so-called Filipino 
independence. Have we a right to turn over the islands to such a future? 

BRYAN'S PHILOSOPHY. 

In answer to this overwhelming mass Qf authority what does Mr. Bryan say" 
"There are degrees of proficiency in the art of self-government, but it is a reflec- 
tion upon the Creator to say that He denied to any people the capacity of self- 
government."' 

What shallow philosophy is this? Has he not denied it to individuals? Did 
not God create the imbecile and the madman? Did He not also send children 
to brighten our lives, and did He give to these the capacity of self-government? 
The same Providence that brought us helpless into the world has also created the 
child nations of mankind. And the child nation is like the infant. It must be led 
and guided and controlled until it comes to man's estate. Then if it be of sound 
mind and understanding it may rule itself. If not, it must still be led and gov- 
erned by those who are. 

THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN. 

It is perfectly evident as a practical fact that there are some peoples who are 
not able to govern themselves. The North American Indians when left alone 
lived in a state of constant war with each other, and long before the white man 
came to their shores they were in process of extermination. The Iroquois had 
destroyed the Hurons and the population, sparse as it was, was gradually be- 
coming extinct. The great races of the dark continent were most of them equally 
incapable of self-government. Some of the Central American republics are to-day 
the prey of constantly recurring disorders. Every few weeks we hear of some 
new revolution. Neither life nor property is safe. Progress is impossible and 
in many places the people are relapsing into a condition little better than bar- 
barism. 

Now, I say, it would be wrong in us to put the Philippines back into a condi- 
tion where they would permanently become the prey to such disorders. We 
had better have the fight now and have it over and have a stable and progressive 
government there, which will last, than make the promise of independence to-day 
and sow the seed of anarchy and discord for generations to come. 

The Democratic . platform itself concedes in a way that the Filipinos are 
incapable of proper self-government, for it says "The Filipinos cannot be citizens 
without injuring our civilization." If that be so it must be because they are 
incapable of being good citizens. If that be the fact, are they able to establish 
a republic? 

If any explanation were needed of the Democratic platform regarding the 
capability of the Filipinos for self-government, it is furnished by Mr. Bryan, the 
candidate, in an interview at Minneapolis. He says : 

"Wherever there is a people intelligent enough to form a part of this republic, 
it is my belief that they should be taken in. Wherever there is a people who are' 
capable of having a voice and a representation in this government, there the lim- 
its of the republic may be extended. The Filipinos are not such people." 



UNANIMITY IN CONCLUSION. 

It is a marvel how the men who have gone to the Philippines for the purpose 
of examining political conditions have been converted to the belief that the U. S. 
ought to keep the islands. The President of the Philippine Commission, Mr. 
Schurman, when McKinley appointed him, was unfavorable to annexation. This 
was no objection on the part of the President, for he was appointed to study the 
conditions of the islands upon the ground. His conclusion is that the people are 
now incapable of self-government and that annexation is inevitable and desir- 
able. Prof. Worcester also entertained great doubts about the propriety of 
keeping the Philippines, but he, too, concurs in the conclusion. Bishop Potter, 
a very strong anti-imperialist, went to the islands to study the subject and comes 
back convinced that there is no other course for us to pursue than to keep them. 
The men who were relied upon most strongly by the anti-imperialists at the be- 
ginning of the controversy, such as Dewey, tell us that they are not capable of 
establishing a republic and that we should not withdraw. Mr. Halstead, Senator 
Beveridge, Colonel Denby, these men have always been annexationists and their 
views have been confirmed by their examination of the question upon the ground. 

The only men who oppose this general current of opinion are a few subor- 
dinates, whose view of the situation is necessarily limited; they are either men 
"who do not want their names known," or men of whom no one ever heard before. 
And most emphatic of all are the men who have studied the question from the 
longest range and have remained away altogether. 

The last report of the Philippine Commission, of which Mr. Schurman was 
president, gives the most conclusive evidence regarding the capacity of the 
natives for self-government. The Commission, in its interview with Colonel 
Arguelles, the envoy sent by Aguinaldo, told him that independence was, in their 
opinion, at present impossible. 

"Arguelles said they were beginning to realize this fact; that moreover, 
no nation had been willing to recognize them as independent or as belligerent; 
and thereupon he stated that he was authorized to say, on behalf of Aguinaldo, 
that they were not fighting for the sovereignty of the islands, but for the honor 
of the army. Being asked, 'You accept, then, the sovereignty of the United 
States?' he replied, 'Yes, we do.' Being asked if he was duly authorized to make 
that statement also, he replied that he was." 

Shortly after this interview, however, General Luna arrested Arguelles, who 
wa s charged with having become imbued with American ideas and favoring peace, 
and he was expelled from the army and sentenced to twelve years' imprisonment. 

REPORT OF THE COMMISSION. 

The Commission, in its report, gives a list of three separate races inhabiting 
the Philippines, Negritos, Indonesians and Malayans. Of these there are 84 
different tribes, the Visayans being the most numerous, containing 2,600,000 ; the 
Tagalogs next with 1,600,000; the Bicoles next with 500,000; the Ilocanos next 
with 441,000, and so on. 

In Luzon alone there are six civilized tribes, as well as numerous wild tribes, 
and throughout the islands there is no feeling of national unity. 

From these facts the Commission draws the irresistible conclusion that the 
Filipinos do not'constitute "a nation." 

n 



EDUCATION FIRST. 

Next the report shows the deplorable lack of even the simplest elements of 
education. The Spanish regulations provided that there should be one teacher 
for every 2,500 inhabitants, but in point of fact there was less than one teacher 
for each four thousand inhabitants, and of the larger towns like Albay, Argao, 
Batangas, Calbayog and others, containing a population of over 40,000 each, had 
only one male and one female teacher. Yet education in the Philippines has been 
compared with that in Massachusetts, where there is one teacher in the public 
schools for each 189 inhabitants! Instruction was limited to Christian doctrine 
and morality, reading, writing, arithmetic, Spanish geography and Spanish his- 
tory, agriculture, deportment, music. This was the entire curriculum of the very 
highest primary schools. There were no maps, no charts. The only history ever 
taught was that of Spain. Instruction in practical agriculture was a farce. A 
room in the house of the schoolmaster often served in lieu of a schoolhouse, 
while the lack of text-books, blackboards and even of writing materials made it 
mecessary that most of the instruction should be oral. The compensation for 
the teachers averaged about $12 a month for the men and $7 for the women, and 
persons with sufficient education could not afford to practise the profession. The 
total amount expended on public education outside of Manila was less than 
$40,000. It is not hard to understand how far this would go with a population of 
more than eight millions. The fitness of any people to maintain a popular gov- 
ernment depends upon the prevalence of knowledge and enlightenment among 
the masses. Is it not evident to any thinking man that the proper order of devel- 
opment is education first and then self-government? 

The Commission furnish an interesting series of recommendations as to edu- 
cational measures to be adopted. Shall these measures attain fruition or shall they 
be blighted in the bud by the granting of premature independence? 
THE QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

The Commission in its final report thus referred to the question of independ- 
ence: 

"While the peoples of the Philippine Islands ardently desire a full measure 
of rights and liberties, they do not, in the opinion of the Commission, generally 
desire independence. Hundreds of witnesses testified on this subject to the Com- 
mission and its individual members, and, though they represented all possible 
varieties of opinion — many of them being in sympathy with the insurgents — they 
were uniform in their testimony that, in view of the ignorance and political inex 
perience of the masses of the people, the multiplicity of languages, the divergencies 
of culture and mode of life, and the obstacles to intercommunication, an indepen 
dent sovereign Philippine state was at the present time neither possible nor de- 
sirable, even if its poverty and internal weakness and lack of coherence would 
not invite, and the dissatisfaction of aliens entail, the intervention of foreign 
powers with the inevitable result of the division of the archipelago among them 
and the disappearance forever of the dream and hope of a united and self-j 
governing Philippine commonwealth. The Philippine Islands, even the most patri- 
otic declare, cannot at the present time stand alone. They need the tutelage and 
protection of the United States. But they need it in order that in due time they 
may, in their opinion, become self-governing and independent. For it would be a 
misrepresentation of facts not to report that ultimate independence— independence 

14 



after an undefined period ot American training — is the aspiration and goal ot the 
intelligent Filipinos who to-day so strenuously oppose the suggestion of inde- 
pendence at the present time. 

If the foregoing statements regarding the attitude of the Filipinos toward 
independence seem to be in contradiction with the fact that some Filipinos are 
now engaged in resisting the sovereignty of the United States, it should be re- 
called that the Tagalog insurrection is an inheritance from Spain, and that if 
the idea of independence is now one of its animating forces it had originally no 
place in the movement and that it is to-day a much weaker force than the selfish 
ambitions of leaders who deceive the misguided people or than that distrust and 
hatred of the white race which has been engendered in them by three centuries 
of experience with the only branch of it they have ever known. The Tagalog 
leaders also appreciate the value in foreign markets of the idea of independence 
as a justification of rebellion; but it is not that idea which secured them soldiers, 
or munitions of war, or tributes from other provinces, but the strong hand of force 
coupled with persistent misrepresentations of the purposes and objects of the 
American* Government, for the dissemination of which both circumstances and 
the native suspicion of the white man were peculiarly favorable. Nor can it 
with any propriety be said that an insurrection confined to Tagalogs — who, if 
all are included, number 1,600,000 souls — has for its object the independence of the 
peoples of the Philippine Islands, who number about 8,000,000. (Rep. Phil. Com., 

PP. 82, 83.) 

THE DEMOCRATIC POSITION IMPOSSIBLE. 

As to the proposal to promise independence and a protectorate at the present 
time (which is the proposition now adopted by the Democratic party) the Com- 
mission say: 

'The idea of a protectorate entertained by the insurgent leaders under which 
they should enjoy all the powers of an independent sovereign government, and 
the Americans should assume all obligations to foreign nations for their good 
use of those powers, would create an impossible situation for the United States. 
Internal dominion and external responsibility must go hand in hand. Under the 
chimerical scheme of protection cherished by Aguinaldo, if a foreigner lost his 
life or property through a miscarriage of justice in a Philippine court or in 
consequence of a governor's failure to suppress a riot, then the United States 
would be responsible for indemnity to the foreigner's government, though with- 
out possessing the power of punishing the offenders, of preventing such mal- 
administration, or of protecting itself against similar occurrences in the future. 
Nor could the liability to foreign nations be reduced without permitting them di- 
rectly to seek redress, and such a course would, it is to be feared, speedily lead to 

he appropriation of the Philippine Islands by the great powers, who would not 
need to seek far for pretenses for intervention. 

It is, of course, a quite different proposal to relinquish sovereignty over the 
Philippine Islands as soon as the Filipinos are capable of governing themselves. 
So far as such a policy rests upon conceptions of American duty, convenience, or 

xpediency, it does not fall to this Commission to consider it. But, from the 
point of view of the Philippines, it is proper and, indeed, imperative to observe 

hat, in the opinion of the Commission, the consideration of that proposal must 
:>e qualified by two conditions : First, it is impossible, even approximately, to fix 
1 time for the withdrazval of American sovereignty over the archipelago, as no one 
can foresee when the diverse peoples of the Philippine Islands may be molded 
:ogether into a nationality capable of exercising all the functions of independent 

elf-government. They are certainly incapable of such a work to-day; whether 
in one or more generations they can be trained to it only the future can disclose. 
And, secondly, if American sovereignty over the archipelago should ever be 
relinquished, if all American authority over the people should ever cease and 

15 



uvuv-iiiiiiiv., cii^n uiv, wiul\,u ULaivo o±hj.li.hu ± ^iivjciliyv^ dll UUllgclLiUIlS LU lUlClgll 11a.- 

tions for the good conduct of the Filipinos. Undoubtedly the raising of the 
American flag in the Philippine Islands has entailed great responsibilities upon 
us ; but to guarantee external protection while renouncing internal dominion is 
no way of escaping from them ;' on the contrary-, while you pull down the flag 
you only pile up difficulties." (Rep. Phil. Commission, p. 103.) 

SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT OUTLINED. 

In their report, the Philippine Commission outline a system of government 
for the islands modeled upon the territorial government established by Thomas 
Jefferson for Louisiana, but giving to the Filipino people a far larger share of 
representation and self-government. A strong central administration is provided 
for and civil service reform methods are to be introduced. 

Who can doubt that the condition of the islands will be far better after an 
experience under such a government than if they are promised independence at a 
time when they are wholly incapable of maintaining it? 

The men who signed the report of this Commission were appointed by Presi- 
dent McKinley on account of their eminent qualifications for the task. Mr. 
Schurman, President of Cornell University, one of our foremost educators, Min- 
ister Denby, a skilful diplomat, eminently qualified by experience to solve the 
difficult questions arising in the East, Professor Worcester, the one American 
who understood from previous knowledge the practical capabilities and needs of 
the inhabitants of the islands. These were the civilian commissioners to whom 
were joined Dewey, the Admiral of our navy, and Otis, the Commander of our 
troops. Could any commissioners be chosen better qualified to pass intelligently 
upon the problems before them? Could any be chosen more disinterested, more 
unbiased, whose conclusions would be more reliable? All are agreed in their- 
conclusions that annexation is inevitable, all are agreed as to the best manner of 
governing the islands, and their conclusions ought to be accepted by the Amer- 
ican people. There was no politics in their appointment. It was controlled by a 
beneficent desire to do what was best for the natives of the islands as well as for 
our own republic. 

Another Commission has now been sent for the purpose of establishing a, 
civil government. Judge Taft of Cincinnati is the President of this Commission. I 
do not believe a man in America could be chosen who ought to command any] 
greater confidence for a task — a profound jurist, a man of lofty aims and purposes' 
and of excellent judgment. He is the worthy President of a Commission as well 
qualified for its task as that which preceded it. They are now at work estab-j 
lishing a system of government. Shall we interfere with this course of beneficent- 
constructive legislation and throw back into anarchy the islands which we have 
agreed to protect by promising independence to a people who are as yet incapable 
of enjoying it? Let us leave that promise until the time comes, if it should come] 
at all, when the Filipinos shall be educated to man's estate, and qualified to as- 
sume the responsibilities of government, when they can determine intelligently 
whether they prefer to remain under our dominion or to embark upon an inde- 
pendent career. 



16 



BRYAN'S ATTITUDE 

TOWARDS THE PHILIPPINES. 

BY THE HON. CHARLES DENBY, OF INDIANA, 

Ex-United States Minister to Chins, and Member of the First Com- 
mission to the Philippines — a Life=Iong Democrat, 



In his speech of April 17th, 1900, in the Senate, Mr. 
Hoar said that he could not forget that Mr. Bryan, "un- 
less he is much misrepresented, used all his power and 
influence with those of his friends who are ready to lis- 
ten to his counsels to secure the ratification of the 
treaty," meaning the Paris treaty. 

There were seventeen Democratic Senators who 
voted for the ratification. A two-thirds majority was 
necessary. The treaty was ratified by one vote. 

Mr. Bryan has squarely assumed the responsibility 
of the ratification. 

In his speech of acceptance Mr. Bryan meets this 
question in the only way that he could have met it. 
His language is: "I was among the number of those 
who believed it better to ratify the treaty * * ." Thus 
Mr. Bryan endorses the doctrine that a politician has the 
right to do evil in order that good may come. The end 
justifies the means. In morals this position is unsound. 

We had taken Manila on August 13th, 1898. In De- 
cember, 1898, Spain had made a treaty ceding the 
islands to us. We had occupied them until February 
5th, 1899. On that day Aguinaldo made war on us. 
Our soldiers had to fight for their lives. The treaty was 
ratified on February 7th, 1899. Mr. Bryan advised his 
friends in the Senate to vote to ratify the treaty after 
the battle of February 5th had been fought. He knew 
that war had begun. ^ He might readily have foreseen 
what complications might possibly occur out of the ex- 
isting conditions. Then was the time to have talked 
about the "consent of the governed, " and not now, 
when every speech he makes adds ten names to the roll 
of our dead, and one hundred to the Filipino dead. 

If Mr. Bryan's plea were filed in the courts, the 
judges would hold it bad, on the doctrine of estoppel. 
If a man fails to tell the truth when he ought to have 
told it, .and the position of another person would be in- 



juriously affected by permitting him to tell thereafter 
what he alleges to be true, his mouth is sealed by the 
law. For instance, if you stand by at an auction sale, 
and see another person buy your horse, and pay for it 
without disclosing your title, you are estopped to claim 
the horse, though your title to it might have been good if 
you had asserted it at the proper time. 

Mr. Bryan having the undoubted power to prevent 
the ratification of the treaty, actually, by his own con- 
fession, .advised its ratification. Neither in law, nor in 
morals, can he be permitted now to secure political 
advantage from denouncing a course of conduct which 
he himself advised. 

Surely, if a great political leader goes before the 
country and counsels that a certain law be passed, or a 
solemn treaty be ratified, an indignant public will not 
listen to him patiently when he afterwards denounces 
the adoption of the line of policy which he himself 
urged. All may be fair in love and war, but no public 
man has openly avowed that all is fair in politics. How- 
ever violent the presumption may be, it is still presumed, 
prima facie, that political battles are waged on principle, 
and not on fraud and trickery. 

I do not accuse Mr. Bryan of favoring the adoption 
of the treaty of Paris for the sake of securing a political 
advantage, but if he really believed the treaty was bad 
because it conveyed to us the title to the Philippines, 
surely the plainer and more honorable course would 
have been to have opposed its ratification. What he 
says as to his reasons for his conduct is: "I thought it 
safer to trust the American people to give independence 
to the Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of 
that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly nation/' 

This sounds very well indeed, and puts Mr. Bryan 
in the attitude of desiring independence for the Fili- 
pinos very ardently. What were the Filipinos to him, or 
he to them ? Why should he so ardently desire that they 
should be spared the disgrace of becoming citizens of 
our great Republic? Why become so suddenly imbued 
with antagonism to the Democratic principle of expan- 
sion as exemplified by all Democratic statesmen from 
Jefferson to Yoorhees? If he could stand the annexa- 
tion of Hawaii, why balk at the acquisition of the 
Philippines? 

Mr. Bryan is not slow in giving us in his own words 
the reason for his conduct. He does not wait long to 
show the cloven foot. His own explanation is as follows : 



u I believe that we are now in a better position to 
wage a successful contest against imperialism than we 
would have been had the treaty been rejected." 

Here, then, we have the real reason for this strange 
parody of Jekyll and Hyde ! He wanted to create the 
bogy of " imperialism," in order that he might fight and 
overcome the monster! If the treaty had not been 
ratified there would have been no " imperialism," and. 
Mr. Bryan would have failed to secure an antagonist 
worthy of his splendid oratory. How simple it all seems, 
now that he has explained it ! If Mr. Bryan had op- 
posed the ratification of the treaty the Filipinos would 
have gone their way, either into the arms of Spain, or of 
Germany, or into discordant and warring petty states. 
At all events we would have been done with them. 
This would not have suited at all, because Mr. Bryan 
wanted to wage "a successful contest against imperial- 



ism." 



As Hawaii had already come peacefully under our 
rule no imperialism could be predicated on her accession. 
It was necessary that the two-headed giant should be 
created before " Jack the Giant-Killer " could overcome 
him ; and so imperialism was born, and its actual father 
was William Jennings Bryan ! He is now endeavoring 
to destroy his own child. 

Mr. Bryan favors " the right kind of expansion," but 
he does not favor the acquisition of the Philippines. 
Why, in the name of common honesty, did he not say so 
when the Senate was discussing the ratification of the 
treaty? Then was the time for him to speak, or to for- 
ever after hold his peace. Let it be remembered that 
this extraordinary dread of " imperialistic rule " comes 
from a gentleman who has accepted the nomination of 
the fusion Populists' or People's party. It is presumed 
that he is bound in honor to carry out the principles of 
each one of the three parties of which he is the nominee. 
The Populist platform demands that " The country 
should own and operate the railroads in the interest of 
the people." Is not that imperialism? 

If imperialism means that our own liberties are in 
danger, the allegation that William McKinley stands for 
it should be laughed to scorn in every audience where it 
is advanced. It is an insult to the intelligence of the 
American people that a party orator should occupy him- 
self in endeavoring to show that the citizens of this 
Republic are in danger of being enslaved. This is ammu- 
nition that has already been fired. 



During General Grant's incumbency of the Presi- 
dency we heard all this fiery eloquence. It was prophe- 
sied time and again that he would never leave the White 
House except feet foremost; yet he quietly walked ou^, 
as all his predecessors had done. 

As long as the Union exists no danger of despotism 
will ever come to this people. 

When, if ever, we are divided up into petty provinces, 
a strong ruler may seize the helm of state in some of them, 
but as long as forty-five united sovereign states exist, our 
liberties are secure. Webster said long ago, " Liberty 
and union, one and inseparable." McKinley fought to 
save that Union, and he will fight, if need be, to save our 
liberties. 

All the contest now, apparently, is to show not that 
the Filipinos will be injured by annexation to our 
country, but that we ourselves will thereby lose our 
liberties. Even if we intended to hold the Philippines in 
subjection would it follow that we would be slaves? In 
olden times did the Southerner who held slaves cease to 
be a freeman ? Today, while he announces that he will 
kill the negroes, and bulldoze them, and drive them from 
the polls, and while he is endeavoring by ingenious ap- 
plication of constitutional law to disfranchise them, 
is his own liberty for these reasons in danger? We all 
know that it is not. 

In the course of President McKinley towards the 
Philippines not an act can be found which indicates that 
he has ever intended to treat them otherwise than to 
secure for them the greatest measure of liberty until 
Congress should decide what their status was to be — as 
the treaty provides it shall do. He did not vacate the 
islands on the order of Aguinaldo. As the executive he 
he was bound to hold them, "although the land was 
sowed with dragons' teeth which were destined to spring 
up armed men." He had no more right to pive up the 
the territory, which had been bought at the instance and 
request of Mr. Bryan, than Bryan has at this moment. 

The land is red now with the blood of Lawton, Egbert, 
Stotzenberg, Logan and many of their comrades. It has 
become sacred soil for us — but sentiment apart, potent 
as it is with patriotic people — let some one indicate 
what the President has done that he ought not to have 
done, or what he he has failed to do that he ought to 
have done. 

In January, 1899, he appointed a commission to go 
to the Philippines with instructions "to secure, with the 



least possible delay, the benefits of a wise and generous 
protection of life and property to the inhabitants." The 
commission was instructed to make every effort "to alle- 
viate the burden of taxation, to establish industrial and 
commercial prosperity, and to provide for the safety of 
persons, and of property, by such means as may be found 
conducive to these ends." 

The commissioners were instructed "to ascertain what 
amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants and what 
improvements in public order may be practicable," and 
for this purpose they were directed to study attentively 
the existing social and political status of the various 
populations. In the instructions to the commission the 
President expressed the desire " that in all their relations 
with the inhabitants of the islands the commissioners 
exercise due respect for all the ideals, customs and insti- 
tutions of the tribes which compose the population, 
emphasizing upon all occasions the just and beneficent 
intentions of the government of the United States." 

Upon arriving at Manila the commission issued a 
proclamation, which was signed by the three civil mem- 
bers and by Admiral Dewey and General Otis, in which 
every guarantee of civil and religious freedom was offered. 
The proclamation stated that " the most ample liberty of 
self-government will be granted to the Philippine people, 
which is reconcilable to the maintenance of a wise, just, 
stable, effective and economical administration of public 
affairs, and compatible with the sovereign and inter- 
national rights and obligations of the United States." 
It is stated that the civil rights of the Philippine people 
will be guaranteed and protected to the fullest extent, 
religious freedom was assured, and all persons shall have 
an equal standing before the law. It denounced any 
exploitation of the islands, and guaranteed to the people 
an honest and effective civil service in which to the full- 
est extent practicable natives should be employed. It 
promised reforms of education and the effective admin- 
istration of justice, and it announced that "the purpose 
of the American government is the welfare and advance- 
ment of the Philippine people.'' 

In issuing this proclamation the commission was 
acting under orders and instructions of the President. 
There was not a hint of " imperialism," but, on the con- 
trary, local self-government in all respects as complete 
as we enjoy was offered. All these good offers fell idly 
on the ear of Aguinaldo. He insisted on independence. 
The commission could not promise that, because the 



6 

President, for whom it acted, had no power to give away 
the territory of the United States. 

Another commission was sent to establish a civil 
government for the Philippines. It is now at Manila, 
and the government it has framed will be put in opera- 
tion the 1st of September, 1900. It cannot be treated 
of here, because this article had to be prepared before 
the text of the new government could reach the writer. 
Is it not fair and right to ask that it be tested in prac- 
tice before it is condemned? 

I suppose it is idle, in the present excited state of 
public feeling, to argue with the Democrats that their 
avowed policy is enhancing ten-fold the difficulties which 
confront us in pacifying the islands. One cannot, how- 
ever, avoid regretting that so many of our people are 
encouraging and inflaming the Tagalos to resistance. 

Resistance means death to many of our soldiers, and 
to many Tagalos as well. 

It is believed by the insurgents that Bryan's election 
will insure their independence, and they are encouraged 
to hold out. The success of the Democratic party means 
success for them. If the Tagalos quit fighting and take 
the oath of allegiance, on that moment the "paramount 
issue" is dead, and so is Democracy. In this contest the 
Democrats stake their all on the continuance of fighting. 
It strikes one as odd that a great party should base 
its hopes of success on the killing and wounding of our 
troops. Will not a flame of patriotism rise up over the 
land, which will testify that, at all hazards, we will stand by 
the flag, that come what may, we will not turn our backs 
on the Philippines, a disgraced and dishonored nation? 

What we may do with the Philippines ultimately is 
not the question now. If a man believes that they should 
be independent, this is not the time to urge that solu- 
tion. As well might the dissolution of the ties between 
India and England have been advanced as a remedy, 
when the massacre of Cawnpore took place. As well 
might our troops have been withdrawn from China while 
our Minister was imprisoned. The Democratic platform 
on this subject reads as follows: 

" We favor an immediate declaration of the nation's 
purpose to give to the Filipinos first, a stable form of gov- 
ernment; second, independence; and, third, protection 
from outside interference, such as has been given for 
nearly a century to the republics of Central and South 
America." 

In the list of things to be done first comes " a stable 



form of Government." We are trying to give them 
that now. If we retain them, tne third clause, "pro- 
tection" will necessarily, follow. Why, if we do not 
retain them, we should burden ourselves with protect- 
ing them, is not clearly perceptible. The modern 
doctrine seems to be that we may not take any foreign 
territory for our own, but that whenever a republic is 
born we must stand as its protector. We must run 
amuck for the mere love of running it. We must pay 
taxes to support warships and armies, in order that 
some obscure nation may play at government. It is 
understood why we have an interest in the South Amer- 
ican Republics— the Monroe Doctrine explains that — but 
why we should become the Don Quixote of the world 
cannot be satisfactorily explained. Let lis at least be 
honest, and when we say that the Philippines shall be 
independent, let us say so, meaning what the word 
implies. Let them go their way and we ours — enemies 
in war, and in peace, friends. Let us have no entangling 
alliances, nor stand sponsor for people who are aliens, 
and whose abiding place is remote from our continent. 

The Democratic platform does not say how long it 
will be before the " stable government " it favors will be 
established. It may be a hundred years, or even longer. 
The difference between holding the Philippines until a 
"stable government" is established and holding them 
forever, is, as far as political right goes, the difference 
between tweedle dum and tweedle dee. We have no 
more right to hold them for a term of years than we 
have to hold them forever. The people would become 
confused in considering this question. It shows how 
uncertain the Democrats were of their ground when 
they adopted this uncertain, halting policy. 

Disguise it as you may, the real question before the 
people is whether the armies of the United Staes should 
be withdrawn at once, now and forever, and the islands 
turned over to the Tagalos. Mr. Bryan would, as com- 
mander-in-chief, have the power to recall the armies, and 
if he did, he would let loose the horrors of a terrible revo- 
lution. As nobody advocates that course openly, it is 
hardly necessary to attack it — still Mr. Bryan in some 
other speech may even reach that altitude of recklessness. 

We should not grant the Philippines immediate in- 
dependence, because we have assumed by the treaty ob- 
ligations to the world which we must comply with. We 
have also assumed obligations to the friendly Filipi- 
nos, and we should not abandon them to a dreadful 



fate. We have promised these people a stable govern- 
ment, and we ought to give it to them. We have prop- 
erty interests in the islands which should be protected. 
It is desirable for us to have a foot-hold in the east, so 
as to foster and increase our commerce. We believe 
that association with us will elevate the Filipino, and 
improve his condition. 

Should this prognostic prove true — and the Philip- 
pines take rank hereafter with Australia — would any 
man doubt the wisdom of our policy in holding them? 
If another Canada shall be born in the tropics, may not 
its union with us be mutually beneficial? Who can 
tell what the future may have in reserve for us? We 
should not promise independence to the Philippines, be- 
cause such a promise would nullify every effort that we 
might make for the establishment of a government. The 
Filipino would demand independence tomorrow, or the 
next day, and possibly another bloody revolution would 
ensue. 

I do not find in the Republican platform any decla- 
ration of the policy to be pursued touching the granting 
of independence to the Philippines. That party is not 
pledged either to grant or to refuse independence, and 
according to the terms of its platform, it may take any 
action on the subject that wisdom and prudence would 
dictate. In the platform the party agrees "to provide 
for the maintenance of law and order, and for the es- 
tablishment of good government, and for the perform- 
ance of international obligations." It promises also 
that "the largest measure of self-government consistent 
with our welfare L and our duties, shall be secured to 
them by law." It cannot be doubted that, if those 
promises are carried out in their spirit and intent, the 
results would be of the highest benefit to the Filipinos. 

I am not defending the Republican party in this 
article, but I am defending William McKinley- He has 
been subjected to more abuse than any president ever 
was, and he has deserved it as little as any one ever did. 
In the most difficult period of our history he has proved 
himself equal to all the demands upon him. He has 
acted with an eye single to the good of the country. 
The war with Spain was not of the President's seeking, 
but he met the issue with exalted courage. In diplo- 
macy he displayed qualities of the highest order, and in 
military affairs he was remarkably successful. He em- 
inently deserves re-election. CHARLES DENRY, 



To the party of Lincoln has eome another supreme opportunity which it has bravely met 
in the liberation of 10,000,000 of the hitman family from the yoke of imperialism.'* 

—William McKinley. 



OUR APPROACH TO ASIA. 



THE PHILIPPINES, THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND STRATEGICAL 
CENTER OF 6,000 MILES OF COAST, OF 850,000,000 
PEOPLE, OF $2,000,000,000 OF TRADE— RELA- 
TION TO THE CHINESE CRISIS. 

BY JOHN BARRETT, LATE UNITED STATES MINISTER TO SI AM. 

(From Harper's Weekly, July 28, 1900.) 

The crisis in China demonstrates beyond question the import- 
ance of the Philippines. It proves their strategic and political value. 
The readiness and despatch with which the United States is able in 
a supreme hour of peril to send ships, marines, and troops to protect 
and rescue American lives and property have touched the pride of 
the nation. 

Instead of depending upon the charity of European powers and 
being treated with patronizing kindness, we have been able to stand 
on our own resources as a first-class power. We are commanding 
the evident respect of other nations. We are treated as their peer. 
We are seeing our soldiers and ships occupying the most dangerous 
and responsible places in the line of advance and defence. 

All this is being done without a suggestion of so-called Imperial- 
ism. It is the meeting of unavoidable and imperative responsibility. 
It is the strict execution of duty. Had we held back, a cry of horror 
and protest would have gone up from our people. The very "Im- 
perialism" which partisan prejudice claims has inspired our holding 
the Philippines now enables us to pursue an anti-imperialistic policy 
in China. We are at Taku, Tientsin, and Peking in force, not only 
to protect life and property, but to exercise all our moral influence 
to preserve the integrity of the Chinese Empire and prevent imperial- 
istic alienation of the territory. Still there are some men, some 
newspapers and some demagogues who would rant against the Pres- 



ident s avowed intention to guard, nrst, tne lives ot our diplomat- 
ic and consular officers, missionaries, and merchants; and second, 
our treaty rights and vast opportunities of trade and commerce 
throughout an unpartitioned area. Such men hold the sixpence 
of prejudice so near their eyes that they cannot see the responsibili- 
ty, duty, honor, interest, patriotism and pride beyond. It is unfor- 
tunate that the passion of a political campaign should also exert its 
warping influence, but time will prove that President McKinley is 
right in China as it is proving with overwhelming logic that he is 
right in the Philippines. 

NECESSITY FOR OUR PRESENT ACTION. 

Those of us who, from long residence in the Far East and through 
acquaintance with the development of events in the Philippines, are 
convinced by personal observation and experience that America's 
position in these islands is the unavoidable result of meeting respon- 
sibilities that unexpectedly grew out of the war with Spain, likewise 
from familiarity with conditions in China, not only recognize the 
absolute necessity of the present action of the government, but ap- 
preciate the strategical^ value of our Philippine base. 

Let us in confirmation study the map of trans-pacific seas and 
countries. It is both fascinating and instructive. All maps of im- 
portant lands are interesting to the student of world progress, but 
none is more surprising than that of the incomparable broken coast 
that reaches from Australia to Siberia, from Melbourne to Vladi- 
vostok. Its supreme revelation to the man who has not before in- 
vestigated these Asian-Pacific shores is this : The Philippines are 
the geographical and strategical centre of the Asiatic and Austra- 
lasian Pacific coast-line that has an unrivaled extent of 6000 miles, 
has debouching upon it a population of over 850,000,000, including 
India, and supports already a foreign coinmerce exceeding $2,000,- 
000,000 per annum. 

From this undeniable premise we draw another conclusion which 
has even a more direct bearing upon the value of the islands to the 
United States ; the Philippi?ies, being the geographical and strate- 
gical centre by reason of physical locatio?i, will become under Ame7'- 
ican influence the commercial centre of the trans-pacific coast, seas, 
and millions of people. 

THE MARKETS NEAR MANILA. 
Let us draw a neighborly circle around Manila with a reasonable 
radius of 1000 miles, the distance from New York to Chicago. Points 
on the extreme limit of this circle would be reached in four days 
with even low-power merchant-steamers. Distance in the Oriental 
seas is usually estimated by days and not by miles. Well within 
this circle we find Hongkong, Great Britain's impregnable outpost 
of empire and teeming trade entrepot, only 650 miles, or less than 
three days' steaming, from Manila. Hongkong is the great point 



of Asiatic commercial exchange, and the one place where all steam- 
ship lines stop. It is estimated to handle $250,000,000 worth of ex- 
ports and imports per annum. The proximity of Manila to such a 
capital of commerce emphasizes the importance and value of its own 
location. 

Noting the sweep of the 1 000-mile radius we find that it almost 
reaches to Shanghai, the New York of China, and gateway to the 
spacious Yang-tze Valley, and includes productive Japanese For- 
mosa on the north ; includes the populous southern coast of China 
with the large cities of Fuchau, Amoy, Canton, and Hongkong on 
the northwest ; the resourceful coast of French Indo-China and its 
beautiful capital Saigon on the west; British North Borneo and 
Sarawak and part of the rich Celebes on the south. If the radius 
were extended half again, to 1500 or 1600 miles, and two days more 
of steaming added, the messengers of commerce from Manila could 
reach such important points as Nagasaki in Japan ; Hankau, the 
Chicago of China, up the Yang-tze River; Chefoo and Taku, now of 
so much interest ; Bangkok, the growing, prosperous capital of 
Siam ; Singapore, Britain's thrifty gateway to the Far East, and a 
port boasting of an annual trade exchange of $150,000,000; Batavia, 
Holland's populous emporium in the East Indies ; and Guam, our 
own new connecting-point in the vast Pacific seas. 

FIVE HUNDRED MILLION PEOPLE WITHIN 2000 

MILES. 

The full scope of the 2000-mile radius, or the distance from New 
York to Denver, includes a population of nearly 500,000,000, or six 
times that of the United States, and comprehends half of Japan ; all 
of Korea ; the great part of China ; all of Siam and Burma ; all of 
French Indo-China; the British Malay states and Straits Settle- 
ments ; the rich Dutch possessions of Sumatra, Java, Celebes, Mol- 
ukkas ; New Guinea and Borneo ; the Carolines and Ladrones ; and 
just touches the northern end of the continent of Australia. The 
annual trade comprehended in this 2000-mile circle approaches 
$1,000,000,000 per annum, of which America's share now is hardly 
one-tenth, or $100,000,000, but can be in time one-third or one-half. 

If we extent the radius to 3000 miles we have an interesting and 
yet stupendous field to survey. This distance is a reasonable one, 
as it is approximately equal to that from New York to San Francisco 
or from New York to London. Here we see Manila the centre of 
lands and seas that support, even with their undeveloped natural re- 
sources, an annual foreign commerce that exceeds two thousand 
million of dollars and holds nearly half the world's entire popula- 
tion, or at least 850,000,000 human beings, who must be fed, clothed, 
and supplied with the increasing wants that grow in proportion as 
they come in contact with the European and American world. 

3 



all of Japan, all of China, part of Siberia, all of Korea, Siam, French 
Indo-China, Burma, the Dutch possessions and other East Indies, 
the greater part of India and the major portion of Australia. 

A glance at the map shows that Australia must be considered 
an integral part of the trans-pacific field of development and influ- 
ence. A giant would walk, as it were, from Australia to the Philip- 
pines or to the mainland of Asia without wetting his feet. From 
northern Australia to southern Mindanao of the Philippines is not 
greater than the distance from New York to St. Louis, or less than 
1500 miles, with countless islands sandwiched in between. 

ADVANTAGE OF THE PHILIPPINES. 

As we run our eyes up and down from north to south we see at 
once this conspicuous advantage of America in the Philippines, and 
ask ourselves: With the British in Australia, India, Singapore, 
Hongkong, and Wei-hai-wei ; with the Dutch in Java and Sumatra 
and Borneo ; with the French in Cambodia, Anam, and Tonquin ; 
with the Portuguese in Macao ; with the Japanese in Formosa and 
their own snug islands ; with the Germans at Kiaochau and in the 
Carolines and New Guinea; with the Russians in Manchuria, Port 
Arthur, and Siberia; and with the Italians trying to get a hold at 
San-mun — with all these nations in a position to control Asia's mil- 
lions of people and millions of commerce to their advantage, and 
our disadvantage if we abandon the Far East, are we for a moment 
going to think of surrendering our new position and sovereignty 
in the Philippines ? Never ; because we obtained them not in the lust 
of conquest, but in the performance of duty. 

A few statistical facts about the environment of the Philippines 
will help us to appreciate their importance. We are all now closely 
watching China, only 600 miles from our American territory. Wliat 
of her future ? She has 4,000,000 square miles, 400,000,000 people, 
and only 400 miles of railroads ! She needs in the near future 40,000 
miles. What opportunities for American manufacturers, for Ameri- 
can capital, and for American engineers, and for American labor at 
home providing what is wanted in China ! China's foreign trade in 
1899 under unfavorable conditions was $333,000,000, an increase of 
40 per cent, over 1898. This was less than $1 per head of the popu- 
lation ; but when the empire is opened to the world, the government 
reorganized, and general material progress inaugurated, the trade 
should develop to at least $5 per head. That of Japan has grown 
in the short period of thirty years from $1 to over $6 per head. That 
of America is about $25. In all my estimates of foreign trade, I 
include of course both exports and imports. Exchange is the life 
of commerce. A nation or people cannot go on buying unless it 
also develops a large selling- capacity. 

6 



CHINA'S TWO BILLION DOLLAR TRADE. 

If we mulitply China's population of 400,000,000 by $5 we have 
a reasonable possibility of $2,000,000,000 per annum for that coun- 
try alone. We can never afford to retreat from such possibilities. 
Our trade exchange with China now amounts, including Hong Kong, 
to nearly $43,000,000, which is about 12 per cent, of the total and 100 
per cent, increase over ten years ago. 

Other interesting opportunities in a reasonable trade neighbor- 
hood of the Philippines might be specified in Japan, Straits Settle- 
ments, Dutch East Indies, Siberia, Siam, and Korea, whose com- 
bined foreign commerce even in its infancy amounts to nearly $600,- 
000,000 ; of Burma, India, and Ceylon, whose total is already pass- 
ing $500,000,000 ; of Australasia, whose annual returns equal nearly 
$600,000,000. In all this America's share is only one-tenth now; 
with the Philippines as a base we will in due time develop it to one- 
half. 

Of the Philippines themselves, those of us who have traveled 
through them and other Asiatic lands say without exception that in 
proportion to area and population they surpass the latter in marvel- 
lous fertility of soil, in variety of marketable staple products, in won- 
derful intermingling of well-watered valleys and high forested 
mountains, and in natural resources awaiting legitimate exploita- 
tion and development. The islands will show in another decade and 
a half an annual trade, under the influence of American control, en- 
terprise, and capital, valued at $150,000,000. Even with Spain in 
charge they passed the $33,000,000 mark. American capital will al- 
so find a ready and safe investment of $200,000,000 in railroads, in- 
dustries, mines, and general development during the next five years. 

JAVA'S LARGE FOREIGN TRADE. 

When we consider that the Dutch have converted Java, which is 
not as resourceful as Luzon nor as large, into a garden supporting 
20,000,000 people, and an annual foreign trade of $200,000,000, we 
cannot admit that Americans are unable to equal this record in the 
Philippines. If the British have taken Burma, which is even larger 
but less resourceful than the Philippines, and established in fifteen 
years perfect peace, contentment, and prosperity among 10,000,000 
people, not unlike the Filipinos, and an annual trade of $150,000,000, 
we can more than surpass their record in the Philippines, or I mis- 
take the courage and capabilities of Americans. 

The ^people will buy of us in great quantities along many lines 
when order is established and they can sell their own products. The 
good qualities of the Filipinos far outweigh the bad in time of peace. 
When their minds are freed of the false instruction about America 
and Americans, and when they clearly understand our purposes and 
people, they will surprise us with their earnest, peaceful support of 

7 



American government. If the Presidential election in November 
decides that the United States will not shirk her responsibilities in 
the Philippines, the present guerilla warfare will lose its inspiration 
and hence its following. 

Under phlegmatic, mysterious, and depressing Spanish control, 
the outer world never realized the commanding position and wide 
opportunities of the Philippines. On the occasion of my first visit to 
Manila some five years ago while United States minister to Siam, 
I was astonished at the extreme general ignorance of the resources, 
people, and possibilities of the islands that prevailed in Hong Kong. 
Now, under American occupation, the world is standing in wonder 
at the lesson in geography and politics it has learned from studying 
the Philippines and their environment. 

ANTI-IMPERIALISTS WOULD BE SHOCKED. 

Our good friends the Anti-Imperialists would be shocked at the 
readiness with which the powers of Europe would pounce on the 
Philippines if we should abandon them to their own fate. Our mor- 
al duty demands that we should maintain sovereignty and develop 
as high a degree of autonomy as possible. Were we to recognize 
their independence and "protect" them against the world, as the 
straddling Kansas City platform outlines, we would find ourselves 
having innumerable bickerings and possibly wars with European 
powers. There would be constant friction and misunderstandings, in- 
cluding trouble with foreigners, which would place the powers in a 
position to interfere, demand indemnities, and possibly occupy ter- 
ritory. No man familiar with the diplomacy, politics, and history 
•of Asia can imagine a worse international muddle than would arise 
if America should either abandon the Philippines or promise them 
absolute independence. 

The long and short of the whole Philippine situation, viewed 
in its moral light, which is of far more consequence than the mate- 
rial side, is this : The United States is in sovereign control of the 
Philippine Islands as a direct and honorable result of meeting and 
mastering the unavoidable responsibility that grew unexpectedly out 
of the war with Spain. The sooner every A?nerican realizes this, 
the better. History will confirm it beyond a doubt. 

Now that the Philippines are ours and will remain ours, it is nat- 
ural and logical that we should bend our energies to develop them 
commercially and materially as well as politically and morally. Nev- 
er forgetting that we are a Christian as much as a commercial na- 
tion, we recognize that where moral and material interests labor 
to mutual advantage without the surrendering of the former to the 
latter, the greatest good can be accomplished. On this platform it is 
fitting to study the map and remember what it teaches in regard to 
Manila's commanding location as the centre of the mighty Asian- 
Australian coast-line. <^|j |j |l|£fo 42 

8 



The public faith has been upheld; 
public order has been maintained. 
We have prosperity at home and 
prestige abroad.— IVzlliam McKinley. 



TRUSTS HAVE 

LONG FLOURISHED IN FREE 

TRADE ENGLAND. 



SPEECH OP HON. CHARLES DICK, OP OHIO, IN THE HOUSE OP 

REPRESENTATIVES, SATURDAY, JUNE 2, 1900. 

[Part of the Congressional Record.] 



Mr. DICK said: 

Within the last year or two we have heard and read much on the subject 
of the formation of large combinations of capital which are commonly called 
trusts. Our friends on the other side of the House, and the Democratic 
papers which represent them, are in the habit of claiming that trusts are 
simply the outcome of a protective tariff. I claim, Mr. Speaker, that this 
is not the case. As far back in the history of the world as the time of the 
ancient Greeks and Romans corporations and combinations of capital were 
plentiful. Under the early Roman law corporations could be formed at the 
will of the promoter without any special state authorization. There is record 
of a combination in the iron trade which was established more than 2,000 
years ago. Our friends on the other side of the House must concede that 
this was before the days of protective tariffs had developed in any part of 
the then known world. 

Aristotle tells us that "there was a man in Syracuse, in the days of 
Dionysius, the tyrant, who bought all the iron in the island of Sicily, and 
was able to sell it at such prices as he pleased, and thereby made much 
profit. When Dionysius, the tyrant, heard of this he was pleased with the 
ingenuity of the man, and told him that he might keep his money, but had 
better leave Syracuse." 

More than a century ago Blackstone said: "When it is for the advantage 
of the public to have a particular right kept on foot or continued, to con- 
struct artificial presence, who may maintain a perpetual succession and 
enjoy a kind of legal immortality," the law authorizing corporation seems 
certain and proper. He predicated the need of this form of organization 
"for the advantage of the public." 

England's industrial conditions were the precursor of those in the United 
States. Originally every individual worked and did business independently 
for himself. Gradually, however, as the demands of industry increased 
and broadened productive enterprise was compelled to concentrate. Capital 
appeared and gave employment to workers, and so the employing and em- 
ployed classes were developed. Larger enterprises of manufacture, mining, 
and commerce called for the association of capital in order to carry on busi- 
ness to the best advantage. Partnerships became common and to some 
extent corporations succeeded the partnership form of doing business. This 
was the condition of affairs in England down to the beginning of the 
eighteenth century. 

In the United States industrial development began slowly. It was re- 
tarded by the conditions relating to the settlement and subjugation of a new 
country, and by adverse English legislation that, until the beginning of their 
national existence, aimed to repress all colonial manufacture. When, how- 
ever, national independence gave a stimulus to national enterprise, all forms 
Of industry went forward with giant strides. In less than one-half a century 



we were rivaling the mother country in the diversity and importance of our 
manufacturing activities. 

The United States has been notably a nation of wealth producers and 
distributers. Our history is a record of masterly effort to wring from the 
strongholds of nature the material gains that have enriched us. Inventive 
genius has lightened the labor of hands, and at the same time increased 
production and consumption to almost fabulous figures. Business sagacity 
and enterprise have developed commercial organization into a powerful ma- 
chine, co-operating with labor and invention for the general good. 

The factory system, that was to revolutionize the labor activity of man- 
kind, began to exercise its influence in England as early as 1730, when 
Watts' roller spinning was introduced. 

Fifty years ago the mother of the household took a week to knit a pair 
of stockings, and labor cost put into them was not more than a few cents. 
Fifty years ago hand looms were used to weave cloth in every farmhouse 
throughout the country. Wool was carded at home; rag carpets, homemade, 
covered the floors; farmers mowed their fields with scythes; the blacksmith 
forged the horseshoes for the village; the seamstress made the clothes that 
the girls and boys wore, and everybody depended upon the shoemaker for 
footwear. 

All that is changed now. Machinery and factories have superseded indi- 
vidual labor. Our knit goods, our shirts, indeed everything that we wear, 
are made within the factory, because they can be made better and cheaper 
there than they ever could be by individual workers. The mowing ma- 
chine, the reaper, the raker, and binder enable one or two men to do the 
work of twenty. 

Out of these inevitable conditions arose the corporation. With the fac- 
tory came the foundry and the great manufacturing establishments, ever 
growing bigger and bigger in response to the ever-increasing demand of the 
consuming public. It was no longer possible for the individual worker to 
meet the situation. The formation of industrial armies followed as a 
matter of course— larger capital was required than any one man could 
control. Partnerships were for a time effective to a certain extent. 

The corporation in its early days was not in favor in England, and the 
feeling against it found frequent expression in the common law. In the 
United States similar hostility to corporations was exhibited even down to 
the middle of the nineteenth century. Nevertheless, the corporation had to 
come whether the people fancied it or not, and whether the laws of the 
country gave free trade or protection to industry. The small corporation 
has had its day. It will always remain, but for large enterprises it has been 
superseded by those great aggregations of capital that, for want of a better 
term, are called trusts. These combinations are, after all, only corporations 
on a large scale. They are changed in size but not in form. It is the 
highest development of the centralization idea, manifested in capital and 
industry. It is the evolution of modern commerce and trade. 

What I want to show now is that these large combinations of capital, 
or trusts, are not the outgrowth of a protective tariff; that they are not 
peculiar to the United States. On the contrary, they had their existence in 
England long before the Dingley tariff was framed or became a law, and 
long before the enactment of. the McKinley tariff of 1890. In order to do 
this, Mr. Speaker, I want to place on record before the House some facts 
regarding the organization and combination of some of the largest trusts 
in the United Kingdom. The facts given are authentic and official, and they 
clearly show that the trusts of to-day are as much a creature of free trade 
and tariff for revenue only as they are of a protective tariff. 

A surface examination of the commercial methods of the United King- 
dom does not reveal such a great change when contrasted with those of 
ten years ago, but if we examine into the subject more minutely we see 
how deep a root the same principle of amalgamation has struck into the 
businesses of the United Kingdom as well as those of the United States. In 
view of the importance, both commercial and financial, of the inauguration 
of this new era |n company promotion, I think it well to bring vividly be- 



fore the House the extent to which the new movement has already gone, 
and the following table shows at a glance a list of some of the large com- 
bines recently formed in the United Kingdom: 



Name. 



Number 
of 
Busi- 
nesses. 



Capital. 



Oct. 
Nov. 
July 
Nov. 
May 
Dec. 
July 
July 
Oct. 
Nov. 
Nov. 
Dec. 
Feb. 
Mar. 
Apr. 



1, 1890 
1, 1896 
25, 1897 
6, 1898 

14, 1898 
4, 1898 
6, 1898 
9, 1898 
1, 1898 

15, 1898 
8, 1898 

22, 1900 
1, 1900 
4, 1900 



Salt Union, Limited 

United Alkali Co., Limited 

J. & P. Coats, Limited 

English Sewing Cotton Co., Limited 

Fine Cotton Spinners and Doublers, Limited. 

Bradford Dyers 

Yorkshire Indigo, Scarier and Color Dyers.. . 

Bradford Coal Merchants and Consumers 

Yorkshire Wool Combers 

United Indigo and Chemical 

Textile Machinery Association 

Calico Printers 

Wall Paper Manufacturers 

United Velvet Cutters, 

British Cotton and Wool Dyers 



Total. 



328 



£2.000,000 

6,000,000 

5.500,000 

2.750,000 

6.000,000 

4,500,000 

600 000 

250, 000 

2,500,000 

250,000 

170,000 

9,000.200 

4,200,000 

300,000 

2,750;000 



46,970,000 



Here is a list, and it embraces only some of the largest trusts in free- 
trade England, in which there are 328 different business concerns amalga- 
mated, with a capital of £46,970,000, or $230,000,000. And there is not the 
shadow of an excuse to be found for their formation in the shape of a pro- 
tective tariff. They are solely, thoroughly, and absolutely the product of 
the English system of Cobdenite free trade, or a tariff for revenue only. 

OTHER TRUSTS FORMING. 



Recently there was an unsuccessful attempt made to float what was 
called the Yorkshire Soapmakers' Association. The capital of the company 
was £300,000, but the prospectus was full of unattractive features, and the 
response by the British public was such as not to warrant the directors 
in going to allotment. 

There are arrangements proceeding for the amalgamation of the under- 
mentioned businesses under the name of the Yorkshire Dye Ware and 
Chemical Company, Limited, which was registered at the end of May. 
Messrs. demons, Marshall, and Carbat, Leeds; Wood & 'Bedford, Leeds; 
D. Taylor & Sons, Golcar; B. Crowther, Gomersal; M. Bedforth & Sons, 
Huddersfleld; J. Sugden, Huddersfield; Hawroyd & Holroyd, Dewsbury; 
Pickles, Smithson & Pickles, branch of the Yorkshire Indigo, Scarlet and 
Colour Dyers, Limited, Ravensthorpe; Thomas Crossley & Co., Limited, 
Leeds, and H. K. Beaumont & Co., Huddersfield. The present issue of 
capital will consist of $120,000 4V 2 per cent, debenture stock, £100,000 of prefer- 
ence shares, and £80,000 of ordinary shares. The preference shares will have 
a 6 per cent, cumulative preferential dividend, and will have a further par- 
ticipation in profits after the ordinary shares have received a similar divi- 
dend. 

It is the intention of the several firms comprised in the amalgamation to 
retain as far as possible their respective interests, and the whole of the 
ordinary shares will be held by the vendors, as well as one-third of the 
debenture stock and one-third of the preference shares. It is stateS that the 
stock, book debts, and cash are more than sufficient to cover the debentures, 
without recourse to the land, buildings, plant, machinery, and other assets, 
which also are stated at a value more than the amount of the debenture 
stock. , 

Further trusts are freely talked of, and several are certain to see the 
prospectus stage. Trusts already projected are the bleachers of the Lanca- 



shire cotton trade, Bradford worsted spinners, woolen and worsted card 
manufacturers, and the shoddy manufacturers of Dewsbury. 

In a word, free-trade England has completely gone over to and become 
intoxicated with the trust mania. That such combinations of capital in 
that country are not the creation of a protective tariff is self-evident. Eng- 
lish laws compel the giving of information to stockholders in a corporation. 
Upon the payment of a fee of one shilling (25 cents) they can learn at any 
time 'the accurate financial condition of the companies in which they are 
interested. There is no such law in the United States, but, in my opinion, 
there should be. 

Another point that is worth consideration is this. We are now com- 
pelled, in" striving for a share of the world's commerce, to make our goods 
of such a quality and at such a price that we can compete with the manu- 
factures made by these English trusts. And this competition will increase, 
not decrease. In order, then, to keep our factories busy and to employ our 
labor, which is the greatest consumer of the products of our mines, forests, 
and factories, should we not regulate rather than destroy such combina- 
tions of capital as are necessary to enable us to compete in the world's 
markets? 

Assuming that we must do this, I believe in and will advocate the 
proper regulation of all of our large combinations of capital by law. "We 
must preserve in them whatever is good and advantageous to the people at 
large; but at the same time we must eliminate all that is bad and evil, or 
which is in any way calculated to interfere with the rights of our citizens. 



EXPANSION MAP -- UNITED STATES. 




g^Control demanded^ j0**^ 
ty Democratic Party, I860, ** "\j, 
without regard to "Consent of governed. 



" IMPERIALISM." 



The Democratic Party Tries to Invent an Issue where 

No Issue Exists. 



The platform of the Democratic party, framed at its Presidential Convention 
held at Kansas City, in July of this year, declares that the paramount issue of the 
campaign is " imperialism." This was a concession of the ruling spirits to a defeated 
faction. After Bryan and his fellow-champions of free silver had forced their spe- 
cific reiteration of 'the demand for the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1, thus carrying 
the point of their fight, they were willing to salve the defeat of the more conservative 
portion by appearing to put forward another question. 

" Imperialism " a Fiction. 

The so-called issue of "imperialism" is a fiction. There is and can be no such 
thing as " imperialism " under a republican form of government. The Democratic 
convention did not dare to array itself against expansion. It well knew two things: 
First, that the expansion which has come as the fruit of the Spanish war was the 
inevitable necessity of its conditions, and, second, that the great body of the Amer- 
ican people recognize this truth and accept the present results as unavoidable and 
settled. The convention, therefore, took good care not to declare itself against this 
popular sentiment, and in place of it undertook to make a fictitious issue. But there 
is no such thing as " imperialism " as distinguished from expansion. This is proved 
by our past history and by the present situation. 

What is " imperialism," so-called? What do the creators of this fiction mean by 
it? Imperialism is sovereign rule without law. It is the government of the people 
by personal will. Law comes to the people through their representatives. Where 
law rules imperialism does not and cannot exist. The President of the United States 
has no power and exercises none except by virtue of law. When he exercises the 
war power, he does it under law. When he exercises the power to suppress insur- 
rection against the authority of the United States, Tie does it by command of law. 

There is no Imperialism. 

AppV these fundamental truths to the present situation. It cannot be pre- 
tended L nat there is any " imperialism " as to Porto Rico. Porto Rico, having passed 
beyond the necessity and the period of military government, is governed by a law of 
Congress passed for that purpose. This law prescribes its form of government, 
establishes its governor and other administrative officers, creates a legislative body 
to represent the people, and provides for the complete machinery of civil govern- 



ment. The President himself exercises no authority in Porto Rico except as 
directed by this law. There is, then, no imperialism there. 

How about the Philippines? It is equally true that the President exercises no 
authority in the Philippines except by virtue of law. The power under which he is 
suppressing insurrection is conferred by law. The power under which he establishes 
military government, or creates temporary civil authority pending the action of 
Congress, is conferred by law. He would violate law if he did not use his power to 
suppress insurrection. That is, if he failed to do just what he is doing now, he would 
set up his own will against the command of law, and to set up individual will without 
law or against law is imperialism. The very course proposed by those who profess 
abhorrence of imperialism would itself be imperialism, while the action which 
they condemn as. imperialism is itself obedience to law. 

Philippine Conditions will be Changed. 

The existing conditions in the Philippines will be changed when the insurrection 
shall be fully suppressed and when Congress shall determine. Congress did not 
pass a law for the government of the Philippines, as it did for Porto Rico, because 
the Philippines were not ripe for it. The insurrection must first be suppressed and 
the authority of the United States fully recognized. Congress did not act on the 
subject because the President was exercising the war power, and it wanted him to 
continue exercising it until its purpose was accomplished. The very fact that 
Congress did not act was equivalent to a declaration that the existing law undcr 
which the President is proceeding is required for this emergency and that the time 
had not yet come for further law. The essential fact is that every step which the 
President has taken is in conformity with law, recognized and approved by Congress 
in session at the time, and where law rules there can be no such thing as imperialism. 

Former Experiences in Expansion. 

This lesson is confirmed and made complete by a review of our history. We 
have had repeated expansions. We have from time to time acquired new territory 
and new peoples. In every case our Government has dealt with the new territory 
and its inhabitants precisely as our Government is dealing with the present new ter- 
ritory and its inhabitants. We are now following a long line of precedents. A long 
course of history has prepared the way and determined the general chart for what 
we are now doing. When Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and the first democratic President, made the Louisiana purchase, he exer- 
cised American authority exactly as President McKinley has exercised it over Porto 
Rico and the Philippines, except as the insurrection in the latter archipelago has re- 
quired special treatment. Mr. Jefferson and the Congress of his day provided a 
local government for Louisiana which represented American authority. They created 
a governor and council. They established all the administrative machinery. They 
defined and appointed all the officers. They did all this wholly by virtue of the 
national power and without stopping to ask the consent of the people over whom 
this government was extended. 

The same course was repeated when the Florida cession was made, and it has 
been repeated in every subsequent acquisition of territory. Not only have we 
extended the flag over new peoples, but in many cases we have, for reasons we 
deemed sufficient, kept them in a dependent position for more than half a century. 
New Mexico came to us from the Mexican war, and it is still in a territorial con- 
dition. Alaska was purchased from Russia in I8<>7, and it was only last winter 
when the law was passed which gave it a substantial civil government. From the 
beginning of our government we have had Indian tribes within our domain. We 
have recognized that they were not capable of the same measure of self-govern- 
ment as our own people, and we have kept them in a separate and dependent posi- 
tion. We have not allowed one Indian tribe to rule over another, and have not per- 
mitted them to establish a confederacy among themselves. We have held that they 
were under our dominion, and that it was our province to establish such a relation- 
ship as was best for our interests and for their own. 



Expansion Under all Parties— It was never before called " Imperialism." 

This acquisition of territory and the establishment of our authority over it at our 
own discretion has gone on under administrations of all parties, Democratic, Whig 
and Republican, and though the application and enforcement of our authority were 
made upon precisely the same principles as now, nobody ever before urged the 
charge of "imperialism." If we have imperialism now, we have had imperialism in all 
our other expansions from Jefferson's Louisiana purchase in 1803. If it be imperial- 
ism to hold the people of acquired territory in a different relation toward the govern- 
ment from that held by our own people, until they are prepared to assume the same 
relation, then every single expansion of our domain has been marked by imperialism. 

If it be imperialism to exercise our sovereignty without stopping to ask the con- 
sent of the people over whom it iz extended, then again our history has been stamped 
with imperialism from the beginning. We have never asked the consent of the new 
peoples over whom our territory has spread. We have proceeded in every case to 
govern them as we deemed best for their interest and our own. As soon as they have 
become fit for self-government we have given them self-government. Until they 
have become thus fit for self-rule, we have provided such government as the condi- 
tions demanded. All this was the rule of law — sometimes of special law for special 
cases, sometimes of a general policy more widely applicable. Our rule has been 
enforced in harmony with the spirit of American institutions, and founded upon the 
elementary principles of liberty, justice and right. It may, therefore, be repeated 
that there is no such thing as imperialism under the American flag as distinguished 
from expansion. Expansion is a fact; imperialism is a fiction. Expansion means a 
distinct, comprehensible reality; imperialism is only a misapplied name of an imag- 
inary bubble. The substance of expansion cannot be confounded with the vaporing 
of imperialism. 

Expansion was not Sought or Desired. 

The administration has not favored even expansion for expansion's sake. Ex- 
cept in the case of Hawaii, which had itself long ago applied for annexation, it did 
not seek the territory which has come under our flag. This expansion has come as 
the unavoidable result of the Spanish war. It was the universal demand of the 
American people that Spanish power should be expelled from the western hemi- 
sphere. The fate of the war brought the same destruction of Spanish power in the 
Philippines. Since it was overthrown by American arms, the American nation be- 
came responsible to the world for what should take its place. We had extinguished 
Spanish authority; we could not permit anarchy; we could not throw the Philippines 
into the turmoil of foreign contention; the only thing left was to accept the responsi- 
bility ourselves. In accepting this responsibility we are fulfilling the highest national 
obligation of humanity and civilization, and to call the performance of that duty 
imperialism is simply an attempt to mislead the people with an opprobrious term. 
Ours is a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. Imperialism 
is autocratic rule without law and against the public will. To charge imperialism 
under American institutions is an affront to the intelligence and character of the 
American people. 

The Administration has Broken the Yoke of Imperialism. 

President McKinley has himself pricked the bubble in a suggestive and striking 
sentence. In his speech of acceptance at Canton he said, " The Republican Party 
was dedicated to freedom forty-four years ago. It has been the party of liberty and 
emancipation from that hour; not of profession but of performance. It broke the 
shackles of iou: million slaves and made them free, and to the party of Lincoln has 
come another supreme opportunity which it has bravely met in the liberation of ten 
millions of the human race from the voke of imperialism." There is the whole 
truth in a nutshell. The administration has broken the yoke of imperialism, not 
established it. It has freed the Philippines from imperialism, not subjected them to 
it. It has relieved them from oppression without law and given them liberty under 
law. The party that came into being to make liberty the rule of law will never 
countenance imperialism without law. 



Conditions in Hawaii. 

The physical characteristics of the Hawaiian Islands are so well known that 
they need no detailed description. The population is in excess of 100,000, and the 
chief productions are sugar, coffee and tropical fruits. The consuming power of the 
islands has been in the past about $25,000,000 annually, of which the large proportion 
has been purchased from the United States by reason of the existence of a reciprocity 
treaty since 1875. The chief value of the islands from the national standpoint lies in 
their importance as a way station on the commercial line between our Pacific coast 
and the great Asiatic field where dwells half the population of the earth and whose 
annual purchases amount to $100,000,000 a month and whose disposition to buy from 
the United States is clearly increasing year by year. 

As a cable, coaling and repair station and as a harbor of refuge, the Hawaiian 
Islands have long been of extreme value. From them the lines of commercial 
vessels radiate in every direction like the spokes of a wheel; and when to this 
magnificent possession in the midst of the North Pacific is added the Island of 
Tutuila in the Samoan group, with its splendid harbor — the best by far in all the South 
Pacific— which was added to our possessions in the Pacific under President 
McKinley's Administration, it will be seen that the United States now possesses far 
greater facilities for commerce on the Pacific than does any other country. Our 
coast line on the Pacific, including that of our Pacific States and Alaska and the 
Aleutian chain at the North, and the Philippine Islands exceeds by far that of ajiy 
other nation. Our coast harbors and our island harbors of the Pacific are far superior 
to those of any other nation, and with Hawaii, Wake Island, Guam and the Philip- 
pines all added in the short three years of President McKinley's Administration, our 
facilities for a trans-Pacific cable and enlargement of commerce with Asia are vastly 
superior to those controlled by any other government. 



"The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage- 
earner and the pensioner must continue 
forever equal in purchasing and debt paying 
power to the dollar paid to any government 
creditor."— William McKinley. 



The German Vote and the 

"Imperialism" Bugaboo. 



In 1896 the Germans voted for President McKinley. They are strong 
believers in the advantages of a gold standard of currency. This the 
Republican party has given them. They know that should the Demo- 
crat candidate for President be elected, which of course would mean 
Democratic control of Congress,, then the gold standard law would be 
repealed and free coinage of silver will be foisted upon the country. 
The Germans do not want this. They know that they fare better 
here, can make and save more money than they did in the Fatherland, 
and they are not a people who are led away by flights of the imag- 
ination. 

An effort is being made to bring the Germans into the Democratic 
line by scaring them with the bugaboo of imperialism, which it is 
claimed would compel a large increase in our military forces. Many 
of them have come here to escape the strict military laws that are 
in force in Germany, and naturally they would not favor anything 
tending in the same direction in this country. It is well that the 
subject has developed thus early in the campaign, because the Germans 
will have time to read and study what the actual conditions are as to 
our military forces, comparing them with their Fatherland. 

THE ARMY OF GERMANY. 
Germany has over 52,000,000 people. Its standing army is 600,000 
men, an average of liy 2 soldiers to every 1,000 people. The United 
States is 76,000,000, and a standing army of 65,000 men, which is equiv- 
alent to less than 1 soldier to every 1,000 of our population. While 
Germany has nearly 11 soldiers more per 1,000 of her people than we 
have, there can not be the slightest chance of the effect of imperialism 
being experienced in this country. 

STANDING ARMIES OF THE WORLD. 
The following table shows the leading countries of the world, with 
their population, their standing army, and the number of soldiers each 
country has per 1,000 of its people: 

1 



Soldiers 
Country. Population. Army. per 1,000 

Population. 

France 38,500,000 560,000 14.05 

Germany 52,300,000 600,000 11.05 

Austria-Hungary 41,800,000 280,000 6.07 

Russian Empire 129,300,000 700,000 6.01 

* Turkey 33,600,000 240,000 7.01 

Great Britain 38,000,000 210,000 5.06 

Italy 29,700,000 *210,000 7.01 

United States 76,000,000 f65,000 .86 

♦Peace footing. fWar footing. 

Population. Army in present war. 

Great Britain 37,888,439 503,484 13.2 

United States 75,000,000 100,000 1.33 

Note.— The population of the United States in 1890 was 62,622,250. 
For the purpose of the tables, it is estimated at 75,000,000. The per- 
missible regular army until July 1, 1901, is 65,000; actually now 63,010. 
The permissible volunteer army is 35,000; actually now 31,856; to be 
reduced under existing law to 27,451 regulars, and the entire volunteer 
force to be discharged. 



PROPORTION OF SOLDIERS TO AREA. 

Soldiers 
to each 
sq. mile. 
2.6 
2.7 
1.2 

.103 
0.12 
2.9 
2.1 
.018 



Area in 
Sq. miles. 

France 204,177 

Germany 211,108 

Austria-Hungary. 201,591 

Russia 8,660,395 

Turkey 1,652,543 

Italy 110,465 

Great Britain 120,973 

United States 3,602,884 

Area in 
sq. miles 

Great Britain 120,973 

United States.... 3,602,884 



Army in 

peace. 
540,405 
587,933 
352,429 
896,000 
213,910 
324,686 
258,348 

65,000 
Army in 
present war. 
503,484 4.1 
100,000 .028 



Sq miles 
to each 
soldier. 

.37 

.35 

.57 
9.6 
7.7 

.34 

.46 
55.4 



.24 



36. 



WAR BUDGET IN PEACE. 



Population. 

France 38,517,905 

Germany 52,270,901 

Aus.-Hungary 41,827,500 

Russia 128,902,173 

Turkey 33,569,787 

Italy 29,899,785 

Gt. Britain.. 37,888,439 
U. S 75,000,000 



War Budget. 

$123,517,681 

141,175,350 

86,083,024 

148,640,191 

19,921,755 

45,659,609 

88,152,750 

51,093,927 



Yr„ of . Amt. per 
Budget, capita. 



1898 
1898 
1897 
1898 
1897 
1898 
1897 
1896 



3.20 
2.70 
2.05 
1.15 

.59 
1.52 
2.32 

.68 



THE ARMIES OF EUROPE. 

Taking the armies of Europe at a period in 1899 when all European 

nations were at peace, and it will be seen that France, with 540,000 men, 

had fourteen soldiers to each 1,000 of people, and 2 6-10 soldiers to each 

square mile; Germany, 590,000 soldiers, being 14 3-10 to each thousand 

2 



and 3 7-10 to each square mile; Russia, aab'.OOO, being 6 9-10 to every 
thousand and, on account of her enormous area (including Siberia), 
9 6-10 square miles to each soldier; Great Britain, 258,000, being 6 8-10 
to the thousand and 2 1-10 to each square mile. 

Now compare the United States under existing conditions, all of 
the countries named being on a peace basis and the Republic at war. 
Our population in 1890 was 62,000,000. It is now 75,000,000, a conserva- 
tive estimate. The regular army is, under existing law, 65,000, which 
is 86-100 of a soldier to each 1,000 of people. Adding the volunteer force 
now in the field, and we have 1 33-100 soldier to each 1,000 as com- 
pared with 9 7-10, which is the average of all European nations, and 
13 2-10, which is the proportion in Great Britain at the present. And 
yet this absurdly small fraction of an armed man is declared by the 
cowardly cavillers and deceiving demagogues to be a threat at the 
liberty of the people. 

MORE POLICE PROTECTION NEEDED AS A CITY GROWS. 

As a city grows in size and extends its area, the first thing for 
which the citizens living there ask is more police protection. Our 
country is like a large city, and the bigger it grows the better it should 
be protected. But the United States has been growing and growing 
year after year, and its population has doubled since the Civil War, 
while our standing army has been kept nominally at 25,000 men, year 
after year. Even our present increase above 25,000 men is but tem- 
porary, as the law authorizing it expires on July 1, 1901, less than a 
year from now. 



GERMAN INVESTMENTS. 



A curious illustration of the unprecedented financial prosperity of 
the Middle West is found in the recent development of cities like Chi- 
cago, Milwaukee and St. Louis of a strong investment demand for 
foreign securities. This applies especially to the securities of the 
German Empire, the investment business in which has become so 
great of late that several prominent banking houses in those cities 
have created special "German Departments," to take care of it. Prob- 
ably no class of citizens have shared more generally in the prosperity 
of the last four years, than have the Germans. As enterprising, frugal 
people, the Germans have well improved the opportunities that came 
with the return of general confidence and broadened markets. When, 
after the hard times period previous to four years ago, many of them 
had resources altogether too small for any extensions of investments, 
their capital accumulations have since become so large that the wide 
problem has developed of how to find safe and profitable outside chan- 
nels in which investment could be made. The securities of their 
fatherland quite naturally appealed to their investment judgment. 
They could understand their intrinsic merits, and they knew that their 
value was based on the splendid credit of the German government, 
which in turn was based on the gold standard of values. Hence the 

3 



bonds not only of the imperial government, but of municipalities like 
Dresden and Leipzig have come into fair request in this country. 

When, several years ago, the announcement was made by a leading 
Chicago broker, that Chicago money was actually being loaned in Berlin, 
there were many who doubted the announcement as a fairy tale. It 
seemed incredible that the West, which had been a necessary and a 
customary borrower of the East, which in turn had borrowed from 
Europe, should actually lend money to far-off Germany. Yet this was 
just what had come to pass. The release of vast sums of money from 
hoarding, owing to the blow dealt the silver agitation in 1896, made 
money "cheap" at home. At the same time the export trade made 
vast increases, and the balance of trade showed steady accumulation 
in favor of the United States. Merchants and banking institutions of 
the West consequently found their credits at European money centers 
™ ^izin S fe^ £ aino. Owin 6 , tiici cf uic, tu Liils relatively greater cheap- 
ness of money at home than abroad, it was but natural that these 
western credits should be allowed to accumulate in those foreign 
money centers where they could gain the best returns. Thus, there- 
fore, the operation of loaning to Berlin even became so common as to 
cease to attract attention. It even extended to London— the great 
money-lender of the world. 



The purchase of German securities directly by investors in the 
West is but a further development of this same remarkable phenome- 
non. This movement of investment in foreign securities in the West 
has not, however, been restricted to the securities of Germany. It 
will be remembered that, not long ago, Chicago banking Louses took 
practically the whole issue of a new issue of bonds by the city of Mon- 
treal, Canada. The new bonds of the recent British war loan were 
subscribed for heavily by American financial institutions. A great 
many of them have been finding their way West. The Russian gov- 
ernment has been paying for American rails, locomotives, and bridge 
work for the new Siberian railroad, by the money received in the 
United States, from the sale of Russian gold bonds. These bonds have 
been finding a fair market in western communities. The bonds of the 
recent Mexican refunding loan have been quite widely distributed in 
the West. 



The story of how during the last four years the great debt-owing 
section of the West has become a credit-owning section, furnishes in- 
deed a remarkable chapter in the financial history of the United States, 
as well as a standing monument to the prosperity of the country brought 
about by a Republican administration. 



"The Philippines are ours and American 
authority must be supreme throughout 
the 'Archipelago"— WILLIAM McKINLEY 



AMERICAN OCCUPATION 
OF THE PHILIPPINES 

Historical Record from the Date of the Ca- 
pitulation of Manila to Admiral Dewey 
and the United States Navy. 

War with the Filipinos Has Been Fostered by the Democratic Allies 

of Aguinaldo — How the Enemies of Our Country Have 

Toasted William Jennings Bryan. 



The "Fire in the Rear" Prevents a Peaceful Administration 

of the Affairs of the Islands— Lawton's Letter 

and Dewey's Denial. 



Manila capitulated to the United States forces, commanded by Admiral 
Dewey, on May 1, 1898. 

In order to become informed upon the condition of affairs in the Phil- 
ippines, President McKinley, on Jan. 20, 1899, appointed a commission 
composed of President J. G. Schurman, of Cornell University; Professor 
Dean, Worcester; Charles Denby, late Minister to China; Admiral Dewey 
and General Otis. The commission handed its report to President Mc- 
Kinley Nov. 2, 1899, and the same was transmitted to Congress by the 
President, Feb. 2, 1900. It reads in part as follows: 

"The undersigned commissioners appointed by you to investigate 
affairs in the Philippine Islands and to report the result of their investi- 
gations, together with such recommendations as might in their judgment 
be called for by the conditions which should be found to exist in these 
islands, have the honor to submit the following preliminary statement in 
compliance with your request." 

The commission next tells briefly how it conducted the task intrusted 
to it, hearing statements from all classes of people in Manila as to the 



capabilities of the Filipinos for self-government, the habits and customs 
of the people, and also the establishment of municipal governments in 
many towns. 

HISTORY OF ISLANDS. 

Turning to the history of the islands, the commission attaches little 
importance to the divers rebellions which had preceded that of 1896. As 
to this movement the commissioners declare that it was in no sense an 
attempt to win independence, but solely to obtain relief from intolerable 
abuses. 

To sustain this statement they quote from an insurgent proclamation, 
showing that what was demanded was the expulsion of the friars and 
the restitution to the people of their lands, with a division of the epis- 
copal sees between Spanish and native priests. It was also demanded 
that the Filipinos have parliamentary representation, freedom of the 
press, religious toleration, economic autonomy, and laws similar to those 
of Spain. The abolition of the power of banishment was demanded, with 
a legal equality for all persons in law and equality in pay between Span- 
ish and native civil servants. 

TREATY WITH SPANISH. 

The commission declares that these demands had good ground: that 
on paper the Spanish system of government was tolerable, but in practice 
every Spanish governor did what he saw fit, and the evil deeds of men 
in the government were hidden from Spain by strict press censorship. 
Allusion is made to the powerful Katipunan Society, patterned on the 
Masonic order, and mainly made up of Tagalos, as a powerful revolu- 
tionary force. 

The war begun in 1896 was terminated by the treaty of Blac-na-Bate. 
The Filipinos were numerous, but possessed only about 800 small arms. 
The Spanish felt that it would require 100,000 men to capture their 
stronghold, and concluded to resort to the use of money. Certain con- 
cessions were also decided upon, including representation of the Filipinos 
in the Cortes, ^he deportation of the friars, which was the principal 
question; the grant of the /ight of association and of a free press. 

PROMISES NOT KEPT. 

Governor General Rivera was willing to pay $2,000,000 in Mexican 
money when Aguinaldo and his cabinet and leading officers arrived in 
Hong Kong. It appears, however, that Paterno offered the latter only 
$400,000, $200,000 to be paid when Aguinaldo arrived at Hong Kong and 
the balance when the Filipinos had delivered up their arms. The ar- 
rangement was not acceptable to the people. 

The promises were never carried out. Spanish abuses began afresh, 
in Manila alone more than -200 men being executed. Hence sporadic 
risings occurred, though they possessed nothing like the strength of the 
original movement. The insurgents • lacked arms, ammunition and 
leaders. 

The treaty had ended the war, which, with the exception of an un- 
important outbreak in Cebu, had been confined to Luzon, Spain's sover- 
eignty in the other islands never having been questioned, and the thought 
of independence never having been entertained. 

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO. 

The report then tells how Gen. Augustino came to Manila as governor 
general at this juncture and war broke out between Spain and the United 
States. Augustino sought to secure the support of the Filipinos to de- 
fend Spain against America, promising them autonomy, but the Filipinos 
did not trust him. 

Then came the 1st of May and the destruction of the Spanish fleet by 



Dewey, with the resulting loss of prestige to Spain. Then in June 
Aguinaldo came. On this point the commission says: 

"The following memorandum on this subject has been furnished the 
commission by Admiral Dewey: 

" 'On April 24, 1898, the following cipher dispatch was received at 
Hong Kong from E. Spencer Pratt, United States consul general at Singa- 
pore: 

" ' "Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hong Kong, ar- 
range with commodore for general co-operation insurgents Manila if. 
desired. Telegraph." ' 

"On the same day Commodore Dewey telegraphed Mr. Pratt, 'Tell 
Aguinaldo come soon as possible,' the necessity for haste being due to 
the fact that the squadron had been notified by the Hong Kong Govern- 
ment to leave those waters by the following day. The squadron left 
Hong Kong on the morning of the 25th, and Mirs Bay on the 27th. 
Aguinaldo did not leave Singapore until the 26th, and so did not arrive 
in Hong Kong in time to have a conference with the admiral. 

"It had been reported to the commodore as early as March 1, by the 
United States consul at Manila and others that the Filipinos had broken 
out into insurrection against the Spanish authority in the vicinity of 
Manila, and on March 30 Mr. Williams had telegraphed: 'Five thousand 
rebels armed in camp near city. Loyal to us in case of war.' 

NO ALLIANCE MADE. 

"Upon the arrival of the squadron at Manila it was found that there 
was no insurrection to speak of, and it was accordingly decided to allow 
Aguinaldo to come to Cavite on board the McCulloch. He arrived with 
thirteen of his staff on May 19, and immediately came on board the 
Olympia to call on the commander-in-chief, after which he was allowed 
to land at Cavite and organize an army. 

"This was done with the purpose of strengthening the United States 
forces and weakening those of the enemy. No alliance of any kind was 
entered into with Aguinaldo, nor was any promise of independence made 
to him. then or at any other time." 

The commission's report then rapidly sketches events now historical. 
It tells in substance how the Filipinos attacked the Spanish and how 
Gen. Anderson arrived, and Aguinaldo, at his request, removed from 
Cavite to Bacoor. Says the commission: 

"Now for the first time rose the idea of national independence. 
Aguinaldo issued a proclamation in which he took the responsibility of 
promising it to his people on behalf of the American Government, al- 
though he admitted freely in private conversation with members of his 
cabinet that neither Admiral Dewey nor any other American had made 
him any such promise." 

GROWTH OF FRICTION. 

The report states that Aguinaldo wished to attack the Americans when 
they landed at Paranaque, but was deterred by lack of arms and am- 
munition. From that point on there was a growing friction between the 
Filipinos and the American troops. 

"There were no conferences,"' says the report, "between the officers 
of the Filipinos and our officers with a view to operating against the 
Spaniards, nor was there co-operation of any kind. * * * There never 
was any preconcerted operation or any combined movement by the United 
States and Filipinos against the Spaniards." 

Reference is made to Aguinaldo's demand that he be allowed to loot 
Manila and take the arms of the Spaniards. The latter demand is said to. 
confirm the statement that he intended to get possession of the arms to 
attack the Americans. 



WAITING FOR PRETEXT. 

Further evidence of the hostile intentions of the Filipinos was found 
in the organization of "popular clubs," which later on furnished a local 
militia to attack the Americans. The decrees of the Filipino congress are 
also cited, as well as the making of bolos (knives) in every shop in 
Manila. 

It is shown that a considerable element in the Filipino congress 
wished to address to President McKinley a request not to abandon the 
Filipinos. (At this stage the Paris conference was discussing the future 
of the Philippines.) The President was also to be asked his desire as 
to the form of government he wished to establish. But all this time 
Aguinaldo was preparing for war and delaying these messages, and it was 
understood that the attack would come upon the first act by the Ameri- 
can forces, which would afford a pretext. 

FILIPINOS BEGIN WAR. 

A brief chapter then tells of the lack of success attending the effort 
made at this time by Gen. Merritt, through a commission, to arrive at a 
mutual understanding with Aguinaldo as to the intentions, purposes and 
desires of the Filipino people. This brings the story up to the outbreak 
on the evening of the 4th of February, with the attack upon the American 
troops, following the action of the Nebraskan sentinel. The commission, 
in concluding this chapter, says: 

"After the landing of our troops Aguinaldo made up his mind that 
it would be necessary to fight the Americans, and after the making of the 
treaty of peace at Paris this determination was strengthened. He did 
not openly declare that he intended to fight the Americans, but he excited 
everybody, and especially the military men, by claiming independence, 
and it is doubtful whether he had the power to check or control the army 
at the time hostilities broke out. 

NO ALTERNATIVE LEFT. 

"Deplorable as war is, the one in which we are now engaged was 
unavoidable by us. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous and en- 
thusiastic army. No alternative was left to us, except ignominious re- 
treat. It is not to be conceived of that any American would ha\e 
sanctioned the surrender of Manila to the insurgents. Our obligations to 
other nations, to the friendly Filipinos and to ourselves and our flag 
demanded that force should be met by force. 

"Whatever the future of the Philippines may be, there is no course 
open to us now except the prosecution of the war until the insurgents are 
reduced to submission. The commission is of the opinion that there 
has been no time since the destruction of the Spanish squadron by Ad- 
miral Dewey when it was possible to withdraw our forces from the islands 
either with honor to ourselves or with safety to the inhabitants." 

REIGN OF TERROR. 

The commissioners then take up the condition of the country at the 
time of their arrival, comparing it with conditions existing when they 
left a short time ago. A vivid picture is given of the anarchy existing 
among the inhabitants in and about Manila during the early spring. 

"The situation in the city," says the commission, "was bad. Incen- 
diary fires occurred daily. The streets were almost deserted. Half of the 
native population had fled and most of the remainder were shut in their 
houses. Business was at a standstill. Insurgent troops everywhere faced 
our lines, and the sound of rifle fire was frequently audible in our house. 
A reign of terror prevailed. Filipinos who had favored Americans feared 
assassination, and few had the courage to come out openly for us. For- 
tunately there were among this number some of the best men of the 
city." 



RESTORING PUBLIC CONFIDENCE. 

The report then speaks of the issuance of the commission's proclama- 
tion and the good effects it had on public sentiment. The natives, ac- 
customed to Spanish promises, urged upon the commission that acts 
instead of promises should be given them. As a result native law courts 
were established and this greatly aided in the restoration of public con- 
fidence. The flow of population soon began to set toward the city. Na- 
tives who had fled from their homes returned. 

As showing the limited scope of the rebellion the commission states: 
"We learned that the strong anti-American feeling was confined to the 
Tagalo provinces, namely: Manila, Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Morong, 
Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Principe, Infanta and Zambales. It was strongest 
in the first six named, and hardly existed in the last four. 

REVOLT NOT POPULAR. 

"The population of these provinces is estimated to be about 1,500,000, 
but it should not be supposed that even in the six provinces immediately 
adjacent to Manila the people were united in their opposition to us. 
Ea en here there was a strong conservative element, consisting of people 
of wealth and intelligence, opposed to the war." 

Under the head, "The Rebellion Not a National Movement," the report 
treats of the rebellion outside of the provinces of Luzon, where, it is 
stated, the uprising was viewed at first with indifference and later with 
fear. Throughout the archipelago at large there was trouble only at 
these points to which armed Tagalos had been sent in considerable 
numbers. 

ASK AMERICAN HELP. 

The machinery of insurgent "government" served only for plundering 
the people under the pretext of levying "war contributions, while many 
of the insurgent officials were rapidly accumulating wealth." It is stated 
that the insurgent administration throughout the interior was worse 
than in the days of Spanish misrule. In many provinces there was abso- 
lute anarchy, and from all sides came petitions for protection and help. 

In speaking of Gen. MacArthur's movement northward the report tells 
of the insurgent method of intimidating the natives by telling them fearful 
tales concerning the American soldiers. This method of procedure, emi- 
nently successful at first, in the end recoiled on its authors. 

TROOPS BRING PEACE. 

As to the state of affairs when the commission left t*e report says: 
"Before the commission left the Philippines nearly all the inhabitants 
had returned to those ruined villages. Many of the houses had been re- 
built. Fields that had lain fallow for three years were green with 
growing crops. Municipal governments were established, and the people, 
protected by our troops, were enjoying peace, security and a degree of 
participation in their own government previously unknown in the history 
of the Philippines. Attempts of the insurgents to raise recruits and 
money in the province of Bulacan were proving abortive, except when 
backed by bayonets and bullets, and even in such cases the natives were 
applying to us for help to resist them." 

The chapter devoted to "Establishment of Municipal Governments" 
gives in detail the efforts in that direction. There were many difficulties 
encountered. The conditicn of the people was found to be most pitiable. 
They had been plundered by the insurgent troops, who had robbed them 
of jewels, money, clothing and even food, so that they were literally 
starving. Peaceful citizens had been fired on. Women had been mal- 
treated. 



PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 

There was general satisfaction that the Americans had come at last, 
and conditions seemed favorable for an American propaganda. The 
towns of Bacoor and Imus were selected for the purpose of experiment, 
and after talks with the local "head men" a local form of go\ernment was 
established. Encouraged by the result, the work was continued at Paran- 
aque and Las Pinas, with similar good results. 

At the request of Gen. Lawton, who had been assigned to this work 
by Gen. Otis, the commission prepared a simple scheme of municipal 
government, similar enough to the old system to be readily comprehen- 
sible to the natives, but giving them liberties which they had never 
before enjoyed. This scheme was adopted and gave general satisfaction. 

In every instance enthusiasm ran high before the commissioners took 
their departure, and cheers were raised for Gen. Lawton and for the 
country which he represented. 

SECURE GOOD RESULTS. 

With a single exception the officials elected proved worthy of the 
trust imposed in them, and conditions very rapidly improved in the newly 
organized towns. Governments were organized with more satisfactory 
results in Pandacan, Santa Ana, San Felipe, Meri, San Pedro and Machei, 
while a slightly different system was put into effect in Malabon, Polo, 
Obando, Meycauya, Yang and Malolos. 

The commission states that a large amount of supervision over the 
affairs of our new municipalities proved necessary, as the officials were 
timid and slow to comprehend their new duties. At many of the elections 
the voters went about "asking who they were expected to vote for," and 
it was only with great difficulty that they were persuaded to exercise the 
right of free suffrage. 

SCHOOLS FOR MANILA. 

The commissioners sum up the situation at the time of their departure 
as follows: 

"When we left Manila a large volume of business was being done, and 
the streets were so crowded as to be hardly safe. The native population 
was quiet and orderly and all fear of an uprising had long since passed. 
An efficient corps of native policemen was on duty. A system of public 
schools in which English was taught had been advocated by the commis- 
sion and established by Gen. Otis. Some 6,000 scholars were in attend- 
ance. 

"In the Tagalo provinces of Luzon, where the anti -American feeling 
had been strongest, public sentiment had greatly changed, as evidenced 
by the fact that the military governor of Batangas had offered to sur- 
render his troops and his province if we would only send a small force 
there. The Bico!s, in southern Luzon, had risen against their Tagalo 
masters. The Macabebes were clamoring for an opportunity to fight in 
our ranks, and native soldiers and scouts were already serving under 
Gen. Lawton. 

REBELLION DYING OUT. 

"Stories of the corruption of insurgent officers were becoming daily 
more common, and the disintegration of the enemy's forces was steadily 
progressing. The hope of assistance from Sutside sources seemed to be 
all that held them together." 

Having given so much attention to the Island of Luzon, the commis- 
sion then takes up in detail the conditions in the other islands. On this 
point it is stated that the rebellion is essentially Tagalo, and when it ends 
in Luzon it must end throughout the archipelago. The situation else- 
where than in Luzon is summed up as follows: 

"The only island, apart from Luzon, where serious trouble threatens, 
is Panay, to which a considerable force of Tagalo soldiers was sent before 

6 



the outbreak or' hostilities. Many of the Visayans of this island are op- 
posed to the Tagalos, however, and it is not believed that the latter can 
make a formidable resistance. 

OPPOSE THE TAGALOS. 

"In Samar, Leyte and Masbate the Tagalo invaders are numerically few 
and are disliked by the natives of these islands, whom they have op- 
pressed. We were assured that 200 men would suffice to restore order in 
Mindoro. Bobol was asking for troops. The Calamianes islanders had 
sent word that the}*- would welcome us. There can be no resistance in 
Palawan. Satisfactory relations had already been established with the 
warlike Moros, whose sultan had previously been conciliated by a mem- 
ber of the commission, and in Mindano this tribe had e^ en taken up our 
cause and attacked the insurgents, of whom there are very few in the 
island. 

"In Cebu we have only to reckon with the lawless element, which has 
never been very formidable there." 

Special attention is given to the island of Negros, as this seemed a 
field well adapted to the extension of an American system. Here the 
natives have adopted a local form of government, including a congress, 
and had raised the American flag. They believed themselves capable of 
managing their own affairs and asked for a battalion of troops to hold 
in check a mountainous band of fanatics. The battalion was furnished, 
but the people proved unable to carry oat their program owing to ill 
feeling among their own officials. The Americans remained popular. 

NEED AMEPvICAN RULE. 

At the request of Gen. Otis a new and simplified scheme of government 
for the island, giving the people a large voice in their affairs, but placing 
an American in full control, was put into operation. It brought about 
satisfaction, and public order is better in the island to-day than at any 
time during the last twenty years. 

Summarizing the failure of the native form of government and the 
success of the American control, the commission says: 

"The fiat failure of this attempt to establish an independent native 
government in Negros, conducted as it was under the most favorable cir- 
cumstances, makes it apparent that here, as well as in the less favored 
provinces, a large amount of American control is at present absolutely 
essential to a successful administration of public affairs." 

EFFORTS FOR PEACE. 

The efforts at conciliation with Aguinaido and his various commis- 
sions are set forth in detail. These commissioners were assured of the 
beneficent purposes of the United States and the President's readiness to 
grant the Filipino people as large a measure of home rule and as ample 
liberty as consistent with the end of government, "subject only to the 
recognition of the sovereignty of the United States — a point which, being 
established, the commission invariably refused even to discuss." 

The commission adds that nothing came of negotiations, as Aguinaldo's 
emissaries were without powers, and merely came, and came again, for 
information. Courteous reception was accorded to the insurgent com- 
missions, and earnest appeals made to stop further bloodshed, all wit- 
nessing "the spirit of patient conciliation" exhibited by the American 
commission in endeavoring to reach an amicable adjustment with the 
insurgents, as well as the obduracy of Aguinaido. 

ON SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

The report sums up the result of these fruitless exchanges, as follows: 

"No better proof could be furnished that the primary object of his 

struggle is not. as is pretended, the liberty of the Filipino peoples, but the 

continuance of his own arbitrary and despotic power. In any event, the 



American people may feel confident that no effort was omitted by the 
commission to secure a peaceful end of the struggle, but the opportunities 
they offered and urged were all neglected, if not, indeed, spurned." 

The chapter devoted to "Capacity For Self-Government" is the result, 
the report states, of diligent inquiry for several months, in the course of 
which a great number of witnesses were examined, of all shades of politi- 
cal thought and varieties of occupation, tribe and locality. 

TRIBES, NOT A NATION. 

The most striking and perhaps the most significant fact in the entire 
situation is the multiplicity of tribes inhabiting the archipelago, the 
diversity of their languages (which are mutually unintelligible) and the 
multifarious phases of civilization — ranging all the way from the highest 
to the lowest. As to this the report says: 

"The Filipinos are not a nation, but a variegated assemblage of dif- 
ferent tribes and peoples, and their loyalty is still of the tribal type." 

Concerning their intellectual capacities the commission says: 

"As to the general intellectual capacities of the Filipinos the com- 
mission is disposed to rate them high. But excepting in a limited num- 
ber of persons these capacities have not been developed by education and 
experience. The masses of the people are uneducated. 

NEED OF EDUCATION. 

"That intelligent public opinion on which popular government rests 
does not exist in the Philippines. And it cannot exist until education has 
elevated the masses, broadened their intellectual horizon and disciplined 
their faculty of judgment. And even then the power of self-government 
cannot be assumed without considerable previous training and experience 
under the guidance and tutelage of an enlightened and liberal foreign 
power. For the bald fact is that the Filipinos have never had any ex- 
perience in governing themselves." 

The report shows that this inability for self-government is due to the 
old Spanish regime, which. gave the Filipinos little or no part in govern- 
ing themselves. After reviewing this Spanish system the commission 
sums up on this point: 

"This is all the training in self-government which the inhabitants of 
the Philippine Islands have enjoyed. Their lack of education and political 
experience, combined with their racial and linguistic diversities, dis- 
qualify them, in spite of their mental gifts and domestic virtues, to under- 
take the task of governing the archipelago at the present time. The 
most that can be expected of them is to co-operate with the Americans 
in the administration of general affairs, from Manila as a center, and to 
undertake, subject to American control or guidance (as may be found 
necessary), the administration of provincial and municipal affairs. 

MUST RETAIN RULE. 

"Fortunately, there are educated Filipinos, though they do not con- 
stitute a large proportion of the entire population, and their support and 
services will be of incalculable value in inaugurating and maintaining the 
new government. As education advances and experience ripens, the na- 
tives may be intrusted with a larger and more independent share of 
government, self-government, as the American ideal, being constantly 
kept in view as the goal. In this way American sovereignty over the 
archipelago will prove a great political boon to the people. 

"Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn the commission 
believes that the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into 
anarchy, which would excuse, if it did not necessitate, the intervention 
of other powers and the eventual division of the islands among them. 

"Only through American occupation, therefore, is the idea of a free, 

8 



self-governing and united Philippine commonwealth at all conceivable. 
And the indispensable need from the Filipino point of view of main- 
taining American sovereignty over the archipelago is recognized by all 
intelligent Filipinos and even by those insurgents who desire an Ameri- 
can protectorate. The latter, it is true, would take the revenues and 
leave us the responsibilities. Nevertheless they recognize the indubitable 
fact that the Filipinos cannot stand alone. 

"Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of na- 
tional honor in forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. V/e 
cannot from any point of view escape the responsibilities of government 
which our sovereignty entails, and the commission is strongly persuaded 
that the performance of our national duty will prove the greatest bless- 
ing to the peoples of the Philippine Islands." 

PRAISE FOR TROOPS. 

One of the closing chapters of the report is devoted to a tribute to 
"our soldiers and sailors in the war." The commission says that the 
presence of Admiral Dewey as a member of this body makes it unfitting 
to dwell on his personal achievements, but he joins in the eulogy of his 
comrades. The commissioners witnessed some of the many brave deeds 
of our soldiers, and they declare that all that skill, courage and a patient 
endurance can do has been done in the Philippines. 

They dismiss the reports of the desecrating of churches, the murdering 
of prisoners and the committing of unmentionable crimes, and say they 
are glad to express the belief that a war was never more humanely con- 
ducted, adding: 

"if churches were occupied it was only as a military necessity, and 
frequently their use as forts by the insurgents had made it necessary to 
train cur artillery upon them. 

BRIGHT TRADE FUTURE. 

"Prisoners were taken whenever opportunity offered, often only to be 
set at liberty after being disarmed and fed. Up to the time of our de- 
parture, although numerous spies had been captured, not a single Filipino 
had been executed. Such wrongs as were casually committed against the 
natives were likely to be brought to our attention, and in every case 
that we investigated we found a willingness on the part of those in au- 
thority to administer prompt justice." 

The commissioners give a general view of the value of the islands, 
their richness in agricultural and forest products, their mineral wealth 
and their commanding geographical position. They state that the Phil- 
ippine Islands should soon become one of the great trade centers of the 
East. Manila is already connected by new steamship lines with Aus- 
tralia, India and Japan, and she will become the mutual terminus of 
many other lines when a ship canal connects the Atlantic with the 
Pacific. It cannot be doubted that commerce will greatly increase, and 
the United States will obtain a large share in this treatment. 

BENEFIT TO ISLANDS. 

Manila, with the immunity which it has thus far enjoyed from that 
terrible pest, the bubonic plague, should become a distributing center for 
China, Siam, the Straits Settlements, Tonquin, Annam and Australia. 

The report concludes: 

"Our control means to the inhabitants of the Philippines internal peace 
and order, a guarantee against foreign aggression and against the dis- 
memberment of their country, commercial and industrial prosperity and 
as large a share of the affairs of government as they shall prove fit to 
take. When peace and prosperity shall have been established through- 
out the archipelago, when education shall have become general, then, ir 
the language of a leading Filipino, his people will, under our guidance, 
'become more American than the Americans themselves.' " 

9 



DEWEY HEARD FROM. 

On May 20, 1898, Admiral Dewey cabled to the Navy Department: 

"Agumaldo, the rebel commander-in-chief, was brought down by the 
McCuiloch. Organizing forces near Cavite, and may render assistance 
which will be valuable." 

On May 26 the Secretary of the Navy telegraphed to Admiral Dewey 
as follows: 

"It is desirable, as far as possible, and consistent for your success and 
safety, not to have political alliances with the insurgents or any faction 
in the islands that would .incur liability to maintain their cause in the 
future." 

To this telegram Dew T ey replied: 

"Receipt of telegram of May 26 is acknowledged, and I thank the de- 
partment for the expression of confidence. Have acted according to the 
spirit of department's instructions therein from the beginning, and I 
have entered into no alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. 
This squadron can reduce the defenses of Manila at any moment, but it 
is considered useless until the arrival of sufficient United States forces to 
retain possession." 

AGTJINALDO CONSPIRES. 

As soon as Aguinaldo discovered he was to have no assistance from 
the United States he commenced to conspire against our forces there, in- 
tending to overthrow the authority of this Government in the islands. 

DEWEY'S STRONG DENIAL. 

In a pamphlet afterwards published by Aguinaldo, entitled "The True 
Version of the Philippine Revolution," he charged that Admiral Dewey 
had assured him that the United States would recognize the independence 
of the Filipinos. When this was published, the admiral wrote the follow- 
ing letter to Senator Lodge: 

"Dear Senator Lodge: The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, recently 
published in the Springfield Republican, so far as it relates to me is a 
tissue of falsehood. I never promised him, directly or indirectly, inde- 
pendence for the Filipinos. I never treated him as an ally, except so far 
as to make use of him and his soldiers to assist me in my operations 
against the Spaniards. He never uttered the word 'independence' in any 
conversation with me or my officers. The statement that I received him 
with military honors, or saluted the Filipino flag, is absolutely false. 

"Sincerely yours, GEORGE DEWEY." 

AGUINALDO ORGANIZES REVOLUTION. 

On May 24 Aguinaldo issued three proclamations, one containing de- 
crees as to the treatment of the Spanish enemy, another announcing the 
establishment of a dictatorial government with himself as dictator, and 
the third containing further decrees concerning military operations. 

In the following July he organized a revolutionary government with 
himself as President. During that month the several detachments of the 
United States army arrived at Manila, and on July 25 Gen. Merritt took 
command, and Admiral Dewey sent the following dispatch: 

"Merritt arrived yesterday in the Newport. The remainder of the 
expedition is expected within the next few days. Situation is most critical 
at Manila. The Spanish may surrender at any moment. Merritt's most 
difficult problem will be how to deal with insurgents under Aguinaldo, 
who has become aggressive and even threatening toward our army." 

HOSTILITIES BEGUN BY AGUINALDO. 

On Aug. 13 Manila was captured, and of this and subsequent events 
the Philippine commission composed of Admiral Dewey, Gen. Otis, Presi- 

10 



dent Schurman, Prof. Worcester and Gen. Denby, says: "When the city 
of Manila was taken on Aug. 13, the Filipinos took no part in the attack, 
but came following in with a view of looting the city and were only pre- 
vented from doing so by our forces presenting them from entering. Agui- 
naldo claimed that he had the right to occupy the city; he demanded of 
Gen. Merritt the palace of Malacanan for himself and the cession of all 
the churches of Manila, also that a part of the money taken from the 
Spaniards as spoils of war should be given up, and above all that he 
should be given the arms of the Spanish prisoners. This confirms the 
statement already made that he intended to get possession of these arms 
for the purpose of attacking us. All these demands were refused. After 
the taking of Manila the feeling between the Americans and the insur- 
gents grew worse day by day. * * * Aguinaldo removed his seat of 
government to Malolos, where the so-called Filipino congress assembled. 

FILIPINOS PREPARED FOR WAR. 

On the 21st of September a significant decree passed the Filipino con- 
gress imposing a military service on every male over 18 years of age, 
except those holding government positions. In every carriage factory and 
blacksmith shop in Manila bolos (knives) were being made. * * * 
Danger signals now multiplied. Aguinaldo endeavored to get the war 
making power transferred from congress to himself, and also urged a 
heavy bond issue to secure one million dollars for the purchase of arms 
and ammunition. * * * It is now known that elaborate plans had 
been perfected for a simultaneous attack by the force within and without 
Manila. * * * Persistent attacks were made to provoke our soldiers 
to fire. The insurgents were insolent to our guards and made persistent 
and continuous efforts to push them back and advance the insurgent lines 
further into the city of Manila. 

TO ATTACK AMERICANS. 

Early in January, 1899, Aguinaldo had his plans perfected so as to be 
ready to commence hostilities against the American forces. 

The following order, which has never before been published, was re- 
ceived from Captain J. J. Erwin, assistant surgeon Thirtieth infantry, 
stationed at Lueban, in the Island of Luzon. Captain Erwin says the 
document was found in the church at Lueban when that place was garri- 
soned by the Second battalion, Thirtieth infantry, with enlistment rolls 
with names of officers and men enrolled in conformity to the order. 

The original is in Spanish and the translation is as follows: 

PROOF AGAINST AGUINALDO. 
Gentlemen: No. 1253. 

The Local Chiefs of the Coast. 

From Lueban to Guinayangan. 

The Office of the Secretary of the Interior has seen fit to order the 
following: 

The Secretary of the Interior of the G. R. of the Filipinos in a tele- 
graphic circular of yesterday says to me the following: 

From the Secretary of the Interior to provincial presidents, to be 
circulated among the local chiefs of every town, Manila. 

Push the preparations of all the towns to oppose the American inva- 
sion. See that all the inhabitants have their bolos and daggers prepared, 
that in every street or ward there be organized a national militia; e\ ery 
six should have a corporal, every thirteen a sergeant and every twenty-six 
a second lieutenant, every fifty-two a first lieutenant and every 104 a 
captain; the soldiers of the national militia should elect their chiefs of 
leaders. Make it clear to all that our salvation depends on our 
activity. The local chief of the Laguna (Lake) will please pass this circu- 
lar to the chief of Tayabos, and in this manner from one to another until 
all have received it. 

11 



I have the pleasure of transmitting this to you for your information. 

May God guard you. 

Santa Ana, Jan. 5, 1899. 

(Signed) ESCOTASTIES SARANDANA. 

I transmit the same to you for your knowledge and for all, that they 
fulfill with fidelity that which is ordered therein. Run without loss of 
time from town to town and return from the last with a report of the 
fulfillment of all that is hereby ordered. 

Lucena, Jan. 7, 1899. (Signed) QUIRINO ELEAZAR. 

CONSPIRACY PERFECTED. 

This was dated Jan. 5, 1899, just one month before the insurrection 
against the United States broke out. It shows that the conspiracy had 
then been perfected and that the Filipino people were being organized 
to attack the American troops. Two days later, on Jan. 7, Aguinaldo wrote 
to personal friends in Manila as follows: 

"Malelos, Jan. 7, 1899. 

"My Dear Don Benito— I write this to ask you to send to this our gov- 
ernment the photograph you have in your house, and I will pay you what- 
ever price you may ask. Also buy me everything which may be neces- 
sary to provide the said photograph. 

"I beg you to leave Manila with your family and to come here to 
Malelos, but not because I wish to frighten you. I merely wish to 
warn you for your satisfaction, although it is not yet the day or the week. 

"Your affectionate friend, who kisses your hands, 

"EMILIO AGUINALDO." 

TRYING TO AVERT HOSTILITIES. 

Meantime the American commander-in-chief, under instructions from 
President McKinley, was doing e\#ry thing in his power to avert hos- 
tilities and cultivate terms of friendship with the Filipinos. On this 
point the report of the Philippine commission says: 

"Aguinaldo endeavored to get the war-making power transferred from 
congress to himself. He also urged a heavy bond issue to secure one 
million dollars for the purchase of arms and ammunition. It is now 
known that elaborate plans had been perfected for a simultaneous attack 
by the forces within and without Manila. The militia within the city 
numbered approximately ten thousand; they were armed for the most 
part with bolos. Gen. Pio del Pilar slept in the city every night. No 
definite date had been set for the attack, but a signal by means of rockets 
had been agreed upon, and it was universally understood that it would 
come upon the occurrence of the first act on the part of the American 
forces which would afford a pretext; and in the lack of such act in the 
near future at all events. Persistent attempts were made to provoke our 
soldiers to fire. The insurgents were insolent to our guards and made per- 
sistent and continuous efforts to push them back and advance the insur- 
gent lines further into the city of Manila. It was a long and trying 
period of insult and abuse heaped upon our soldiers, with constant sub- 
mission as the only means of avoiding an open rupture. The Filipinos 
had concluded that our soldiers were cowards and boasted openly that 
we were afraid of them. Rumors were always prevalent that our army 
would be attacked at once. 

"With great tact and patience the commanding general had held his 
forces in check, and he now made a final effort to preserve the peace 
by appointing a commission to meet a similar body appointed by Agui- 
naldo to 'confer with regard to the situation of affairs and to arrive at 
a mutual understanding of the intent, purposes, aims and desires of the 
Filipino people and of the people of the United States.' Six sessions were 

12 



held, the last occurring on Jan. 29, six days before the outbreak of 
hostilities. No substantial results were obtained; the Filipino com- 
missioners being either unable or unwilling to give any definite state- 
ments of the 'intent, purposes and aims of their people;' at the eiose 
of the last session they were given full assuiances that no hostile act 
would be inaugurated by the United States troops. 

"The critical moment had now arrived. Aguinaldo secretly ordered 
the Filipinos who were friendly to him to seek refuge outside the city. 
The Nebraska regiment at thjit time was in camp on the east line at 
Santa Mesa, and was guarding its front. For days before the memorable 
4th of February, 1899, the outposts in front of the regiment had been 
opeuly menaced and assaulted by insurgent soldiers; they were attempt- 
ing to push our outposts back and advance their line. They made light 
of our sentinels and persistently ignored their orders. 

"On the evening of the 4th of February an insurgent officer came to the 
front with a detail of men and attempted to pass the guard on the San 
Juan bridge, our guard being stationed at the west end of the bridge. 
The Nebraska sentinel drove them back without firing, but a few min- 
utes before 9 o'clock that evening a large body of insurgent troops 
made an advance on the South Dakota outposts, which fell back rather 
than fire. About the same time the insurgents came in force to the east 
end of the San Juan bridge, in front of the Nebraska regiment. For 
several nights prior thereto a lieutenant in the insurgent army had 
been coming regularly to our outpost No. 2, of the Nebraska regiment, 
and attempting to force the outpost back and insisting on posting his 
guard within the Nebraska lines; and at this time and in the darkness he 
again appeared with a detail of about six men and approached Private 
Grayson of Company D, First Nebraska volunteers, the sentinel on duty, at 
outpost No. 2. He, after halting them three times without effect, fired, 
killing the lieutenant, whose men returned the fire and then retreated. 
Immediately rockets were sent up by the Filipinos, and they commenced 
firing all along the line. 

"The story of the actual fighting has often been told by military men 
who were engaged in it, and we do not deem it necessary to give a de- 
scription of it here. It is known of all men that immediately after the 
first shot the insurgents opened fire all along their line and continued 
to fire until about midnight; and about 4 o'clock on the morning of 
February 5 the insurgents again opened fire all around the city and kept 
it up until the Americans charged them and drove them with great 
slaughter out of their trenches. # 

"After the landing of our troops, Aguinaldo made up his mind that 
it would be necessary to fight the Americans, and after the making of 
the treaty of peace at Paris this determination was strengthened. He did 
not openly declare that he intended to fight the Americans, but he excited 
everybody, and especially the military men, by claiming independence, 
and it is doubtful whether he had the power to check or control the 
army at the time hostilities broke out. Deplorable as war is, the one 
in which we are now engaged was unavoidable by us. We were attacked 
by a bold, adventurous and enthusiastic army. No alternative was left 
to us, except ignominious retreat. It is not to be conceived of that any 
American would have sanctioned the surrender of Manila to the insur- 
gents. Our obligations to other nations, and to the friendly Filipinos, 
and to ourselves and our flag: demanded that force should be met by 
force. Whatever the future of the Philippines may be, there is no 
course open to us now except the prosecution of the war until the insur- 
gents are reduced to. submission. The commission is of the opinion that 
there has been no time since the destruction of the Spanish squadron by 
Admiral Dewey when it was possible to withdraw our forces from the 
islands either with honor to ourselves or with safety to the inhabitants." 

On the very night the fighting began Aguinaldo issued the following: 

13 



ORDER TO THE PHILIPPINE ARMY. 

Nine o'clock p. m., this date, I received from Ca'oocan station a mes- 
sage communicated to me that the American forces, without prior notifica- 
tion or any just motive, attacked our camp at San Juan del Monte and 
our forces garrisoning the blockhouses around the outskirts of Manila, 
causing losses among our soldiers, who, in view of this unexpected aggres- 
sion and of the decided attack of the aggressors, were obliged to defend 
themselves until the firing became general all along the line. 

No one can deplore more than I this rupture of hostilities. I have 
a clear conscience that I have endeavored to avoid it at all costs, using 
all my efforts to preserve friendship with the army of occupation, even 
at the cost. of not a few humiliations and many sacrificed rights. 

But it is my unavoidable duty to maintain the integrity of the national 
honor and that of the army so unjustly attacked by those who, posing as 
our friends and liberators, attempted to dominate us in place of the 
Spaniards, as is shown by the grievances enumerated in my manifest of 
Jan. 8 last; such as the continued outrages and violent exactions com- 
mitted against the people of Manila, the useless conferences, and all my 
frustrated efforts in favor of peace and concord. 

Summoned by this unexpected provocation, urged by the duties im- 
posed upon me by honor and patriotism and for the defense of the nation 
intrusted to me, calling on God as a witness of my good faith and the 
uprightness of my intentions. 

I order and command: 

1. Peace and friendly relations between the Philippine forces and the 
American forces of occupation are broken, and the latter will be treated as 
enemies, with the limits prescribed by the laws of war. 

2. American soldiers who may be captured by the Philippine forces 
will be treated as prisoners of war. 

3. This proclamation shall be communicated to the accredited con- 
suls of Manila, and to congress, in order that it may accord the suspension 
of the constitutional guaranties and the resulting declaration of war. 

Given at Malolos, Feb. 4, 1899. EMILIO AGUINALDO. 

General in Chief. 

TO ATTACK THE AMERICANS. 

The following proclamation was issued by Aguinaldo's Secretary of the 
Interior on Feb. 5, 1899: 

First— You will so dispose that at 8 o'clock at night the individuals 
of the territorial militia at your order will be found united in all the 
streets of San Pedro armed with their "bolos" and revolvers and guns 
and ammunition, if convenient. 

Second—Philippine families only will be respected. They should not 
be molested, but all other individuals, of whatsoever race they may be, 
will be exterminated without any compassion after the extermination of 
the army of occupation. 

Third — The defenders of the Philippines in your command will attack 
the guard of Bilibid and liberate the prisoners and "presidiarios," and, 
having accomplished this, they will be armed, saying to them, "Brothers, 
we must avenge ourselves on the Americans and exterminate them, that 
we may take our revenge for the infamies and treacheries which they 
have committed upon us. Have no compassion upon them; attack with 
vigor. All Filipions 'en masse' will second you. Long live Filipino 
independence" 

Fifth— The order which will be followed in the attack will be as fol- 
lows: The sharpshooters of Tondo and Santa Ana. will begin the attack 
from without and these shots will be the signal for the militia of Trozo, 
Bir.ondo, Quiapo and Sampaloc to go out into the street and do their duty. 
Those of Paco, Ermita and Malate, Santa Cruz and San Miguel will not 
start out until 12 o'clock unless they see their companions need assistance. 

14 



Sixth — The militia will start out at 3 o'clock in the morning. If all do 
their duty cur revenge will be complete. Brothers, Europe contemplates 
us. We know how to die as men, shedding our blood in defense of the 
liberty of our country. Death to the tyrants; war without quarter to the 
false Americans, who have deceived us! Either independence or death. 

"THE FIRE IN THE REAR." 

"The fire in the rear" has done more to prolong the insurrection in the 
Philippines and stimulate the rebel chief to resistance than all the armies 
Aguinaldo has been able to raise. On this point, Gen. Lawton wrote as 
follows to Mr. John Barrett, formerly American minister at Siam: 

GEN. LAWTON'S LETTER. 

"I wish to God that this whole Philippine situation could be known 
by everyone in America as I know it. If the real history, inspiration and 
conditions of this insurrection, and the influences, local and external, 
that, now encourage the enemy, as well as the actual possibilities of these 
islands and peoples and their relations to this, great East could be under- 
stood at home, we would hear no more talk of unjust 'shooting of govern- 
ment' into the Filipinos or of hauling down our flag in the Philippines. 

"If the so-called anti-imperialists would honestly ascertain the truth 
on the ground, and not in distant America, they, whom I believe to be 
honest men misinformed, would be convinced of the error of their state- 
ments and conclusions and of the unfortunate effect of their publications 
here. If I am shot by a Filipino bullet, it might as well come from one 
of my own men, because I know from observation confirmed by captured 
prisoners, that the continuance of the fighting is chiefly due to reports 
that are sent out from America. "HENRY W. LAWTON." 

AGUINALDO AND THE DEMOCRATS. 

In October, 1899, Aguinaldo published a signed manifesto in which 
he said: 

"We ask God that he may grant the triumph of the Democratic party 
in the United States, which is the party which defends the Philippines, 
and that imperialism may cease from its mad idea of subduing us with its 
arms." 

The revolutionists follow every utterance made by the Democratic 
enemies of the administration, and by those hostile to the acquisition 
of the Philippines. Here are some statements that have been printed 
and published by the Filipinos: 

IN HONOR OF MR. BRYAN. 

"In the United States meetings and banquets have been held in honor 
of our honorable President, Don Emilio, who was proclaimed by Mr. 
Bryan, the future President of the United States, as one of the heroes 
of the world. 

"The Masonic society, interpreting the unanimous desire of the people, 
together with the Government, organizes a meeting and popular assembly 
in this capital in favor of the national independence, which will take 
place on Sunday, the 29th, in honor of Mr. Bryan and the anti-imperialist 
party which defends our cause in the United States. 

"•All the Masons and all the Filipino people are called to take part in 
this solemn act. The meeting will be composed of three parts: First — 
At 8 in the morning on the 29th, a gathering in an appropriate place 
will take place,, which will begin by singing the national hymn; then 
appropriate speeches will be read. Second — At midday a banquet will take 
place in the palace in honor of Mr. Bryan, who will be represented by 
American prisoners. Third — At 4 in the afternoon a popular manifesta- 
tion will take place everywhere— the people will decorate and illuminate 
their houses, bands of music will pass through the streets." 

15 



CO-OPERATING WITH BRYAN. 
"Filipino Republic, Secretary of Foreign Affairs: 

"Wishing to hold a meeting in the morning of Sunday next in the 
presidential palace of this republic, to correspond to the one held in the 
United States by Mr. Bryan, who toasted cur honorable president as one 
of the heroes of the world, and with the object of carrying this out with 
the utmost pomp and with contributing by the presence of your sub- 
ordinates to its greater splendor, I would be obliged if you would come 
to see me for a conference upon this matter. 

"May God keep you many vears. "FELIPE BUENCAMINO, 

"Tarlac, Oct. 26, 1899." 

OPPOSED TO McKINLEY. 

Next is an extract from La Independence a, a newspaper published in 
the Philippines: 

Mr. Bryan, the competitor of McKinley in the last presidential election 
and the candidate selected for the future by the Democratic party, has 
published a manifesto which has caused a profound sensation in the 
United States. 

Mr. Bryan announces himself decidedly opposed to the imperial policy 
of the Government, and shows the danger in which American institutions 
will be placed by this entirely new ambition for colonization. * * * 
He asks that the regime instituted in Cuba be applied to all the territory 
taken from Spain. * * * 

To place the American yoke on the millions of natives who wish to 
be free, 200,000 men will be needed. * * * Feb. 2, 1899. 

A great popular meeting was held in New York on Feb. 23, to protest 
against the imperialistic policy of the United States. March 8, 1899. 

FILIPINOS HONORING BRYAN. 

The following is a telegram from the rebel Secretary of War: 
"Provincial Chief Zambales. 

"Received your circular by telegraph yesterday. Was received with 
great animation and patriotic enthusiasm by the people gathered in a 
great reunion in government house. We had early this morning a gather- 
ing of civil and military officers and private persons to celebrate the 
independence of the country and in honor of Mr. Bryan, and at 4 p. m. 
we shall have the second part of the meeting. We all join in congratu- 
lating our honorable President, the Government and the army. 

"TARLAC, "Secretary of War." 
■ The following is a translation of a circular or proclamation: 

"May Providence decree that in the election for the President of the 
United States the Democratic party, which defends us, shall triumph, and 
not the imperialistic party, which is headed by Mr. McKinley, and which 
attacks us. 

"The great Democrat, Mr. Bryan, one of the most eminent men of the 
United States, is assured that he will be the future President, and then 
our happy hours begin. There have also been celebrated in New York and 
Chicago great meetings and banquets in honor of our dearly beloved 
President, Sr. Aguinaldo, who was entitled one of the world's true heroes. 

"The masses who have thus voted in our favor have done the same 
with reference to Cuba, asking her independence, for which she is already 
to-day struggling. 

"Finally, the conduct of the Filipino annexationists condemns itself. 
They have changed their flag as they changed their shirts, and are ani- 
mated solely by momentary lust of stolen gold; but by tneir own vile 
conduct, aided by their thieving country, they are only raising their own 
scaffold "God guard vour excellencies manv vears. 

"Guinabatan, Dec. 4, 1899." "SIG. DOMINGO SAMSON. 

It is this "fire in the rear" that has done so much to sustain the 
Philippine rebellion and prolong the war against the peaceful administra- 
tion of affairs by the United States. 



"* * * Our industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, our business and commercia' 
prosperity, our labor and its rewards, our national credit and currency, our proud financial 
honor and our splendid free citizenship, the birthright of every American, are all involved 
in the pending campaign, and thus every home in the land is directly and intimately 
connected with their proper settlement." — WILLIAM McKINLEY 



From Silver to Soldier 



BRYAN STILL STICKS TO FIGURES 
BUT CHANGES ISSUES 



1 to 999 



INSTEAD OF 



16to1 

The Pop-Dcm "Paramount Issue" 

and 

True Story of the Philippines 

AGAINST DEMOCRATIC FILIPINO FICTION 



The Dem = Pop Phantom Imperialism 

A Simple Arithmetic Solution of Bryan's Latest Folly 

BY MURAV HALSTEAD 



The fiction that this country of ours is in peril of Imperialism, 
is an evolution and emission of a partially developed Anarchism. 
What the hysterical seekers of possession of the Government, the 
claimants that they have a right under common law, because they 
lost in 1896, to win in 1900, mean by Imperialism, is Nationalism. 
They are opposed to a great American Nationality now, just as the 
Spaniards, French and British were in the beginning, when the In- 
dependence of the Fourth of July colonies was gained, and the 
Treaty with England after the surrender of Yorktown, was in course 
„«'-,,. of negotiation. The victorious colonies were repre- 

now Franklin ° ....... 

Held the Land sented in the Treaty made by Benjamin Franklin, 
Forthe People j ohn Adams and j ohn j ay Bourbon France had 

helped the English colonies to become independent, but by no 
means wanted a great free nation founded in North America, and 
so France claimed all the territory west of the Mississippi river, 
from the source to the mouth. England claimed all south of the 
lakes and the St. Lawrence, to the New England border, west of 
the Allegheny river, and north of the Ohio river — the very Ohio 
country that George Washington in his youth attempted to con- 
quer, but failed in part, because the English-speaking colonies were 
not united, and were discordant, and therefore incapable. Fortu- 
Gov Patrick nately, Governor Patrick Henry of Virginia, sec- 
Henry's onded with moral and material aid the generous 
western Point and a( j venturous ambition of George Rogers Clark, 
who conquered Kaskaskia and Vincennes, and therefore our Revo- 
lutionary fathers got the title of the sword, for the northwestern 
territory, and held it. Benjamin Franklin, especially, was sturdy in 
asserting that claim, and saved for the people of coming genera- 
tions the wild land that now comprises Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, 
Illinois and Wisconsin. Our grand old fathers were not afraid of 
Military titles, or of domains of good land, Imperial in scope, and 
magnificent in promise. 

Spain claimed the entire Gulf of Mexico, and all contiguous land 
and waters, including the mouth of the Mississippi river, and all the 
territory south of the Carolinas, except a scrap of Georgia. They 
had established themselves on the Mississippi river as far north as 
Natchez, and claimed that which is now the splendid state of Ten- 



European Com- nessee entire. The three great European powers of 
bine to Belittle the Eighteenth Century — England, France and 
our Country Spain — were combined to allow us only the com- 
paratively slender strip of country along the Atlantic Coast, the Alle- 
ghenies being the extreme western boundary, with the exception of 
the then county of Kentucky, which was indisputably the property 
of Virginia, and extended in a peninsula between the territory 
claimed by Spain and England, touching on the extreme west the 
Mississippi river, beyond which was Louisiana, or the vast remnant 
of the North American possessions of the French. The idea of the 
European Monarchial Imperialists was that the new Nation in 
North America, that all European statesmen had to contemplate, 
should be prevented from laying the foundations of a free and 
mighty nationality capable of confronting in American affairs the 
powers of Western Europe, whose substantial alliance in favor of 
belittling the future United States was very threatening and impos- 
ing. It is easy to say the French, Spaniards and English could not 
have held against the people of the United States all the land they 
claimed, but their very object was in seeking to restrict our boun- 
daries to make us in some sense subordinate to Europe; and the 
British have held on to Canada, and the Spaniards clung a long time 
to Mexico and Cuba. There are men still living who remember 
the Military proceedings of General Andrew Jackson at New 
Orleans and Pensacola, confirming the title deeds of the real estate 
Thomas Jefferson bought from Napoleon Bonaparte, and beginning 
the good work of startling and starting the Spaniards in their speedy 
policy of retirement from the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico — 
the Mediterranean of the Americas. Thomas Jefferson was bitterly 
assailed for his Imperialistic waste of the public moneys of poor 
people in purchasing an enormous wilderness from a man who did 
not own an acre of it, and for which we could have no rational use, 
but his offense for buying land for the people has been condoned, 
and Andrew Jackson, January 8, 1815, removed all chance of con- 
testing our title to the mouth of the Mississippi river, and the 
immensities westward and northward. 

Mr. Jefferson not only bought the land — and there was a Porto 
Rico row about that — but, though the author of the Declaration of 
The Way We Independence, he never asked the consent of the 
Got to the governed, and sent Lewis and Clark on an expedi- 

tion to ascend the Missouri and descend the Oregon 
until the flag floated by the surf of the Pacific- Ocean — the same 

4 



flag that now floats over three great states and one great territory on 
the Pacific Coast, and the three most commanding archipelagoes in 
the greater ocean of the globe. This is "the course of Empire" deep 
into the sunset, the road to India, that Tliomas Hart Benton told 
his generation of. This portentous extension of our Dominions, the 
only actual Imperialism ever exhibited or tolerated, was in great 
The Great vir= part the good work of the five Presidents from Vir- 
Tennessee ginia and the three from Tennessee — Washington, 

Presidents Jefferson, Monroe, Madison and Tyler, Virginians, 

and Jackson, Polk and Johnson, Tennesseeans. Washington was 
the foremost of the men of the tide-water country of the Atlantic 
who saw, explored and fought for the Ohio country. Monroe and 
Madison were for the expansion policy, though they did not happen 
to have to a large extent an executive capacity in that line, because 
the country had not in their day succeeded in assimilating the land 
in bulk that Jefferson bought. Tyler wisely guided, retained Ore- 
gon, when it had almost been taken from us by British organized 
immigration ; and even Daniel Webster had to be awakened by a 
missionary, who rode across the Continent to see him, from the 
delusion that we could have nothing to do with Oregon, because 
it was "so far away," and it was said, commonly and with an air of 
authority, that if "it took six months to get there, and six months to 
pass from any cabin in the woods, where rolled the Oregon, to the 
banks of the Potomac, where towers the Imperial dome of the 
Capitol of the ocean-bound Republic," it was added that it would 
be impossible to have a state on the Pacific represented in Congress, 
Objection to because it would take a whole year to pass to and 
Oregon— a Year fro between the constituency and the representative 
to come and Go geat o ^ ^ e mtm b eTm Transcontinental railroads had 
not been laid out at that time. In considering present policies, we 
have to contemplate the advanced condition. James K. Polk, backed 
by the influence of Andrew Jackson, secured for us Texas, the 
France of America, and New and Northern Mexico — giving us 
California, and to the world the golden good times that were his- 
torically identified the world over with the name of the first of our 
Pacific States. 

The degenerate Democrats, who are wailing over expansion — 
the traditional policy of their party — and bewildered by Bryan's 
two thousand speeches and innumerable letters and dispatches, have 
been led by false signal lights and foolish counsellors and a mass 



of ridiculous vanities and stupidities, strangely personified, to revile 
the memories of the Presidents from Virginia and Tennessee, the 
expanders of the Nation — and according to the lingo of latter days, 
the Imperialists of their age — who, it seems, according to the poly- 
glot phraseology of Bryanism, must have made way for the destruc- 
tion of human liberty and the overthrow of our free institutions, as 
the farmer fathers founded them by deepening and broadening the 
basic principles of freedom that has given to us — "we the people of 
Close to the Son tne United States," as the Constitution calls us — 

But not the making of the path of the "star of Empire." Our 

ancestors lived close to the soil, were not afraid 
of it, and wanted more of it, nor in any wise alarmed by the sound 
of the Imperial name that took its westward course across the Conti- 
nent; and here we are, Destiny and Duty hand in hand, a World 
Power through legitimate growth and prosperous labor — with 
malice toward none and charity for all, with free institutions for 
everybody and apprehension and oppression for nobody. 

But in the course of political exigencies and personal self asser- 
tions and eccentricities, we have had to listen to tales of woe from 
the landscapes that were once the hunting grounds of the Pequods 
and Narragansetts, the Sioux and the Blackfeet, that under the admin- 
istration of William McKinley we have been wronging the Tagals, 

Wrongs one °f the five Malay tribes of the Philippines ; and 

of that a copper-colored George Washington is out 

aga 8 there, bearing the sonorous title of Aguinaldo, who 

was our ally in the war with Spain, and was driven by our aggres- 
sive wickedness into fighting for the freedom of his people against 
us; and hence we must be Imperialists if we sustain our warlike and 
conquest-seeking President — the same Chief Magistrate, by the 
way, who strove as a peacemaker against a Democratic yell for war 
that lacked little of unanimity in it, reinforced by Republicans, 
whose wrath was justly aroused, and had not bearing upon them 
international responsibilities of a diplomatic character, until the 
Democratic representative of the Central Ohio District, Mr. Lentz, 
Wanted to Paint cried out in quoted poetry that "The White House 
the white House should be painted black." This beautiful idea sim- 
ply flashed into the mind of the Democratic repre- 
sentative because the Republican President was not in haste — did 
not take a run, hop, step and jump to paint Cuba red. 

The Imperialism, according to. Col. Bryan, who was early in 

6 



uniform as one of the defenders of our country from the hostile 
Spanish, comes, of course, from our policy in the Philippines. Be- 
yond that there is precisely a scandalous smear of red and yellow 
paint splashed upon a background of systematic falsehood. The 
central point is the character and conduct of Aguinaldo, and his re- 
lations with the country he claims belongs to him, and with our 
country at large. The degenerate Democratic story, rank with 
falsification, is that this man was our "ally" at the beginning of our 
Military operations in the Philippines. It is not true. He was a 
bribed scoundrel, an imposter, a conspirator and a traitor against 
his own people, and against us from the beginning — that is, as soon 
as he ascertained that he could not use us, and that we would not 
recognize his preposterous pretensions that he was to be received 
as the ruler and master of the Philippine Archipelago in place of the 
Spaniards. The artistic falsifying of Aguinaldo and Agoncillo on 
the subject of their relations to the Spaniards, and to their own race, 
have unfortunately had an extensive circulation, and have been 
The Aguinaldo largely believed. I know personally the adeptness 
and Agoncillo of these men in deception. I listened to the two 
flagrant falsifiers — to Aguinaldo in his headquarters 
at Bacoor, a point south of Cavite and west of Manila, and to 
Agoncillo on the long journey from Hong Kong to Chicago. This 1 
was soon after the capture of the city of Manila. The official record 
of what had happened was not accessible at that time and in those 
places. The. writer of these lines of course sympathized with the 
victims of Spanish misgovernment, whom we liberated, and of 
course looked favorably upon their favorable accounts of themselves. 
I visited the penitentiary at Manila; found there that of 1,500 
prisoners only one was a Spaniard, and that I thought an incorrect 
proportion, if justice were done. A single fact, if I could have had 
access to it when I wrote the "Story of the Philippines," would have 
saved me some trouble of correction, and so many people as are 
would not have been mistaken. The point is, General Anderson 
Aguinaldo a Pur- was the first American soldier to encounter Agui- 
the^panish^rmy na ^o. The scouts of Anderson's command during 
in Manila the siege of Manila captured six men, each equipped 

with papers signed by the Spanish Captain General, and also by 
Aguinaldo — and these were passes, permits to the bearers to drive 
cattle into the besieged city. That was the kind of "ally" Aguinaldo 
was. He was dividing the toll on cattle to feed the Spanish army 



with the Spanish officers. At the same time the most confidential aid 
of Aguinaldo was in Manila in intimate association with Spanish 
headquarters. 

A few lines must be devoted to Aguinaldo's career — with the 
assurances that each and every statement is established by official 
and indisputable (by informed and reasonable persons) testimony. 
Nearly all is written and appears in printed documents of authentic- 
ity unquestionable. Aguinaldo was bought for four hundred thou- 
sand Mexican dollars — with a lot of his friends. There was an 
alleged "treaty," known both to Aguinaldo and the Spanish Captain 
General to be a swindle on those they represented, so far as it did not 
Aguinaldo's Bar- refer to the passage of money between persons. The 

gain and Sale. r s> j .-.,'■, 1,1 

$400,000 Paid to Spaniard paid the money, to set which he robbed 

Him for Himself / \ . , « ,, ,*■■,.'» 

and staff the bank, with a view that he could go to Madrid 

and pose as the pacificator of the Philippines, and blame somebody 
else ior the disturbance whenever hostilities were resumed. He was 
greatly disappointed because the bribing of Aguinaldo did not cause 
even a temporary suspension of hostile proceedings. Aguinaldo in 
an official proclamation, written after he believed himself to be a 
great and good man, said he made this treaty because he "lacked 
resources" to carry on the war against the Spaniards. His part of 
the matter was an intrigue with the officers of Spain. He was a 
village commander, and had but a very small military force at his 
disposal. When the Spaniards bought him, they of course ex- 
aggerated his importance, in order to justify themselves. His first 
considerable reputation was that of betrayal of his people. Like 
Judas, he carried the bag — that is, he was trusted with the certified 
check, extorted from a Manila bank on a Hong Kong bank, and 
the check was made payable to him. That gave him the leadership 
of those who participated in the pecuniary consideration. He agreed 
with the Spaniards to give up his arms, that those of his men should 
be surrendered, and that he and his companions should be "de- 
The Aguinaldo ported" to Hong Kong, and remain out of his 
Sale a Bribe, Not a country, "at the pleasure of the Spanish sovereign." 
It is his pretense that he was shocked by the Span- 
iards, because they did not do as they agreed. He was to get some 
mere reforms on paper, and another four hundred thousand dollars 
in Mexican silver. Of course, the Spaniards never made any re- 
forms, and never intended to give him any more money, and he 
never expected they would do either. He knew them very well. 



There was no breach of good faith, for there was no good faith on 
either side. 

He and his "compatriots" arrived at Hong Kong, transported at 
the Spansh expense, in September, 1887, and were received by a 
Agumaido Pays J unta of Filipinos, perhaps a dozen or two. The 
Blackmail Hush- whole crowd, including those deported with Agui- 
naldo, numbered forty. The Spanish bribe amounted 
to $10,000 each. Aguinaldo favored keeping the money in a lump, 
to buy arms. One fellow — "compatriot" — demanded his share, and 
accepted a bribe of $5,000 from Aguinaldo to keep the case out of 
court; that the facts might not appear in the form of evidence. About 
four weeks later, the American consul at Hong Kong was notified, 
officially, of course, that there was a "new Republic,' 1 perfectly or- 
ganized, and the consul was waited upon by Agoncillo, who was 
duly commissioned Secretary of State of the Republic, and was em- 
powered in his own person anywhere to make any treaty he saw 
fit with any nation on the earth. Of course, Aguinaldo was Presi- 
dent. The weight of the certified check was sufficient. There was 
a full Cabinet, and a military staff. The whole gang bribed to leave 
The Bribed Gang Luzon for the sake of peace, and cash in hand, co%- 

Formeda"New . * 

Republic"— aii stituted the entire Government and all the people 

Officers and No . . "' ■ J _. . " « • 

People that were in sight, ihere is no record that any- 

body else had anything whatever to do with the new Republic; AND 
THAT IS ALL THE AUTHORITY FROM THE PEOPLE 
AGUINALDO AND HIS GOVERNMENT EVER GOT. This 
is the Government over our sad treatment of which the degenerate 
Democracy are inconsolable mourners. There never was a more 
blackguard farce on the face of the earth, a more shameless false 
assumption to represent any people. This Government was simply 
a machine, with which Aguinaldo set out to set himself up in the 
Philippines as the Tycoon is up in Japan. He wanted the revenues 
of the Island. He believed that war was coming on between the 
United States and Spain, and he hoped to play one against the 
other, and establish himself as a new Republic ; and so he cried out, 
"Oh, my beloved people!" royal style. The bribery and deportation 
of Aguinaldo and his compatriots did not at all affect the insurrec- 
tion; there were just as many insurgents sniping around Manila as 
ever — the same monthly average of Spanish soldiers killed and 
wounded. See Consul Williams' reports. This was during the 
winter of 97-98, while we of the United States were drifting into 



The New RepubHc the war with Spain. The first move of the new 

Wanted the United 

states to smuggle Republic was in the fall, when Agoncillo solicited 

Guns and Be Paid & 

For it our consul at Hong Kong to buck up with him, and 

make a treaty with the United States; and there seems to have 
been an insinuation, and it is put into the consul's report, that he 
might make something if there was a dicker for arms. The object 
was to spend the $400,000 in a contract with the United States for 
arms, and it was supposed the United States would smuggle the 
The Object of the guns wherever Aguinaldo should want them; but 
WastrpocketThI tms was not a ^' or tne g reat er end of the proposed 

Bribe noney contract; there was money to be made — Agpncillo 

said he did not care if the United States made money out of that 
$400,000. Of course the lion's share of it would have fallen to Agui- 
naldo and Agoncillo, but they were going to offer the United States 
a grand bargain, and did so. Emerging from the Chinese boarding- 
house in Hong Kong, where the new Republic was formed and all 
its functions were carried out, and all who had anything to do with 
it were concentrated, just to offer the United States, if they would 

The Chinese recognize that Chinese boarding-house as the seat 
Boarding-House of Government of the Filipino Republic, the United 
States should have the revenues from the customs 
at Manila and two provinces, Manila and Cavite, meaning over two 
millions a year in cash, and a million of people. Now, the people 
who were to be given away didn't know anything about it, never 
had and never have heard of it. This was an attempt to bribe the 
United States to recognize Aguinaldo as the Filipino Government, 
just as Mr. Bryan recognizes him, and we suppose means to recog- 
nize him, if he becomes President of the United States. The news 
Big Bribe offered in the Filipino woods and the high grass is that Mr. 

Us If We Would l _. 1 ? 

Recognize the Brvan was elected President 01 the United States 

Boarding-House as . " . . . 

the Philippines m November last ; and there is coupled with this a 
story that there has been an uprising against the Americans in 
Cuba, making it necessary to send American forces there from the 
Philippines to put down the rebellion. 

There were no Filipino people in the new Republic, that dealt 
in so curious a way with provinces and people, revenues and con- 
tracts, except the "compatriots" who sailed from their own country 
Judas Aguinaido's acros s the sea of China, with the proceeds of the 
Pocket the bank robbery in Judas Aguinaido's pocket, which 

National Treasury ^ ^ National treasury f t he Philippines, accord- 
ing to his claim. He assumed the sovereignty of an archipelago, 

10 



richer in resources than the empire of Japan, \>n the ground of 
having sold out his small command to .the Spanish Captain General 
at a very high figure. It was this that gave him business standing, 
and initiated him into his Imperialism. In April, 1898, Aguinaldo, 
as the man who claimed to represent nine million fellow citizens, 
The Treacherous made a journey from Hong Kong to Singapore, 
Visit of Aguinaido putting 2,000 miles between himself and the Amer- 
to Singapore ican fleet ^ though he knew ^ a war between the 

United States and Spain was in the air, and that in all human prob- 
ability the storm would strike soon. He had friends in Singapore, 
old friends who had been with him in Manila, particularly a frisky 
Englishman named Bray, who wrote much for the newspapers, and 
was an expert in tricky business. It is clear that the object of Agui- 
naldo in going to Singapore at this time was to prepare an open 
door, through which he could negotiate with the Spaniards*. With 
Aguinaido was at this key to the situation, the proceedings at Singa- 

Singapore to ' . . - a • 1 j 

Prepare for an in- pore prove that the mission ot Aguinaido was to 
iards in Manila play fast and loose between the Spaniards and Amer- 
icans for his personal profit. It was this Singapore intrigue that 
ripened during the siege of Manila, in the joint arrangement he 
made with the Captain General in that city to divide the money 
gained by permitting the passage of cattle through the Spanish lines, 
that the beleagured Spaniards might have fresh meat. The Ameri- 
can consul at Singapore was not entrusted with the secret, but sup- 
posed himself to be doing everything, and especially cabled Admiral 
Dewey as to the enormous advantages to be derived from a close 
association between himself and the Tagal General. The consul 
was so earnest that Dewey telegraphed him to send Aguinaido 
"soon as possible." 

This dispatch has appeared in some thousands of Democratic 

speeches. The meaning of it is, Dewey was about to sail on his 

The "At once" Manila expedition, and if he saw Aguinaido at all — 

Dispatch From and he naturally thought there might be informa- 

ewey ^ on - m ^ y 0un g man — foe must see him at once. 

Aguinaido was too late to see Dewey. He was 823 miles away, 

and managed to arrive at Hong Kong the day after the battle at 

Manila, and was two weeks getting permission from Dewey to go to 

Cavite, anxiously promising the American consul that he would 

put himself under orders of the American Admiral, and professing 

all the time to be an enthusiast for America. When he arrived at 

Cavite he was accompanied by his'Government and all his "people," 

11 



with the exception of Agoncillo. He had a staff of seventeen men, 
all deported for cash by the Spaniards, and that was the whole 
army, and the whole Government, with the exception of the supreme 
treaty-maker, Agoncillo. 

Aguinaldo's reception at Cavite was discouraging. The Fili- 
pinos knew very little about him. He was a case of insignificance, 
Aguinaldo's but he had a streak of good fortune at once. It was 

Greatness ■ . . . 

Due to His Associ- a great thing- for him to pet there under the Amer- 

ation With • n 1 • 1 • 11 ii 

Americans ' ican nag, to be received m a friendly way by the 
American Admiral. He was born in that part of the country, and 
was known to some of the people, and the Spaniards of the several 
garrisons that had been cut off by the destruction of the Spanish 
fleet from Manila, as well as from Madrid, sought him and sur- 
rendered to him, and Dewey let him have some old guns that wen? 
in the Spanish arsenal. Among the Spanish soldiers who sur- 
rendered were many Filipinos, and they became the best troops of 
How the Beggar Aguinaldo's command. During the eight months 
Holland* Proved that the Ta S al General had been absent, the Tagals 
a Traitor had been besieging Manila as usual, notwithstand- 

ing Aguinaldo's defection, but he had by association the prestige of 
the victorious Americans. It was this that gave him his start as 
a military man. The Spanish surrenders had been represented by 
himself and his great staff as brilliant victories that he had won. 
He never won a victory in his life, or was in a battle, save in running 
away and winning some foot races by keeping ahead of the United 
States troops who got after him. He assumed the airs of grandeur 
at once. His proclamations were filled with the vanity of Asiatic 
despots. He professed sacredness of person, and the natives about 
were taught to believe that neither bullets could penetrate nor 
Theimposter poison destroy him. This imposture was intended 
started a super- to propagate a superstition about him. A few 
st,t,on ♦ weeks before he had been downcast at Cavite, and 
ordered out of the public buildings by Admiral Dewey, was com- 
pelled to reside in a private house, which offended his' supernatural 
dignity. Still he vehemently protested friendship for Americans, 
and fawned upon Admiral Dewey until the Admiral refused to go 
into partnership with him, and take Manila for him, that the city 
might be given up to plunder by the alleged Filipino army, who 
were promised that reward by him. The position that Dewey took 
then is substantially the one that he has held ever since — that the 

12 



American fleet might command the sea in his behalf, but that he 
was royal master of the thousand islands, and that the American 
rights everywhere stopped at the shores of his sacred soil! He be- 
came malignantly disposed at once toward all Americans, and was 
thrown into a desperate state of mind when he heard American 
troops were on their way crossing the Pacific. He had headquar- 
ters at Cavite, with a display of sentinels, and his greeting to the 
first American troops who landed was to arrest two of the staff 
imposter Became officers of General Anderson for crossing his lines. 

a Flagrant Enemy . ■ . . . 

When He Knew He was allowed to get off for this insolence with a 

American Troops . ° „ 1 

were Coming reprimand and a threat to the effect that nothing 
of the kind must ever occur again. But the swollen imposter claimed 
the right to demand of General Anderson to give an account of 
himself, and state his object in landing, and from that time he em- 
barrassed American action as much as was possible. The story that 
he assisted in the siege of Manila in a serious military sense is pure 
fiction. Still he promised his troops that they should have the 
privilege of plundering the city, and he demanded at last joint 
occupation, but the faith and honor of the American army had been 
pledged to defend the civilization of Manila. The evidence is 
decisive that Aguinaldo had the idea of uniting with the Captain 
General of the Spaniards and the Spanish prisoners to master the 
piottoAssassinate American army, and to burn the city as a part of the 

the American ceremony. One of Aguinaldo's points was in at- 
rmy tempting to prevent the American soldiers from 

getting wholesome water supply; he held the water-works, and 
prevented the Americans getting the water until he was ordered 
out by General Merritt, and then declared that he had been very 
kind to let them have water. He quarreled and vapored continually 
as a hostile to Americans, and exerted his utmost influence, which 
by that time had become considerable, to poison the minds of the 
Filipinos against their liberators, and presently he 

"to Americans 18 was s0 va * n as to believe in his ability to drive 
the American forces into the sea. And his insolence 
had bloody results in the murder of two American soldiers in an 
affair of pickets. He apologized for that, but the American military 
authorities were by no means satisfied by his explanation. This 
was the beginning of his policy of antagonizing the men who had 
broken the Spanish yoke and liberated the people of all the islands 
and races and conditions, so far as was possible. The Tagal General 
was plaving himself for a tycoon, but was actually the tool of a 

13 



clique of sharp rascals, who were skilled in treachery, and eloquent 
in proclamations; and he proceeded deliberately in a course of 
aggressions against the Americans, who were under the strictest 
orders from the President not to permit any provocation to lead 
them to take the initiative in fighting, but hold themselves ready 
to crush assailants ; and the endurance of insolence by the American 
troops under these circumstances was something unparalleled. 
Still it is an article of faith of the Democratic party that it was Mc- 
Kinley's Imperialism that caused the Filipino war, and that it is a 
manifestation of Militarism; and this hideous slander is a part of the 
platform upon which Mr. Bryan is running for the Presidency ; and 
the Democratic-Pop candidate has conceived and delivered a his- 
tory that is a vicious and detestable tissue of blundering, rank with 
venom, and is "aid and comfort" to the armed enemies of the United 
States. The great point that the Democracy seem disposed to make 
in exploiting their idea of the Militarism of William McKinley's 
administration, is that when Admiral Dewey had executed his orders 
Should Dewey to destroy the Spanish fleet at Manila, he should 
Have Fled After have turned tail and run away, and sought an 
American port, the nearest available being San 
Francisco, and there have sheltered himself until we could have 
obtained the consent of the Filipino people to govern them. It is 
true the Spanish ships of war were destroyed and some of their 
gunboats, but there were fourteen gunboats carrying three-inch 
rifles' and machine guns, not in the Bay of Manila, and if Dewey had 
pursued the Democratic policy, these fourteen Spanish gunboats 
would have destroyed the Asiatic commerce of our country, and 
Dewev's flight across the Pacific would have been taken as an exhi- 



'&> 



The infinite Dis- bition of helplessness, and converted a glorious vic- 

grace of the Bryan- . x ° 

Filipino Run- tory into an unparalleled disgrace. IN o American at 

Away Policy for . -. , , r , , . , * , , 

Americans that time dreamed of such a thing, and the fact that 

there is a creepy notion that the duty of the Admiral was to flee 
from the scene of his -victory, and the cities that were under his 
guns, from the harbor that he commanded, and the arsenal in his 
hands, is a sort of abomination that accompanies the dismal farce 
which is being played, that it is time the American people should 
Bryan Must op= terrify themselves about Imperialism. Why, even 

pose McKinley, ." . . 

even if Against his William T. Bryan, if Dewey and McKinley had 

Country, or Yield J ,. ■ ? ,' . , - / . \\. 

Claim on Presidency adopted the policy of night from gam and glory, in 
Manila Bay, would have gone on forever, that is almost forever, 
to the effect that such conduct was a blasphemous outrage upon 

14 



the honor and glory of the United States. Such a performance would 
have been in accordance with the Kansas City platform, but it 
couldn't possibly have taken place under the American colors'. 

We destroyed the Spanish combination in the East Indies, the 
Filipino Aguinaldo Government was a positive fraud, and if we had 
abandoned the countrv to that fraud it would have been to imme- 
diate civil war and European intervention. It should not be for- 
gotten that no one ever yet voted for Aguinaldo for anything, 
unless in some way identified with him in the Spanish bribery. 
His flowery proclamations are the productions of several persons, 
abler and better educated than himself. He is as incapable of 

writing such papers as of going into battle. The 
Aguinaldo ' war ^ n the Philippines would have lasted but a few 

weeks if it had not been insidiously instigated, and 
openly at last promoted by the cranky and fanatical opposition in 
the United States to the McKinley Administration. There would 
not be another skirmish in the islands if it were not that the Agui- 
The Democratic naldo dupes and desperadoes believe that all Amer- 

Degenerates all . . 

Promoting the ican soldiers assassinated are to be counted as aiding 

Assassination of . . 

American Soldiers by their fall the rise of the cause of Bryan, who, as 
they understand it, has already been elected President, and is fight- 
ing for his seat. The deepest and darkest disgrace that ever befell 
any political organization in this country is that of the Bryan de- 
generates, who have shouldered this bloody burden. They go so 
far as their imbecility of animosity, the sweltered venom of years, 
crowded with the story of their discomfitures, as to make a malicious 
outcry to the effect that the grandeur of the American Nation is 
The Paramount amassed for military and monarchial movements, 
issue at Kansas and they have the audacity to declare in their plat- 
city is a Phantom form that the PAR AMOUNT ISSUE of the cam- 
paign is their morbid phantom of Imperialism. 

They are fanatically frantic concerning Militarism, and have 

worked themselves into a frothing excitement about our regular 

Our standing arm y> claiming that we are going the way of the 

Army and the armed nations of Europe — getting up standing 

school Houses arme( } forces to trample out the rights of people, 

and subordinate labor. One must wonder at such folly until it is 

seen to be an effusion of madness. We have not discovered if there 

is any remedy for this outburst of lunacy, except to run away from 

the Philippines now. It is hardly possible to be serious about the 



15 



scare that Mr. Bryan is working up as a beneficiary to the effect 
that there is a clanger of Military domination in our country. So 
long as the flag flies on the school houses, and the children are 
taught Americanism in the schools, the standing army is not going 
to be a great factor in the Government of the United States. It is 
to be noted that the siatue of the first President, erected by the 
The statue of schools in front of Independence Hall, Philadelphia, 
foreVdependence holding the Constitution in his hand, wears a sword, 
Hail and it is worth while to remember that the last letter 

George Washington wrote was one to Alexander Hamilton in favor 
of the establishment at the National expense of a Military Academy. 
If our Democratic friends are really frightened about Militarism, 
Imperialism and that sort of thing, it might occur to some of them 
to advocate a law of the Nation, perhaps to amend the Constitution, 
to the effect that not more than one man in every thousand of the 
people of the United States should be enlisted in the regular army. 
For purposes of additional safety we might exclude the territories 
from the enumeration. What would be the limit? At the present 
figures of the population, the army could not exceed 75,000 men, 
one soldier to each 1,000 citizens; there is the simple arithmetic of 
Imperialistic dangers. It is the peril that one soldier would put 
his hands and feet upon, and put upon and trample over 999 of his 
fellow citizens. It is thought by some persons now that we need 
an army of 75,000 men, and it is well to cipher out the full propor- 
tion of the terrors that is expected to come forth 
err to S i°to 16 <> an d stalk over our farms and shops and intimidate 
all our firesides, when we remember that the ad- 
ministration policy seems to be to dispatch nine-tenths of the avail- 
able regulars to the other side of the world. That is just where the 
awfulness of the Militarism threatens us, strikes in, and sounds the 
wild alarm — that one soldier, counting those who are far away, 
threatens to wrest with his armed hands, tho' he is beyond seas, the 
inheritance of liberty from 999 civilians, about 200 of them capable 
of bearing arms. 



1,6 



FREE SILVER 

and Some Other Things 



BY BENJAMIN FBANKLIN. 

(REDIV1VUS.) 



In Two Parts. Part I, 1896. Part II. 1900. 

'Even for logical and convincing argument, poetry is often the finest 
vehicle."— Pres. Elliot. 

[Copyright secured.] 



PART L 



CAMPAIGN OF 1896. 

Just in the midst of the city square, 

Quite at ease in an old arm chair, 

In solid bronze there sits a man 

Who was built all through on the broadest plan; 

And who, if my estimate be correct, 

Had the greatest American intellect. 

Strong and sound on every side, 

Open as day, and deep and wide, 

With comprehension and range immense, 

The genius of every-day common sense; 

Simple in manners and plain of speech, 

With a style of writing that's out of reach ; 

Prompt in action, in counsel sage, 

A guide and teacher for every age. . 

One night a reporter — what won't they dare? — 

Climbed up to Franklin sitting there. 

He stood and gazed for a little space 

On the portly form and placid face, 

And then, by some strange fancy led, 

He broke the silence and quietly said: 

"Doctor, I hope I don't intrude, 

But I'm sure you've never been interviewed ; 

There's limitless space to air your views 

On whatever you please in the Morning News.'" 

The image stirred, and a slow, wise smile 

Played round the fast-closed lips awhile : 



And then they parted beyond a doubt, 

And just what follows came clearly out: 

u Tho' sitting here among living men, 

I never expected to speak again; 

But buried heresies rise and stalk, 

It's enough to make a dead man talk. 

Had you come along in the greenback days, 

I'd have spoken out; and this silver craze 

Makes me want to rise and make a speech, 

Tne whole wide country to warn and teach. 

They'd say 'twas stilted and dry as sticks, 

If I spoke as we did in seveniy-six; 

And so, to catch the public ear, 

I'll talk like the men I daily hear; 

For if the country don't stop and think, 

It's going headlong over the brink. 

I'll not discourse of the good old days, 

And how much better were all our ways; 

For if you really want to know, 

I'm bound to tell you it wasn't so. 

I'll talk like a modern who straddles no fence, 

And try to talk with my old horse-sense; 

I've no old fables to relate, 

And my facts and figures are up to date. 

Fiat money, in colony time, 

Shrank and shrank from dollar to dime; 

Down, still down, it steadily went, 

Till worth in market nothing per cent; 

In spite of which when trouble began 

With old Mother Britain, we stuck to the plan, 

And came very soon to the bottom again; 

It brought more ruin than armies ten— 

I own the contagion I early caught, 

But I never forgot the lesson it taught. 

Oh, for a voice like a trumpet blast 

To ring out, "Remember, remember the past!" 

Be classed second-rate, go shabbily dressed, 

But never use money that isn't the best. 

Before beginning, one thing more: 

While in the flesh I'd titles four— 

Exactly why it's not easy to see, 

But they all begin with a capital P — 

Titles four while still alive, 

I've taken a notion to make it five. 

Printer and Patriot head the list, 

Philosopher then, and Philanthropist. 

Anyone in a moment sees 

There's nothing alike about these P's. 

The fifth is Poet; it may be now 

Too late for that -laurel to crown my brow; 

But you never can r;se unless you ciimb, 

And I'll make my speech tonight in rhyme. 

It seemed as likely that I should preach, 

And make a rhyming political speech — 

Political broadly, not partisan; 

I never was counted a party-man, 

But through my life did all I could 

For Liberty and the common good. 

The old man rose with an aspect grand, 

And, beck'ning with his outstretched hand ; 

Began his speech in a ringing tone: 

A pity the public hadn't known. 



The reporter stood with open book 
And every word in short-hand took. 
Here is exactly what he wrote— 
You'd better read it before you vote. 

Come every tiller of the soil, and worker at the loom, 
Come every honest son of toil, and start a mighty boom; 
The silver barons of the West, to make their bullion sell, 
Would drive from use the coin that's best, no matter what befell. 

They know the country's honor is pledged to pay in gold; 
Are the days come back when honor for silver can be sold? 
Nay, even were your creditor your very bitterest foe, 
You'd scorn by trick to cheat him of the half of what you owe. 

It takes an honest dollar to pay an honest debt; 

'Tis the only way to pay it, tho' it cost you blood and sweat; 

Be the trickster high or lowly, he will surely trip and fall, 

"The mills of God grind slowly, but they grind exceedingly small." 

What an insult to the eagle who has always soared so high, 
To stamp him on a token that is nearly half a lie; 
If they clip his mighty pinions so he cannot cross the sea, 
He will cease to be the symbol of a country proud and free. 

There are doubtless many people who would like to scale their debts, 
'Tis an easy way of payment, but its apt to bring regrets; 
For the man from whom you borrow, if you only pay him half, 
When you ask again for money, will be sure to give you chaff. 

There's surely been depression that every one must feel, 
And you'll hear a dozen reasons, some fanciful, some real: 
By every way that's possible search out and stop the cause; 
The way to true recovery is under nature's laws. 

Don't turn to quacks and mountebanks, who promise you a cure, 
With their patent silver nostrum stimulating safe and sure; 
Perhaps a heavy dose enough would make you crazy drunk, 
But when you wake up sober, you'll find you've lower sunk. 

Confidence will bring employment that will drive away unrest; 
'Tis nature's sovereign remedy, none other'll stand the test; 
'Twill come when all sham remedies you've manfully disdained, 
And vote the present standard shall be honestly maintained. 

Because there's slack employment, because there's discontent, 
Because it's hard to struggle with your board bill or your rent, 
Don't let a wily Charlatan who wants to fill his purse, 
Unload a project on you that will only make things worse. 

They pose for pure philantrophists, and say their meat and drink 
Is to labor for the people, and sit up nights and think 
Of how to make them prosperous; wait till they cease to spout, 
And see who have their pockets full, and who are badly out. 

They've taken shrewd advantage of conditions that prevail, 
And emptied all Adullam caves— you know the Bible tale — 
And swarms who have a grievance, or are hopelessly in debt, 
Are flocking to their standard for what there is to get. 

Isot that they care for silver, but they are willing to o'erthrow 
All existing institutions, so that they can "get a show;" 
Thinking in the general scramble, should the trouble ever stop, 
Their chance as good as any to find themselves on top. 



They're fighting Mother Nature, who has fixed a different part 
For every man and woman; and endowed them at the start, 
With widely varying quantities of brain, strength, will and pluck; 
Against her inequalities its foolishness to buck. 

'Tis plain that all about you hard conditions do exist; 

One man a hopeless pauper, one a rich monopolist; 

But if counted by the millions that they've thrown away in drink, 

There'd be easier conditions if they had them, don't you think? 

You know that all the trouble is'nt always due to laws, 
Hard times, like chills and fever, have some recurring cause; 
And much of all the misery for which they can't account, 
In their very own short-comings, has a never failing fount. 

Thrift, industry and temperance, before the century's close, 
Would vastly change conditions and mitigate their woes; 
But those who daily practice them will bitterly regret 
If silver's substituted for all outstanding debt. 

They scoff at laws of commerce, and would lead you to expect 
In its realm alone that causes may exist without effect; 
"Abroad " they have no use for, and say with loftiest tone, 
11 The biggest Nation on the earth can surely stand alone." 

Yes, stand alone if need be, when you stand for self-defense; 
And stand alone for honor, nor stop to count expense; 
But you'll lead your sorrowing country a wild and woeful dance 
When you stand alone in commerce, in business and finance. 

You'd surely think that Congress was, to put it mildly, "cracked," 
If, when it comes together, it should solemnly enact : 
"Henceforth from over ocean no storms shall ever come; 
We hate all British weather, and can make our own 'to hum.'" 

That's the sort of legislation the silverites invite 
A great enlightened Nation on its statute books to write; 
Just as silly and as futile, and without the least pretense 
Of deference to experience, or the laws of common sense. 

They say they're bimetallic, but they know beyond a doubt, 
When they make a fiat dollar it will drive the real one out; 
Now you head commercial nations; then you'll be compelled to go 
To the foot of the procession, down along with Mexico. 

When Altgeld, Bland and Bryan, and Debs embraced and kissed, 

'Twas plain they all, and singular, were monometallist; 

They talk bimetallism, but if they gain control, 

You'll find the silver standard was all the while their goal. 

And then, when from the country all coin of gold has fled, 

And business now so drooping lies altogether dead; 

When panic and disaster stalk up and down the land, 

Who's coming to the rescue— Bryan ? Altgeld? Debs? and Bland? 

Universal laws of Nature include the laws of trade; 

One has always been that something out of nothing can't be made; 

But the man who wants free silver says it surely can be done 

If you'll something mix with nothing, always just sixteen to one. 

Market value fixes ratio; you'd laugh the man to scorn 
Who asked the law to fix it as between, say, wheat and corn; 
No stamp of legal tender or any such device 
Could hold the two together in value or in price. 



The same is true exactly of silver and of gold; 
They both are natural products, they both are bought and sold; 
And the relative production, spite the siren song they sing, 
Will determine at the moment just what each one will bring. 

You're a great and stalwart Nation, but 'twould sink you like a stone 
If the whole world's idle silver should be dumped on you alone; 
When they all adopt one ratio, and will help to bear the load, 
It may be safe to venture on the bimetallic road. 

If you want increase of wages, there must be more work to do, 
And the only way to get it is the old way, tried and true; 
A partnership of enterprise with capital and thrift, 
Honest pay and skillful labor; they will give your wage a lift. 

Precisely the experiment they're urging you to try, 
Has been tried down in Colombia, and they tell it with a sigh; 
The gold all left the country and prices skyward went— 
Prices, mind— not wages— prices, up ninety-tive per cent. 

The farmer and the merchant get more for what they sell, 
But in just the same proportion they find expenses swell; 
And the masses — they who labor — by the year or month or day, 
Find that those who held the purse strings, say they can't increase 
their pay. 

They've fooled a lot of people, and made them really think 
The shortest road to riches is high-priced food and drink; 
But when they come to figure on expenses and receipts, 
They'll find they have been buncoed by a band of brazen cheats. 

Suppose you'd bought and paid for a thousand tons of coal 

Which hadn't been delivered, and the dealers got control, 

And passed a law providing that from that date on, a ton 

Should be half the weight you'd paid for, and could be refused by none 

That's exactly what the silver men are fixing up for you; 

An act that every payment in the future coming due, 

Shall give you half the value for which you had agreed; 

Can you let such doctrine fool you? Will you let such schemes succeed: 

When they talk about free silver, there's a lot of simple folk 
Think they'll get it for the asking— that's a fact and not a joke; 
How they're really going to get it, has been explained by none, 
Even if the treasury had it, and coined it by the ton. 

In some back country district, they're getting ready carts, 
To haul away their quota when once free coinage starts; 
No one for ready money at any time need lack, 
If he's something to give for it, or is sure to pay it hack. 

They tell the struggling farmer, 'tis "the crime of '73" 
Has lowered all his bread-stuffs, when 'tis plain as plain can be 
That new foreign competition, cheap labor and cheap freights, 
Have demoralized the markets, and put down his selling rates. 

"Crime of '73" they call it, by the way of throwing dust; 

When before it was enacted it was thoroughly discussed, 

And the ones who howled the loudest, we are credibly told, 

Write all their private contracts, "when you pay, you pay in gold." 

Silver ceased from circulation, and the much be-labored act 
Didn't cause it, or abet it; simply recognized the fact; 
All their fierce denunciation does not count a pewter dime, 
For if silver hadn't fallen, you'd have heard no charge of crime. 



They say the people's silver will he just as good as gold, 

If you'll coin it into money, take it baek >» one told; 

But it kept on falling, falling, while the mints ran night and day, 

Which would seem to he a pointer, that points the other way. 

it's the old exploded theory, to which so many cling, 

That value is created by a Government or King 

No lesson in all history has been so often taught, 

As that every such experiment is bound to come to naught. 

In all the silver countries, in spite of coinage Acts, 

They find it is impossible to get away from facts; 

And when they take their money to the markets of the oarth 

'Twill only buy and pay for, just what the bullion's worth. 

The fact that you are bigger can't modify the rule; 
Like the law of gravitation, of which you learned at school, 
Which swings the mighty planets and guides the apple's fall, 
One common law of value must govern great and small. 

Suppose that legislation, as you're so often told, 

Makes sixteen pounds of silver worth just a pound of gold, 

How ycu will profit by it, is not apparent yet, 

For then a silver dollar'd be as hard as gold to get. 

If you take ten golden dollars and heat them till they fuse, 
You'll find they're just as useful for purchases or dues; 
No element of value which they ever had, they'll lack; 
You can take the lump to market and get ten dollars back. 

But try it on with silver, and the purchaser -will laugh; 
You'll find your silver dollars have melted down to half; 
To say the stamp gives value is absolutely rot; 
Its only honest function is to tell you what you've got. 

A dollar is a yard-stick, and what can be the gain 

To any one, in any way, by cutting it in twain? 

How is it going to help you, when all is said and done, 

To pay, as you will have to, two, where now you pay but one. 

There's a saying shrewd, of Lincoln's, that exactly fits my rhyme, 
That you can't fool all the people, so they'll stay fooled all the time. 
If they never yet have heard it, there can't be any doubt 
That these wild-eyed silver ranters are going to find it out. 

Give us more, more circulation they continually cry, 
Just as though the springs of traffic had run completely dry, 
When today there is per capita more circulation out 
Than in all the country's history— a fact beyond a doubt. 

The capital that's needed is brains and skill and pluck, 
Not wealth by legislation, nor fortune by good luck; 
Wealth has but three real sources — man's never ending toil, 
Control of Nature's forces, and products of the soil. 

If the country needed money, it would come here fast enough: 
All the talk about its scarceness is the most transparent "stuff." 
When confidence comes back again — November's coming soon — 
The money'll flow to meet it, as the tides rise toward the moon. 

Your scope and opportunity are wonderful, immense; 
Add industry, frugality and level-headed sense, 
And money will come streaming here as fast as rivers run; 
You'll never fail to find it where ^here's business to be dot**- 



Why is it England prospers ? because money there is cheap; 
She is reaping all the harvest, part of which you ought to reap; 
Capital in untold millions seeks low-rate investment there, 
Which was giving you employment before this silver scare. 

If you want it in a nutshell, 'twas the very great increase 
Of silver mine production made its use as money cease; 
Everything that man produces will find its market price, 
Even when, like martyred silver, it is beautiful and nice. 

C pper once was in the coinage, and you never have been told, 
When the Rothschilds basely stabbed it and left it stark and cold, 
If its "friends" will rally promptly, with a torrent of abuse, 
They may yet avenge the outrage and restore its ancient use. 

Let the miners fix the value, say, a dollar for a pound; 
It's a truly native product, with enough to go around; 
'Twill .fill up the circulation without the slightest hitch, 
And you all will get your quota, and be haxrny, good and rich. 

It will quickly lift the burden of the hateful public debt; 
Every cent of obligation will be scrupulously met; 
And should "Abroad " not like it, let 'em take it out in " jawin'," 
You never said you'd pay it in anything but coin. 

The farmer sells his products for whatever they will bring", 
But that doesn't suit the miner, so he's formed a silver ring, 
And demands with threat and bluster, that is cause for just offense, 
Uncle Sam shall pay a dollar for what's worth but fifty cents. 

And who'll make up the difference? Why, every one who toils, 
And the greedy silver barons will fatten on the spoils; 
They'll roll up mighty fortunes with all that they can seize, 
While pensioners and laborers come down to bread and cheese. 

All savings bank depositors, and all who on their lives 
Have taken out insurance for their children or their wives, 
Will find, if they will study it, the silver scheme is planned 
To scoop their hard-earned savings by clever sleight-of-hand. 

Now you have it, now you haven't; hey, presto, just a word, 
Half your earnings in a moment in spite of you transferred; 
They call it legislation in the modern silver code, 
But people call it robbing when it happens on the road. 

Ever since the days when Jacob cozened Laban of his sheep, 
There've been those who manage somehow where they didn't sow 

to reap; 
Your debtor of your property would get the benefit, 
And give you nothing for it, though you created it. 

Did we your Constitution build up with toil and blood 
To have its fairest columns smeared with populistic mud ? 
Will you say it was for nothing our heroes fought and died ? 
That Washington and Jefferson and Jay and Marshall lied? 

Protect the Nation's honor, defend her fair, good name: 

They would hawk it on the market, they would drag it down to shame; 

Preserve the Nation's credit, now so spotless and so high; 

They would smirch it and destroy it by a statutory lie. 

There is danger to your country, there is menace to your flag, 
Will you stop to think of party, will you hesitate or lag? 
Surely they are false who tell you the days are out of date 
When "none was for a party, and when all were for the State." 



8 

You wouldn't of a fireman his politics inquire 
If he came with hose to help you when your house was all afire; 
Nor ask them of your neighbor when he'd help you stop the blaze, 
Dishonesty and ignorance have formed a league to raise. 

You all must act together, free silver's joined with Debs, 

And you must join to thrash them, Boys in Blue and Johnny Rebs; 

Sink every party difference; all minor questions shun; 

Both parties shouldered muskets in the days of sixty-one. 

Knock out this agitation, and business will revive, 
'Till every town and hamlet hums like a busy hive; 
And cash from every center will seek investment here, 
When you kill repudiation, and end distrust and fear. 

There is ample store of money lying waiting all about; 

When this silver craze is over, it will all come flowing out, 

And fill trade's thirsty channels: then you'll hoist your drooping sails, 

And all move on together until prosperity prevails. 

And when you've beaten silver there's other work to do; 

Reorganize the currency upon a basis new; 

Make gold the only standard, make money uniform, 

And you'll be in shape to weather the worst financial storm. 

The leader has been tested in the field and in debate, 
Trained to steadiness in battle and to govern in the State; 
He will make the laws respected; and his virtues shine so fair, 
The country will be better that McKinley has been there. 

Then come each sturdy farmer, each worker at the loom, 
Come every honest son of toil, and start a mighty boom; 
Vote down the silver barons, drive doubt and fear away; 
And the land that halts in darkness will move forward into day. 

See! hostile lines are forming, listen to their steady tramp; 
Look! red flags boldly flutter in the confines of their camp; 
Let your country's starry banner for your standard be unrolled, 
"Good faith" writ large upon it, in the brightest, purest gold. 

Gather as the torrents gather in resistless swelling might, 

And you'll sweep the cranks and anarchs with their rubbish out of sight; 

Fill the ranks from every section; bid all cries of party cease, 

And November'll bring you victory, with honor and with peace. 

The old man stopped and turned his head 

To where the reporter stood, and said: 

"I've finished; of course they'll say absurd," 

But its all sound doctrine, take my word, 

And its bouud to win in this campaign 

If the fight is made with sand and brain. 

I've been so long upon the shelf 

It well may be I've repeated myself, 

And got my subjects a good deal mixed, 

Honor and finance and politics, 

With considerable good advice thrown in, 

And a little humor spread very thin. 

But none can question that through and through 

I'ts what I honestly think is true; 

It's too late now but I really ought 

To have taken time to arrange my thought; 

However, I think for extempore verse 

It might have easily been much worse. 

Good night, I'm sure I'm very much— 



He gave the old arm-chair a clutch, 

And sat again as li^id and fast, 

As on the day when he was cast. 

The reporter dropped to the empty street 

And chuckled "I've surely got a beat." 

Its most unlikely to happen again, 

A speech in rhyme from wise old Ben. 



PART II 



CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 



A moonlight night! there sits old Ben, 

And the same reporter strolls by again; 

Another election day's in sight, 

And he suddenly thinks the old man might 

Be willing to give the world his views, 

As he did before in the Morning News: 

So he climbed and asked. In a little while 

Round the fast closed lips played the same old smile, 

"What, you up here again," he said, 

"Can it be four years have nearly sped?" 

You must give to me the credit due, 

For I proved a profit wise and true, 

Read over again just what I said; 

I hit the nail right on the head. 

My prophecy wasn't at all too bold, 

For it all turned out as I foretold; 

But in spite of it all and strange to say, 

There still is heard that same old bray, 

k Sixteen to one,' 'sixteen to one,' 

Without it we're ruined, lost, undone; 

They said if it failed in the last campaign 

Prosperity never would come again; 

But here it is with a rising tfde, 

And every sign that it's come to 'bide. 

They said that wheat, by some mystic bond, 

To silver's movements must respond; 

But wheat went up and silver dropped 

And kept on dropping and hasn't stopped. 

Supply, demand, fix what they're worth, 

The same as all things else on earth; 

The fancied marriage of metal and grain 

Could. never be sprung from a healthy brain. 

They said that wages would shrink and fall, 

Till the laboring man got nothing at all; 

As a matter of fact they have constantly grown 

Till they're higher to-day than ever was known. 

Never before in a canvas were heard 

S > many predictions, both false and absurd. 

Bryan's dismal forbodings were heard all the while, 

But they didn't come true — not an inch to the mile; 

Every single prediction Republicans made 

(Jame true, and fulfillment was not long delayed. 

They promised gool times, and there never were known 

Such times, since the country could first walk alone. 



10 

tFhey promised of currency, stable and sound, 

Based on a gold standard, enough to go round; 

And though business increases by leap after leap. 

Money's everywhere plenty and everywhere cheap. 

They promised industrial growth, and you know 

How the new lighted furnaces everywhere glow; 

They promised from fresh foreign commerce, relief, 

And the figures today are beyond all belief. 

It would surely be something much stranger than strange, 

If the country should vote such conditions to change. 

And change they all would in the wink of an eye. 

Every spring of prosperity instantly dry, 

If, throughout the laud the black message should run 

"For four years it's Bryan and sixteen to one. 

Shops and factoiies would close, all loans would be called, 

And the car of our progress be hopelessly stalled, 

While those who from such a disaster. don't shrink 

Will have plenty of leisure to sit down and think. 

Bryan says to the Germans who've taken alarm, 

'•Don't you see I am tied, so I can't do much harm?" 

He is tied pretty tight, but you never can tell 

Just how a fanatic is going to raise h— 1. 

They promised to settle all questions with Spain 

In a way that would never give trouble again, 

And no one can fairly or truly allege 

That they haven't most fully redeemed every pledge. 

The Phillipine Islands we've taken by right, 

Porto Eico is ours, and Cuba's long night 

Has vanished forever; it shortly shall be 

That under our guidance, she's perfectly free. 

Contrast now the promise and payment of each; 

It's a contrast, indeed, that is quite beyond speech. 

They call Bryan statesman, but statesmen learn sense, 

If, in no other way, from accomplished events; 

A party, indeed, must be sorely bestead, 

When it fights on an issue it tells you is dead. 

They long that good times may grow steadily less, 

As the one thing alone that can give them success. 

It has often been said, and it's very well known, 

That its wisest to let "well enough well alone. 

Lincoln said, "don't swap horses while crossing a stream," 

Good leaders and wheelers, now make up your team; 

Just give them their heads, when election comes 'round, 

You'll find the whole outfit is on solid ground. 

As I look at the list of men who've been called 

To the head of the State, since the first was installed, 

And study their lives, it is certain to me, 

That the verdict of history impartial will be 

That none at the helm through a crisis has stood 

And done for the country the best that he could, 

With tireless endeavor, with wisdom and zeal, 

Any greater than his who now stands at the wheel. 

Put him back there again and you need have no fears, 

The four years ahead will be prosperous years. 

It was surely propitious and kindly of fate 

To give him a winner to run as his mate. 

Search all the land through, up and down, far and near, 

Y u can't beat our Teddy; vou'll scarce find his peer. 

First, a man through and through, with a big heart and brain, 

And a record superb, wi h no flaw and no stain; 

A scholar and author, a soldier renowned, 

A vertebrate statesman, with principles sound. 



11 

He believes in reform, he believes and he toils; 

Give him scope, and he'll smash the vile system of spoils. 

You can't fool him, or buy him, or drive him an inch, 

And he's handy to have when things come to a pinch. 

He's exactly the kind of a leader you need, 

To curb the combines, and check corporate greed:, 

He stood like a rock in political place, 

And the plutocrat power defied to its face. 

He is all this, and more, but I tell you again, 

First of all, best of all, he's a man among men. 

Bryan's second, in statesmanship totally lacks, 

But he's skilled and enduring in wielding the axe. 

If that motley outfit should come into power 

Civil service reform would be dead in an hour. 

Let them talk about trusts, as much as they list, 

The genuine trusts have now ceased to exist. 

The laws you enacted the Courts have applied, 

And the trusts that could hurt you have withered and died. 

They'll need regulation; the woist one of all 

Bears the impress and trade-mark of Tammany hall; 

The suffering poor they intended to rob, 

But publicity always will spoil such a job; 

It shows how Democracy hungers and lusts, 

If once given the power, to freeze out the trusts. 

Since I talked to you last, you have driven out Spain, 

Set free the oppressed and increased your domain, 

Exalted the flag and inscribed a long roll 

Of American names on Fame's glorious scroll. 

I am sure that George Washington thrilled in his tomb, 

As I did up here, when I heard the guns boom. 

And knew that behind stood the blue and the grey, 

Like the North and the South, when they fought in our day; 

United in purpose, all differences healed, 

Patriotic aiike, when the country appealed. 

It was worth the whole war, if naught else had been done, 

To wipe out the sections, and make us all one. 

You need wider markets for all that you raise, 

And all that you make: and it certainly pays, 

If you'd stay where you are, in prosperity's van, 

To get them and keep them, whenever you can. 

A country that's hampered and tied by the leg 

To a century-old constitutional peg, 

And cannot advance with the rest of the world, 

Should never be seen with a banner unfurled. 

They shout "Imperialism"— don't be frightened by a word — 

And invoke the Declaration, which is plainly most absurd; 

They never have applied it in all the days gone by 

To the Indians in the country; is there any reason why 

It, or the Constitution, should cover in a day 

Every other kind of people who may come beneath your sway ? 

If you are a sovereign nation— and this is the highest test— 

You've a right to gain possessions, and rule them as is best. 

They claim the Constitution always marches with the flag, 

A legal proposition they are sure to find a snag; 

For if we hold the islands by the Constitution's force, 

We can never alienate them— that follows as of course. 

It's the Democratic doctrine by which they claimed the right 

To curse the Territories with slavery's withering blight; 

Lincoln led the fight against it; it was killed and buried then, 

Together with secession, and can never live again. 

Not a child in all the country but knows the die was cast, 

When Bryan brought the pressure by which the treaty passed; 



12' 

He thought it was good politics, and thinks it's now the same, 
To try to shirk the consequence, and say he's not to blame. 
When we ratified the treaty we owned the Philippines, 
And Bryan knows, and well knew then, that's what the treaty 

means; 
He had the power to stop it before it was begun, 
And now goes shrieking through the land, "Just see what they 

have done !" 
Perhaps I am mistaken, but I think it is a fact 
That if demagogues existed, that's the way that they would act. 
Expansion, of course; you must grow and expand, 
When you cease to do that you know what is at hand. 
Agiiinaldo proclaims that he never will yield 
While Bryan, his ally, is still in the field: 
Vote for him, and you vote to go back on the men 
Who have fought for your country again and again; 
Only Freedom can thrive and her blessings abound 
Where the blood of our heroes has watered the ground. 
It is said that two birds can be killed with one stone, 
If you beat Colonel Bryan, it's not him alone; 
The Tagal rebellion will come to a stop 
When you knock out forever its very last prop. 
Vote the Bryanites down; it will bring speedy peace, 
And commerce will grow, while expenses decrease. 
From expansion I know there are many who shrink; 
I'll just alter my meter, and say / think. 

When Dewey's echoing guns had ceased, 
And smoke clouds cleared away, 
A better day for all the East 
Dawned in Manila bay. 

And better days for all our land; 
New marts and broader views; 
The power and will to lend a hand 
Though ignorance refuse. 

The warring tribes will hail the hour 
Their savasre conflicts end, 
And rescued from oppression's power, 
In peace and freedom blend. 

The end of war we trust is near, 
'Twere ended long ago, 
But for misguided people here, 
Who back their country's foe. 

They brace the almost conquered will, 
Incite to hope and dare, 
They nerve the arms that maim and kill 
Our brothers fighting there. 

The peerless Lawton knew and said, 
That should it be his fate to fall, 
'Twould be his countrymen, misled, 
Who aimed and fired the fatal ball. 

A cruel, treacherous, sordid chief, 
Whom all the tribes but Tagals shun, 
They give unquestioning belief, 
And hail a second Washington. 



13 

The Tagals are one-eighth at best, 
Of all the peoples island bred; 
Why they should dominate the rest, 
The Atkinsonians haven't said. 

For us t'wonld be a wicked thing; 
For Aguinaldo just and right; 
And they who still his praises sing, 
Would have us lend to him our might 

To seat him in tyranic state; 
Compel the islands to obey. 
Who all, his rule resist and hate, 
And much prefer that we should stay. 

Opinion always must be free, 
But all trie Atkinsonian cranks, 
Who bushwack here behind a tree, 
Should be in Aginaldo's ranks. 

What! yield the domain we have won; 
Turn recreant to our trust; 
Desert a duty just begun, 
And trail our flag in dust. 

Give up the helpless Philippines 
To petty tyrants rule; 
To bloody San Domingo scenes, 
Become a despot's tool. 

No, not while wisdom guides the State, 
And honor still holds sway; 
The bond that Dewey gave to Fate, 
The country's going to pay. 

Who asked the Indians their consent 
To rule them with an iron hand, 
And when the "erring sisters" went, 
Four years of warfare rent the land. 

And forced them back against their will; 
It meant, we'll rule where we've the right, 
E'en if we're forced to fight and kill, 
And gain consent by armed might. 

They say the Tagals all should vote, 
That we should rule them is a shame; 
If that be true pray let them note 
The States in which they kill and maim, 

And cheat a different colored race 
Of rights the Constitution gave; 
They say its quite another case, 
The black man who was once a slave. 

The Press that wails for Tagal woes 
Is hardly in the least concerned, 
When citizens — not murderous foes — 
Without a trial are lynched and burned. 

When thousands have their votes suppressed. 
It's done in fun, or just for greens, 
The tyranny one should detest, 
Grows only in the Philippines. 



14 

The man who "Constitution" cries, 
And any slight infraction dreads, 
Turns and before your very eyes 
Tears the whole instrument to shreds. 

We took the Philippines, and hold 
By laws that all the world maintain; 
Not hope of trade, nor greed of gold, 
But simply duty clear and plain. 

Compels to stamp rebellion out: 
And then by rule just, firm and free, 
Dispel all native hate and doubt, 
And bring the better days to be. 

We differ in a hundred ways; 
One thing is certain sink or swim, 
The old flag at Manilla stays, 
A beacon where the light is dim. 

The war that came and its event, 
They must be blind who cannot see, 
Is part of that development; - - 
It differs only in degree. 

Which heretofore has made us great. 
And hold a hope to which we cling, 
That be it Providence or Fate, 
Some "far divine event" 'twill bring. 

Bryan poses as a democrat, but surely can't mislead 

Any well informed adherent of the Jeffersonian creed; 

Where are Olney, Wilson, Cleveland; where are Palmer and Carlisle, 

Lamont, Fairchild and Buckner? Bryan says they're traitors vile. 

They are men of brains and conscience; should they follow such a lead 

To Democratic principles, they'd traitors be indeed. 

The Democratic party has been shamefully betrayed, 

To Populistic leadership; it's on the downward grade; . 

Its statesmen have abandoned it; to compensate the loss 

Mr. William Jennings Bryan has become its reigning boss. 

A boss most autocratic, unquestioned and supreme. 

Weighed with whom a whole, great party has lately kicked the beam 

Not a man at Kansas City dared to call his soul his own, 

And when they got their platform it came by telephone; 

He forced free silver on them, exactly as he'd bragged, 

While the great states of the Union lay voiceless, bound and gagged. 

You've now got the old hand, and what counts fully half, 

He has gathered around him an excellent staff. 

No better first mate ever weathered a gale 

Or handled a crew when the ship crowded sail, 

Than gallant John Hay; 'twas in stormier seas 

That Lincoln trained him for such duties as these. 

In the mighty world drama that's on in the East, 

His hand can be seen in our prestige increased, 

Our rights all maintained, and a wide open door 

For our commerce secured, who could ask any more? 

Great tact and ability, patience and skill, - ;; 

A long, careful training, a resolute will - 

Such fruitage requires; and the country feels sure 

That while he still serves us, it still will endure. 

He knows every rope, every turn of the tide, 

>-3t how, midst her rivals the old ship should ride; 



15 

He misses no signal and makes no mistake, 
And rivals are now mostly far in his wake. 
All the other lieutenants are rated A 1; 

There are Gage, Eoot, and Griggs, their whole duty have done, 
And there's he who will live in story and song, 
For his splendid successes — Chief Mariner Long. 
Smith, Hitchcock and Wilson are all first-class men, 
Strong in counsel, in action, with voice and with pen. 
Just think if Boss Bryan should win in the race, 
Of the wreckers and cranks you would have in their place. 
ISTo one in the world who of wisdom takes heed, 
"Will encourage or follow the third party lead. 
Every man in the land has a duty to do; 
He knows that the choice will be one of the two — 
McKinley or Bryan; his duty is first 
To make up his mind which is best, — or which worst; 
Then vote as he thinks; it is silly child's play 
In a contest like this to throw ballots away. 
Lack of sense, too much "culchah," too much self-conceit- 
One of these is the cause, and sometimes they meet. 
If you think both are evil, you ought to select 
The one which is least; you can't always expect 
To have choice of the best; but the world will advance 
When the best thing available's given a chance. 
Did there any real question of "Empire" exist, 
As the Amis so loudly and falsely insist, 
None truly can urge the least shade of pretense, 
That it can not be settled, say three years from hence, 
Just as well as today; but you've got to expect 
From Bryan's election an instant effect; 
The result to our finances won't be delayed, 
A fact that the Antis don't seem to have weighed; 
They've lost all perspective, all power to judge 
Of existing relations. The Empire; what fudge! 
When an enemy's pressing you sharply in front 
Good sense and good discipline certainly won't 
Let you fire in the air, because haply you fear 
You may be attacked later on in the rear. 
When a man gets one subject lodged fast in his brain, 
And turns it and talks it again and again, 
He soon will be swelling the time-honored ranks 
Of unbearable bores aed fanatical cranks. 
Bryan's high up in both with his sixteen to one, 
And the Antis will join him before they have done; 
Furthermore, there are some, much too good for this earth, 
Unequaled in wisdom, supernal in worth, 
Who on their own virtues so constantly dote, 
That they think they're too too so, to cast any vote; 
Their feet move around on the earth with the crowd, 
But their heads are concealed in a sanctified cloud. 
They are few, and the masses from humbug exempt, 
Can't fail to regard them with honest contempt. 
Just a word as I elose of this dangerous schism 
Which again rears its head, that is called Populism; 
It would wreck and destroy the fair fabric we built; 
Give it war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt. 
As I sat here and heard how Spain's navy was sunk, 
Run ashore, and reduced to a lot of old junk, 
I fancied a fight 'twixt the good ship of State, 
And the Ship Populism; the fight I'll relate. 
She leads Bryan's fleet, and he's hauled down the flag 
And run up instead just a flaming, red rag. 



16 



POPULISM. 

Fling out the standard to the breeze, 

'Tis growing to a gale; 
There is a sound of rising seas 

May make the stoutest quail. 
Look, yonder in the western sky 

Rise clouds of doubt and gloom; 
List to the sea-bird's warning cry, 

The rumbling thunder's boom. 

And see, from out the tempest's shroud 

There steals a fearsome shape: 
With rakish masts, grim, dark, low-bowed, 

She creeps around the cape. 
The flag she ties is fiery red— 

The flag of blood and hate: 
She's fully manned; she's boldly led— 

To arms, oh Ship of State. 

Quick, muster all the gallant crew, 

There's work today for men 
To honor and to country true: 

Run out the guns, and then 
Bear down upon the hellish craft; 

Let loose the bolts of Fate: 
Rake the black pirate fore and aft — 

Now for it, Ship of State. 

She turns, she runs ! crowd on the steam 
And ram her as she flies; 

Well aimed, that shot struck full a-beam: 
Hark to the frightened cries. 

A deadly, deafening broadside peals, 
Its wrath she cannot shun; 

Her flag has struck, she fills, she reels- 
Hurrah, the fight is won ! 

Her armor's sham, her hulk is old, 
And rotten overy plank; 

Her huddled crew she scarce can hold- 
Dupe, rascal, anarch, crank. 

Down to the slimy depths she hies, 
Repudiation's done; 

No longer flat money lies — 
No more sixteen to one. 

The storm-clouds break, the wind subsides, 
The evening sky is fair; 

The good old ship securely rides, 
As staunch as ever there. 

Head her for port; a mighty shout- 
She's safely crossed the bar, 

And as her anchor chains run out, 
Up climbs a golden star. 



•« The country is altogether too busy with active industry and thriving com- 
merce to listen any longer to the prophet of evil. "—WILLIAM McKINLEY. 



REPUBLICAN PROSPERITY. 



How the Promises of the " Advance Agent' 

Have Been Fulfilled in all Branches 

of Business and Industry. 



There are even now many Bryanites, and some very prominent ones, too, 
who deny that the people of the United States are today in a more prosperous 
condition than they were five or six years ago. Indeed, there are some who 
contend that " the masses " are worse of! now than they were then. 

It is not so many moons since Bryan himself ceased his sneers at, and 
ironical references to, " McKinley prosperity." A fat and rapidly growing 
bank account derived from his voice and pen at last touched his conscience, 
for even he could not fail to realize that except in prosperous times hardly a 
single county fair association in the Union could afford such a luxury as a 
five-hundred-dollar address from the Boy Orator of the Platte. 

COXEY AND HIS ARMY. 

Six years ago Mr. Bryan was chairman of a sub-committee of the Ways 
and Means Committee of the National House of Representatives and he 
would be able to recall the fact that in that capacity he was a sympathetic 
listener to an argument submitted by " General " Jacob S. Coxey, of Ohio, 
in favor of a " Good Roads Bill " which provided for the printing of five 
hundred million dollars of "money" to be scattered broadcast throughout the 
land in the payment of wages to the unemployed " masses," hundreds of 
thousands of whom with their families were idle and destitute of the necessa- 
ries of life. " General " Coxey advocated on the same occasion a bill provid- 
ing for the issue by the General Government of four thousand million dollars 
in non-interest bearing bonds for the further relief and benefit of the same 
destitute and suffering " masses." 

Bryan, although a man of ardent imagination and broad and warm 
sympathies, balked at the latter scheme, because he perceived that if- it 
should be adopted and carried out there would be no need of a law for the 

1 



free and unlimited coinage of 50-cent silver dollars. Besides, his conscience 
forbade him " to go the whole hog." ^ It would permit him to go half-way, 

CONDITIONS OF SIX YEARS AGO. 

An interesting and instructive glimpse of the conditions which prevailed 
throughout the United States six years ago will be obtained through a brief 
reference to the " Army of the Commonweal," one division of which marched 
into Washington in May, 1894, under the command of " General " Jacob S. 
Coxey. 

Divisions of this army were organized in nearly every State, and for 
weeks the story of their wanderings and vicissitudes claimed a large share of 
public attention. The rank and file of this " army " was composed of men 
who had no work to do and could not find employment. It was easy to enlist 
recruits who were willing to serve without pay and for such rations as the 
charity of sympathetic persons or the good nature and prudence of municipal 
authorities might provide, and they flocked to the Coxey standard by the 
scores and hundreds. 

They were bent on a common purpose — to march to Washington, where 
Congress was in session and demand relief. There was no need to establish 
recruiting offices, for they sprung up as if by magic in every State, and 
within a few weeks it seemed probable that Coxey's call for 100,000 men to 
move on Washington and lay their grievances before Congress would be 
filled ; but dissensions arose, there was lack of discipline, private charity 
grew weary, municipal authorities began to frown, free railway transporta- 
tion was denied and many of the divisions of this grand army dissolved, 
each unit thereof preferring to suffer and starve alone rather than in company 
with others as miserable as himself. " General " Coxey persevered, and 
early in May the first division of his army which had crossed the Alleghenies 
through the frosts and snows of April approached the National Capital, 
where necessary preparations had been made for its reception by putting the 
police on the alert and locking and barring the rooms and vaults of the 
National Treasury in which public money and securities were handled. 

The President and a majority of both branches of Congress were Demo- 
crats, and they turned a deaf ear to the appeals of " General " Coxey and 
his army in behalf of unemployed, destitute and helpless labor. " General " 
Coxey and two of his chief lieutenants were arrested for trespassing on the 
public grounds and a number of the privates were laid by the heels on 
charges of vagrancy. The " General " was sent to jail for a brief period and 
the great champion of the " masses " against the " classes " never publicly 
gave him a substantial token of his sympathy. 

A PERIOD OF DISTRESS. 

The "Commonweal " movement indicated and represented a prevailing 
condition of general and severe distress throughout the country. Even 
Bryan never denied that, but, on the contrary, repeatedly and vehemently 
asserted it, and he and his party associates in Congress sought to remove it 
by continuing the free silver agitation and by the enactment of a tariff and 
income tax law. One half of the law was declared unconstitutional and the 
other half was so fraught with evil that the then existing unhappy conditions 
were enormously and intensely aggravated, as every man in the United States 



who was striving to earn an honest living in whatever employment or by 
whatever means, can easily recall/ 

Whether the law was, as President Cleveland declared, " an act of party 
perfidy and party dishonor " or not, it was one which plunged the people Of 
the United States into a deeper and darker gulf of misery than ever. 

THE WAGE-EARNERS IN 1894. 

The condition of the wage-earners in December, 1894, within four 
months after the enactment of the law, was even more deplorable than it had 
been a year before when, in the annual official report of the president of the 
American Federation of Labor (submitted December 11, 1S93) it was 
described as follows: 

" Since August of this year we have been in the greatest industrial depres- 
sion this country has ever experienced. It is no exaggeration to say that 
more than 3,000,000 of our fellow-toilers throughout the country are without 
employment and have been so since the time named. This lamentable 
industrial condition is attributed by many to various causes, and it seems to 
me that the accurate statement of them here is both requisite and appropriate 
so that we may be better enabled to so frame our legislation that it may tend 
to a proper solution of the problem dependent upon the wage-workers for 
solution. ° 

"Never in the history of the world has so large a number of people vainly 
sought for an opportunity to earn a livelihood and contribute to the support 
of their fellows. * F 

The conditions thus described continued and gradually grew worse 
especially as regarded the wage-earners and farmers and planters during 
the next three years and until after the defeat of Bryanism and the triumph 
of the Republican party in 1896. L 

These conditions were general throughout the land. The iron molder 
the glass blower, the carpenter, -the bricklayer -the man skilled in any 
branch of industry - and the butcher, the grocer and the merchant who 
depended on his custom, all alike drank from the same cup of misery and 
the cotton grower in Alabama or Texas, the wheat grower in . Kansas or 
Minnesota and the wool grower in Ohio or Michigan alike felt the heavy 
hand of adversity Wages fell, earnings grew scantier, days' work scarcer 
and the number of idle hands steadily multiplied, while on the farms and 
plantations mortgages piled higher; rates of interest increased; wheat and 
cotton fell lower than ever before, and " free wool " sent millions of sheep 
to the shambles Even the Government — the richest one on earth — was 
on its uppers and had to borrow money to pay its current running- 
expenses. au«i£ 

THOSE TERRIBLE YEARS. 
Let us read a few pages from the history of those terrible years 
Here is an extract from a speech delivered by Mr. Bell, of Texas a Demo- 
crat, 111 the National House of Representatives on January 8, 1894': 

" But there is a limit to all things. The money lenders realized that they 
had advanced all that they could with safety on 'the farmers' property and 
this source of obtaining money was cut off. Our farmers, therefore being 



unable to buy the merchants' goods, the merchants had no occasion to pur- 
chase of the manufacturers, and our manufacturers, being restricted to the 
home markets, were compelled to close their establishments and deprive of 
work thousands of their employes. — Congressional Record, volume 137, page 
556." 

February, 1894. — All the mills, in Lawrence, Mass., with one. exception 
have reduced wages 10 to 25 per cent. Silk mill, Rockville, Conn., 400 
hands, wage reduction 10 per cent. Greensburg, Pa., steel works, reduction 
25 per cent. Lancaster, Pa., cotton mill, 800 hands, wage reduction 10 per 
cent. Foundrymen's Association, Cleveland, Ohio, reduce molders' wages 10 
per cent. Police census of New York city showed 67,280 persons idle who 
usually had employment. Wages were reduced in lumber mills at Ford, Ky., 
400 hands. About 1,500 coal miners in Eastern Ohio who had struck 
against reduction of wages, accepted it and returned to work. 

March, 1894. — Police census of Brooklyn, N. Y., 46,686 men out of 
employment. Among other wage reductions reported this month were the 
following: New England Railroad employes, 600, 10 per cent. New York 
and Pennsylvania Railroad hands, 2,000, 10 per cent. Pittsburg, Pa., machine 
shops, 10 per cent. Salem, Ohio, coal miners, 20 per cent. Pennsylvania 
Railroad employes, 10 per cent. Trenton, N. J., iron and steel factory, 
reduction. Bloodville, N. Y., ax works, 10 to 25 per cent, 150 hands. 
Newburyport, Mass., cotton mills, 10 per cent. Lebanon, Pa., puddlers, 
reduction. Charleroi, Pa., shovel factory, reduction. Pueblo, Colo., iron 
mills, 46 per cent. Sharpsville, Pa., foundry, 10 per cent. Allentown, Pa., 
iron works, reduction. New Bedford, Mass., glass workers, 10 per cent. 
Newburyport, Mass., cotton weavers, 10 per cent. Harrisburg, Pa., iron 
workers, reduction. Kingston, N. Y., cigar factory, 800 hands, reduction. 
Bellaire, Ohio, furnace hands, reduction. Bellaire, Ohio, railroad section 
hands, reduction. Pittsburg, Pa., machine works, 10 per cent. Woonsocket, 
R. I., woolen mills, 10 per cent. Shut-down : Wilmington, Del., cotton mills. 

WAGES REDUCED AND LABOR IDLE. 

March 17. — Miners in Salineville, Ohio, return to work at reduced scale 
of wages. Wages on Seventh Avenue Railroad, New York city, reduced 25 
to 50 cents a day. Three thousand miners near Phillipsburg, Pa., accept 
reduced wages. 

In April, 1894, the Labor Commissioner of Michigan reported that of 
3,966 factories in that State which he had visited, 377 were wholly shut down 
and 572 running on short time. On May 5, cotton mills at Manchester, N. H., 
employing 7,000 people, were partly shut down. Of the hands employed, 
2,000 were rendered idle and the rest put on two-thirds time. The weekly 
pay roll was reduced from $50,000 to $22,000. 

A Massillon, Ohio, dispatch, said : " Just three families remain at Groves 
Patch — five months ago a prosperous mining village — in consequence of 
the coal strike, which is five months old today. Pigeon Run is almost depopu- 
lated also." 

STRIKES AND LOSS OF WAGES. 

The estimated losses on account of the Chicago railway strike and boycott 
of 1894 were as follows : 



United States Government $ 1,000,000 

Loss in earnings of Chicago railroads 3,000,000 

Loss in earnings, other railroads 2,500,000 

Loss, destruction of railway property , 2,500,000 

Loss, railway employes' wages 20,000,000 

Loss in exports 2,000,000 

Loss on fruit crops 2,500,000 

Loss to manufacturing companies 7,500,000 

Loss to employes of same 35,000,000 

Loss to merchants on quick goods 5,000,000 

Total $81,000,000 

This strike lasted twenty days and cost seventeen lives. 

Reductions of wages, strikes and shut-downs continued throughout the 
years of 1894, 1895 and in 1896 until after the Presidential election. 

Most of the strikes in the latter part of 1895 and in 1896 were against 
reductions of wages, which had been already reduced twice or thrice from the 
rates which had prevailed in 1892. 

Many of the shut-downs were due to the fact that there was little or no 
demand for manufactured goods on account of the general depression and 
acute distress which prevailed throughout the country. It was easy in such 
times for production to outrun demand and pile up unsold goods in factories 
and warehouses. 

THE FARMERS SUFFERED ALSO. 

The prices of agricultural products of every description fell because of a 
greatly reduced demand for consumption. Men and women who were receiv- 
ing starvation wages or none at all could afford only the barest necessaries of 
life. 

The balances in savings banks were depleted because the depositors were 
compelled to use their past savings to buy bread and fuel for themselves and 
their families. 

The Public Soup House Became a Well Recognized and Necessary 
Municipal Institution in Every Large City and Town. 

Hundreds of thousands knew daily hunger, and hundreds starved, while 
thousands who had lived in comfort were reduced to the barest necessaries 
of life. The great army of unemployed received daily accessions of unwilling 
recruits everywhere until, by comparison, Coxey's "Army of the Common- 
weal " seemed, and was, but a corporal's guard. 

The shoe pinched everywhere. Nobody escaped. Great and rich corpora- 
tions were forced to reduce the number and wages of their employes ; count- 
less thousands of locomotives and passenger, freight and coal cars stood 
empty and idle for want of traffic ; the doors of thousands of manufactories 
of every description, from the largest to the smallest, were shut and barred, 
or opened only one, two or three days a week to admit a reduced number of 
hands. The mechanic's plane, and chisel, and trowel put on a deep, thick coat 
of rust and the coat of its owner grew more rusty and shabby day by day. 

BUSINESS FAILURES EVERYWHERE. 

Business failures trod on one another's heels so closely that the procession 
soon became a solid phalanx. Banks, railroads, merchants, big and little, 
manufacturers — every occupation, employment and kind of venture — were 

5 



involved in the common ruin. Tottering fortunes, blasted hopes and mourn- 
ful financial derelicts were on every hand. 

In 1892 the total number of commercial failures in the United States had 
amounted to 10,344; the total liabilities $114,044,167, and the average liabili- 
ties to $11,025. The people were generally prosperous that year; the shoe 
did not pinch very seriously anywhere, and that fall the voters, believing that 
prosperity would continue even under Democratic rule, turned the Govern- 
ment over to that party for four years. What happened? One thing that 
happened was a big increase in the number of commercial failures, as the fol- 
lowing table shows : 

No. of Total Average 

Year. . Failures. Liabilities. Liabilities. 

1893 15,242 $346,779,889 $22,751 

1894 13,885 172,992,856 12,458 

1895 13,197 173,196,060 13,124 

1896 ,. . 15,088 226,096,834 14,992 

In 1892 the total number of commercial failures was 10,344; the aggre- 
gate liabilities amounted to $114,044,167, and the average liabilities to 
$11,025. In 1899, three years after the Republican party regained power, 
the total number of commercial failures was 9,377 ; the aggregate liabilities 
amounted to $90,879,889, and the average liabilities to $9,733. 

In 1896 the shoe pinched hard and the Democratic party was turned out 
of power, and the Republican party was put in. Now, again, a party is trying 
to get into power which is seriously affected by a complication of political 
diseases. It is as much more dangerous to the prosperity of the country as 
either the Democratic party or the Populist party alone would be, as a case of 
confluent smallpox and bubonic plague combined would be more hopeless 
than a case of either disease alone. 

PROSPERITY OF TRANSPORTATION COMPANIES. 

The prosperity of railway and other transportation companies is a faithful 
index of the general prosperity of a country. Of course, bad or dishonest 
management may send a railroad or a bank into the hands of a receiver, but 
that is a local cause which does not so affect railroads or banks in general. 
But " bad business " — that is, want of business — if serious and protracted 
enough, will do the work, as the following little table, showing first, the num- 
ber of railroads placed in the hands of receivers in the years noted ; second, 
the total mileage involved, and third, the total amount of indebtedness, will 
sufficiently indicate : 

Year. No. of Roads. Mileage. Stocks and Bonds. 

1893 74 29,340 $1,781,046,000 

1894 38 7,025 395,791,000 

1895 31 4,089 369,075,000 

1896 34 5,441 275,597,000 

For the sake of comparison the following table is here given : 

Year. No. of Roads. Mileage. Stocks and Bonds. 

1897 18 1,537 $ 92,909,000 

1898 18 2,069 138,701,000 

1899 10 1,019 52,285,000 

This comparison is an instructive one. It may be added that the total 
number of railroads in the United States placed in the hands of receivers from 
1876 to 1899 — a period of twenty- four years — was 618 ; that one- fourth of 

6 



them were in the four years of the last Democratic administration ; that the 
total mileage involved in the entire period was 112,110, of which 42,895 was 
in the four-year period referred to, and that of the total indebtedness of the 
entire period ($6,310,536,000) the amount involved in the four-year period 
exceeded $2,821,000,000. 

A BRIGHT CONTRAST. 

But turn we from the dreary past of 1892- 1896, with its miseries, its 
privations and its groans of industrious men and women who could find no 
work to do; with its thickly strewn wrecks of shattered fortunes, maimed 
and ruined industries and commercial enterprises, and its heavy, never-lifting 
clouds of gloom overshadowing the farms, the plantations, and the sheep 
and cattle ranges, to the bright, beaming sunshine of prosperity which has 
sent and is sending its rays into every nook and corner of the land, reviving 
the hopes and renewing the courage of the people and filling their hearts 
with gladness, their purses with good, honest money, and feeding those who 
had so long gone hungry, and clothing and warming those who for four long 
years had been shivering in half-nakedness. 

The dawn of prosperity appeared very soon after the Presidential election 
of 1896, and within three months after the inauguration of President 
McKinley the sun had risen far above the horizon. Here are a few of the 
effects as recorded in the month of July, 1897, which afford a striking con- 
trast to the record of July, 1893, four months after the last inauguration of 
the last Democratic President. 

FACTORIES OPENED AGAIN. 

Operations were resumed in the Washington mills at Washington, R. I., 
employing 80 weavers. At a conference of the employing plasterers and 
workers, New York, terms favorable to all interests were drawn up and 
agreed upon. Tube department and sheet mill of the Reading Iron Works 
resumed operations. The tube department employs 900 men and the sheet 
mill will give 250 men work. The Missouri, Kansas & Texas Railroad shops 
at Sedalia, Mo., resumed operations at full time. In Mercer County, Pa., 
800 coal miners had their wages increased. Reports indicate that in Kansas 
the help required to harvest the crops is by no means equal to the demand. 
The Kansas & Texas Mining Company and the Prairie Creek Mining Com- 
pany, of Huntington, Ark., started up on full time with a large force of men. 
The Everett, Pemberton and Atlantic Mills, at Lawrence, Mass., started up 
with an aggregate of more than 3,000 hands. The Pawnee, Kelly and West- 
ville companies, of the Danville, 111., district, posted notices of increase of 
10 cents a ton in wages. The rolling mill of J. Painter & Son was started. 
Steel mill of Jones & Laughlin, of the same city, also resumed. Bigelow 
Carpet Company resumed, 900 hands. Packer No. 5, colliery, which had 
very little work since December, 1896, resumed, giving employment to 1,000 
rrfen and boys. The Columbus Buggy Company, Ohio, resumed operations, 
giving employment to 400 men. The Great Western Tinplate Company's 
plant, at Joliet, 111., employing 300 men, resumed work ; the men get an 
advance of Sy 2 per cent. 



BETTER WAGES AXD PLENTY OF WORK. 

For the first time in several years all the employes of the Chicago, Bur- 
lington & Quincy Railroad shops, at St. Joseph, Mo., are working full time. 
The rush of work in some departments has necessitated the employment of 
additional hands. Chattanooga Tradesman reports iron and steel trade 
active and prices steady in South. Movement in lumber good and textile 
trade shows improvement. McKenna Steel Works, at Joliet, 111., will 
resume, employing 400 men. Striking spinners at Dolphin silk mill, Pater- 
son, N. J., granted increase of 5 per cent. Weavers at Gallant Bros, mill, 
same place, also granted increase of 20 per cent. Pittsburg Plate Glass 
Company, Kokomo, Ind., resumed, employing 800 hands. For first time in 
four years full time being worked at St. Louis & Iron Mountain Railroad 
shops, at De Soto, Mo. Jones & Laughlin, Pittsburg, Pa., have signed the 
finishing scale of the Amalgamated Association ; work resumed in mills at 
once. Fully 3,500 men will secure employment in this plant. 

In 1893 the Maine Central Railroad employes had wages reduced 10 per 
cent. Officials decided to restore old rates. Cotton mills in Blackstone 
Valley, R. I., started up -on full time with a large number of employes. 
A number of large industrial concerns in Connecticut resumed operations 
because of passage of Dingley tariff bill. Several manufactories in Chester, 
Pa., which have been running two and three days a week, have started on full 
time. Avery Plow Factory, Louisville, Ky., resumed. Hayden Rolling 
Mill, Columbus, Ohio, resumed. Sloss Iron and Steel Company blew in 
another furnace at Birmingham, Ala. Tennessee Coal, Iron & Railroad 
Company blew in idle furnace at Bessemer, Ala. As a result of new tariff, 
Algonquin Woolen Mills, Passaic, N. J., increased wages from 10 to 15 per 
cent. Dispatches from North Tonawanda, N. Y., state demand for labor 
greater than supply. Industrial concerns send to Buffalo for men. 

CHEERING SIGNS EVERYWHERE. 

The cheering signs continued to August and September, 1897, from 
the record of which months one or two specimens are taken. The owner 
of seven sugar plantations in Louisiana, the largest producer in the United 
States, advanced wages of field labor i6y 2 per cent.* Work was resumed 
in all departments of the American Watch Company, at Waltham. Avery 
Plow Company, at Louisville, Ky., made a large addition to their force of 
workmen on account of improved conditions and prospects in the agricultural 
districts. Providence Coal Company's mines, at Scranton, which had been 
idle for two years, resumed. Among the evidences of returning prosperity 
in October was an increase of 10 per cent in the wages of all employes of the 
Minesota Iron Company. The Disston Saw Works, at Tacony, Pa., which 
had been running on short time for four years, resumed work, and they 
employ at least 1,000 men. The Wilhelm Bicycle Works, of Hamburg, 
increased wages 5 per cent. Naumkeag Mills, at Salem, which had been 
running four days a week, started full time with about a thousand skilled 
operators. Wages of hands in the National Woolen Mills, at Olney, R. I., 
which had been reduced 30 per cent in 1893, were restored. 



THE IMPROVEMENT RECORD BETTER. 

In November, 1897, one year after the Presidential election, the record of 
improvement was longer and more gratifying than ever. The Thomas Iron 
Company, of Hellertown, Pa., which had been idle for two years, resumed 
operations. The Tremont Worsted Mills voluntarily increased wages 10 
per cent for day hands and 20 per cent for night hands. Andrews Steel 
Works, at Youngstown, advanced wages 10 per cent. Philadelphia's thou- 
sand weavers returned to work, increase of wages which they demanded 
having been granted. Blast furnaces in Mahoning Valley, Pa., advanced 
wages 10 per cent. Upward of 3,000 persons were benefited. Strike at 
Alice furnace over, men returning with 10 per cent increase of wages. 
Wheeling (W. Va.) Steel Company advanced wages, nearly 2,000 employes, 
10 per cent. 

This record might be continued through the remaining months until 
January, 1898, when it became brighter than before. Many instances of a 
second advance in wages since 1896 were recorded. Among some of the 
items in the record for January are the following: Eastern Pottery opera- 
tives secured an advance of 12^ per cent. Advance of 5 per cent granted 
to 200 employes at cutlery factory at New Britain, Conn. West Milwaukee 
shops of St. Paul Railroad had a total of 2,400 employes and were busier 
with work than they had been for five years. Metropolitan Iron & Land 
Company, of Michigan, announced increase of wages affecting a thousand 
men. Carnegie-Oliver Mining Company, employing 1,500 men, increased 
their wages 10 per cent. 

SOUTHERN TEXTILE MILLS WORKING. 

Jn February practically all the 250 textile mills in the Carolinas were 
working full time night and day. In March the mine owners in Mercer and 
Venango counties, Pa., agreed to increase 10 cents a ton to miners, to con- 
tinue for a year ; it affected 2,500 miners. In April the owners of the stone- 
yards of New York agreed to the demand of their striking employes for 
increase of wages. The Louisville & Nashville Railroad Company, which in 
1893 had reduced the wages of all its employes 20 per cent, restored them in 
June 1898 ; 30,000 men were directly benefited. In July the Northern Pacific 
Railway Company restored wages to the figure before the reduction of 1894, 
advanced about 15 per cent. In August the Zinc Smelting Works at Marion, 
Ind., which had been closed for over two years, resumed operations. In Sep- 
tember only four of the 136 cotton mills in North Carolina were idle. 

The Labor Commissioner of Michigan, in October, 1898, reported that a 
better industrial condition had not existed in that State for years ; there was 
a general improvement in condition of wage-earners, both as to the increased 
wages and number of men employed. 

FARM MORTGAGES REDUCED. 

Reports from 83 counties showed that mortgages upon farm property had 
been reduced by millions of dollars as compared with 1896, while the rate of 
interest had been also materially reduced. The lumbermen complained of 
difficulty in obtaining hands to enter the woods, although they offered $25 to 
$35 a month and board. The same month the president of the Milwaukee 
Associated Charities reported that there had not been so little work for that 

9 



organization for five years, and he said : " We are able to find work for every 
able-bodied man who applies, while it is not possible to supply all the calls for 
intelligent labor." 

The report of the New York City Factory Inspector in October showed an 
improvement in the industrial situation over that of 1897 ; no less than 58,000 
more persons were employed. In the year 3,613 factories started, 1,939 of 
which were new, and the remainder were concerns which had been closed 
down for several years. 

Annual report of cotton mills for North Carolina in November, 1898, 
showed 191 spinning and weaving mills and 39 hosiery mills in operation. 
About half of these were running both day and night. 

WAGES VOLUNTARILY ADVANCED. 

On December 10, 1898, Trenton pottery ware manufacturers reported busi- 
ness as being better than ever before. And on December 24 the Southern 
Railway announced that on January 1 it would restore the wages of its 
mechanics, which in 1895 were reduced 10 per cent. In February, 1899, the 
5,000 employes of the Cambria Iron Company at Johnstown received a volun- 
tary advance of 10 per cent in wages, the second in two years. The Railway 
Gazette showed that the output of locomotives from all competing shops, 
exclusive of railway shops, in 1898, amounted to 1,875, as compared with 
1,051 in 1897, and that 1898 was the best for the car building industries since 
1890. 

The following is a record of the increases of wages in the week ended 
March 11, 1899, the increases averaging about 10 per cent: Tin-plate work- 
ers, New Castle, Pa., 1,300 to 1,500 employes ; iron workers, Greenville, Pa. ; 
iron workers, Bellaire, Ohio, 300 hands ; iron workers, Wheeling, W. Va., 
3,000 employes ; nail workers, Williamsport, Pa. ; brickmakers, Jeannette, 
Pa.; cotton operatives, North Bridge, Mass., 600; cotton operatives, 
Brunswick, Me., 1,000; cotton operatives, Soco, 1,500; quarrymen, 
Franklin, Pa.; iron workers, Duncansville, Pa., 500; cotton opera- 
tives, Salem and Fitchburg, Mass., 2,700; miners, Birmingham, 
Ala., district; chainmakers, Pittsburg, Pa., 300; laborers, Bethlehem, Pa., 
500; iron workers, Syracuse, N. Y., Myerstown, Pa., Harrisburg, Pa., and 
Altoona, Pa.; cotton operatives, Amesbury and Webster, Mass., 2,900; iron 
workers, Chattanooga, Tenn., 700; iron workers, McKeesport, Pa., 7,000. 
These weekly records of increases of wages and employment continued 
through the year 1899 and have continued down to the present. 

COAL MINERS EARNED MORE. 

The coal miners of Illinois earned an average of $100 more in 1899 than 
they did in 1898, which was twice as good a year for them as 1896. In Feb- 
ruary, 1899, a report of the New York Labor Bureau showed that 6,553 estab- 
lishments which in 1896 employed 299,957 men, employed 356,278 in 1899, an 
increase of 19 per cent in the number of hands employed. Wages had risen 
in about the same proportion and every skilled workman who wanted employ- 
ment easily found it. On March 10, 1900, an advance was granted to Rock 
Island trainmen ; 10 per cent also advance to iron-mill workers under amal- 
gamated scale. This advance brought puddlers' wages up to $6 a ton, the 

10 



highest pay for twenty years. Upward of 15,000 men were affected by this 
action. 

These proofs of the great and growing prosperity of the wage-earners 
might be swelled to a volume. They were and are found everywhere. There 
is not a town, a village, a hamlet or neighborhood in the Union, however 
small or remote, in which such evidence can not be found today. Practically 
everybody who is able to work and wants to work is at work and getting bet- 
ter wages than he ever did before. This means that business in general is 
better than it ever was before — infinitely better than it was in the sad, 
gloomy years from 1893 to 1896. 

The wage earner is usually the first to feel the effects of business distress 
in reduction of wages and fewer opportunities of employment, as he is often 
the last to reap the benefits of a revival of business in increase of wages. 

CONDITION OF ORGANIZED LABOR. 

As to the general condition of organized labor in the United States, an 
extract has hereinbefore been given from the annual report to the American 
Federation of Labor for the year 1896. Following are similar extracts from 
the same authority (the president of the same organization), for the years 
1897 and 1899, respectively: 

1897. 

" That terrible period for the wage-earners of this country which began in 
1893 and which has left behind it such a record of horror, hunger and misery, 
practically ended with the dawn of the year 1897. Wages had been steadily 
forced down from 1893 till toward the end of 1895, and it was variously esti- 
mated that between two million and two-and-a-half-million wage earners 
were unemployed. 

" It is agreed by all that the wage-earners are the principal consumers of 
American products, and it necessarily follows that a reduction in wages 
involves a diminution in the power of consumption, and consequently a pro- 
portionate decrease in production, and, naturally, also, in the force of labor 
required for the production. A reduction of wages, therefore, results in an 
increase in the army of the unemployed, and any circumstance or combination 
of circumstances that will check reductions in wages, and hence the diminu- 
tion of consumption by the masses, is a humane act, based on the soundest 
laws of economics and of progress." 

1899. 

" The revival of industry which we have witnessed within the past year is 
one for general congratulation, and it should be our purpose to endeavor to 
prolong this era of more general employment and industrial activity. In this 
effort no power is so potent as organized labor, if we but follow a right and 
practical course. 

"It is beyond question that the wages of the organized workers have been 
increased, and in many instances the hours of labor either reduced or at least 
maintained. 

" The report which your officers are enabled to submit to this convention, 
so far as the growth and progress of our movement during the past year are 
concerned, is of a most gratifying character. At last we are realizing some of 

11 



the fruits of the years of unceasing sacrifice, devotion and uninterrupted 
work of our fellow-unionists." 

PROSPECTS FAVORABLE FOR LABOR. 

Several months ago the executive officers of the various labor organiza- 
tions were requested to answer the following question : " In your opinion 
are the prospects favorable for continued and steady employment? " Within 
a short time replies were received from forty-eight different organizations, 
every one of which replied in the affirmative, while many of them also referred 
to the deplorable conditions that prevailed from 1893 to 1896. The annual 
reports of sixty-two labor organizations for 1897, 1898 and 1899 show that 
there has been a steady increase in the percentage of members who are 
employed, the percentage rising to 100 in seventeen cases and in only eight 
cases falling below 90. In eighteen cases wages had been thrice advanced 
in the three years, the increase ranging from 17 to 300 per cent. In eight 
cases wages had been twice advanced, and in the other cases only once — in 
1899. The record shows that the sudden return of prosperity in 1897 and 
1898 created so great a demand for labor in evervy branch of industry that 
wages were speedily advanced and before the end of 1899 were generally 
higher than they had ever been even in the most prosperous year of our 
industrial history. Not only so, but the wage-earner, whether skilled or 
unskilled, had a chance to choose between several employers and places of 
employment. 

CONDITIONS IN MICHIGAN. 

The State of Michigan is a fair average of the States of the Union. 
The bulletin of the Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics of that State 
for the year 1899 says that at no time within its history has Michigan enjoyed 
the same general condition of prosperity in all branches of industry that it did 
during the year 1899. Manufactories of all kind were run to their full capac- 
ity and many were running overtime to meet increasing demands. Labor, both 
skilled and unskilled, was very generally employed at fair and improving 
wages and so great was the shortage in unskilled labor that it materially inter- 
fered in work upon railroad construction and in forests and mines. There was 
a great scarcity of carpenters, masons, and builders' employes. The farmers 
had prospered far better than for years before, and a canvass of nearly 5,000 
factories showed that 545 of them had increased their actual capital $6,500,- 
000 in the year. In 1,382 factories 24,000 more hands were employed than in 
1896, and 74 reported an increase of wages over 1898. The average daily 
wages, considering all the hands found work in the factories, of 1899, was 
$1.99 per day, while the same average in 1898 was $1.37 per day. 

PAY-ROLLS HAVE BEEN DOUBLED. 

The official returns from 200 manufactories of the United States show 
that in- 1894 the names of 90,483 persons were on their pay-rolls, who 
received a total in wages of $40,803,866. In 1898 there were on the pay-rolls 
a total of 131,428 employes, who received a total of $62,247,940. In 1899 the 
same pay-rolls showed a total of 174,645 persons employed, to whom was 
paid in wages the total sum of $78,835,000. 

12 



THE .FARMER IS PROSPEROUS. 

So large a proportion of our population consists of farmers, planters, 
and cattle and wool growers that general prosperity can not exist unless they 
are large sharers of it. Ever£ student of the economic conditions of the 
United States knows that in the period from 1893 to 1896 agriculture was in 
a state of great depression ; every grain grower, every cotton grower, every 
sheep and cattle grower remembers that fact of his own bitter experience. 
The home demand for agricultural products had been reduced to the lowest 
point in years, by the depressed industrial conditions, which had reduced 
wages of home consumers and thrown millions of others out of employment, 
and the foreign demand could not take up any considerable part of the 
surplus, and prices of agricultural products consequently fell in many cases 
below the bare cost of production. Since 1896 not only has the home demand 
immensely increased but exports to meet a better foreign demand have also 
been much larger. In regard to the latter, the following examples, which are 
from official sources, with the amounts expressed in round numbers, are 
both interesting and instructive. 

FOREIGN DEMAND FOR OUR CROPS. 

In 1896 the foreign demand required $141,000,000 of American bread- 
stuffs; in .1899 it required $274,000,000, almost twice as much. The corn 
exports of 1896 amounted to 99,000,000 bushels; those of 1899 to 174,000,- 
000 bushels, an increase of 75,000,000 bushels. In 1896 the exports of wheat 
amounted to 60,000,000 bushels; in 1899 tne total was 139,000000 bushels. 
The exports of wheat flour increased from $52,000,000 in 1896 to $73,000,- 
000 in 1899. 

Exports of provisions, which amounted to $133,000,000 in 1896, were 
$175,000,000 in 1899. The exports of cotton in 1896 amounted to $190,056,- 
460, in 1900 they amounted to $241,837,737 and the export price had 
increased from 6 cents a pound in 1896 to 10 cents a pound in 1900. Cotton- 
seed oil is an important article of export for the Southern States, and the 
exports increased from 19,000,000 gallons in 1896 to 50,000,000 gallons in 

1899, while the total exportation of cotton-seed meal, which amounted to 
404,000,000 pounds, was in 1899 more than 1,000,000,000 pounds. One 
article of agricultural export which decreased from 1896 to 1899, and that the 
only one which materially decreased, was sheep. In 1896 more than 3,000,000 
were exported and in 1899 less than 1,000,000. The exports of 1896 were due' 
to the low price of wool consequent on the enactment of the free wool tariff 
in 1894. 

FARM PRICES ARE HIGHER. 

There was not only an increase between 1896 and 1899, but also between 
1898 and 1900, in some of the principal cereal products of the United States. 
In 1898 the average farm price of corn was 28.7 cents per bushel. In 1900 it 
was 30.3 cents". In 1898 the average farm value of wheat was 58.2 cents ; in 

1900, 58.4 cents. The total farm value of the three products mentioned was 
$1,149,000,000 in 1898, and $1,215,000,000 in 1900. 

The increase in the demand for and prices of cereals was hardly greater 
than in the case of live stock. In 1896 the average value of sheep was $1 ; in 
January, 1900, it was $2.97. On January 1, 1897, the average value of horses 

13 



was $23.65 per head and on January 1, 1900, it was $45. Mules advanced 
from $39 a head on January 1, 1898, to $48.07 on January 1, 1900. On Janu- 
ary 1, 1895, the average value of cattle was $14.15 a head; on January 1, 
1900, it was $24.88. 

FARMERS' LOSSES UNDER DEMOCRACY. 

The losses of the farmers from the decline in value of farm products were 
enormous and the aggregate was so large that, expressed in figures, it would 
convey but a faint idea of its actual magnitude. Between 1893 and 1896 the 
number of sheep on farms decreased from 47,000,000 to 37,000,000, and the 
total value of these sheep fell from $126,000,000 to $65,000,000. It is easy to 
explain why this happened after one finds out that the price of medium wool 
fell from 23 cents a pound in 1893 to 18 cents a pound in 1895 and 1896. It is 
now 31 cents a pound and American flocks have begun again to increase, and 
the total value of them had advanced last year to $108,000,000, as compared 
with $65,000,000 only four years before. 

What happened to the sheep and wool grower happened also to the cattle 
raiser, to the cotton grower, to the wheat and corn grower, and to every other 
producer of agricultural wealth. Nobody escaped. The domestic consump- 
tion of wheat and corn fell off thirty to fifty per cent between 1892 and 1894, 
and the export demand for agricultural products shrunk from $798,000,000 
in 1892 to $569,000,000 in 1896. The estimated total loss suffered by the 
agricultural producers of the country in the four years amounted to FOUR 
THOUSAND TWO HUNDRED EIGHTY THREE MILLION SEVEN 
HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-SEVEN THOUSAND DOLLARS, a sum 
three times as great as the existing national debt. 

These losses were distributed as follows : 

Loss on farm animals $2,560,422,958 

Loss on wheat crops 300,832,581 

Loss on corn crops 363,725,658 

Loss on oat crops .-; 138,481,331 

Loss on hay crops, three years ....." 464,739,066 

Loss on potato crops, three years 83,291,365 

Loss on barley crops, three years 7,250,377 

Loss on cotton crops 221,863,355 

Loss on wool crops in ,272,023 

Loss on tobacco crops, three years 29,873,517 

Loss on rye crops, two years 1,864,142 

Loss on buckwheat crops, two years 172,137 

THE HOME DEMAND IS GREATER. 

The enormous recuperative powers of the country have never been better 
or more clearly demonstrated than in the last three years, which have placed 
the farmers and planters of the United States on the highest pinnacle of pros- 
perity they have ever occupied and enjoyed. The home demand for every 
product of the soil is greater than ever before, average prices are higher, and 
the export demand in the year ended June 30, 1900, amounted to the magnifi- 
cent and unprecedented total of $835,912,952. 

The farmers have largely become creditors instead of debtors of the 
banks, and many of them have become lenders instead of borrowers of money 
on mortgage security. In a recent conversation Representative Hepburn, of 
Iowa, said : 

U 



" Iowa is prosperous. One county in my district, which I have in mind, is 
largely agricultural. There are no towns of more than 3,500 inhabitants and 
there are no banks with a capitalization of more than $100,000. I was figur- 
ing up with a banker a few days ago who estimated that the little banks of 
this county have deposits aggregating $1,750,000, of which 95 per cent 
belongs to the farmers." 

PROSPERITY IN NEBRASKA. 

Even further west, in the State of Nebraska — one of whose honored and 
prosperous citizens is William J. Bryan, who lives in the city of Lincoln, and 
for that or some other equally good reason claims the title of " the second Lin- 
coln " — evidences of prosperity are visible on every hand. 

Farmers are now selling their hogs at 4^4 cents a pound, whereas four 
years ago they could get only 2j/ 2 cents. The high prices of wheat and cattle 
that have prevailed for two or three years have enabled the farmers in Ne- 
braska and South Dakota to pay their debts and lay up money. Railroad 
agents report that there are more pianos and fine top-buggies being pur- 
chased by farmers this summer than ever before in the history of the State. 
Jobbing nouses report increased sales, ranging from 40 to 100 per cent. The 
Union Pacific Railroad Company has sold more land in the last two years 
than for fifteen years before. That company had 125 idle locomotives in "the 
roundhouses four years ago, and now can not move all the freight offered 
with its increased capacity. Similar conditions prevail on the other railroad 
trunk lines which traverse Nebraska. The State Bank statement of June 30 
showed an increase of over $3,000,000 in deposits and a decrease of over 
$2,000,000 in loans and discounts. 

The record of the railways of the United States is a pretty accurate regis- 
ter of commercial activity. The net earnings of all the railways in 1894 aver- 
aged $1,800 per mile, and in 1898, $2,111 a mile. In 1898 the number of rail- 
way employes was 100,000 greater than in 1894, and the amount paid in 
wages $50,000,000 more than in 1895, while the year 1899 showed an increase 
of 149,000 employes over 1894, and a total increase of $75,000,000 in wages 
over the year 1894 or 1895. 

SAVINGS BANKS DEPOSITS. 

Perhaps no better index of the general prosperity of the country can be 
found than in the record of the savings banks. In 1894 the number of depos- 
itors in the savings banks of the United States was 4,777,000 ; the total depos- 
its amounted to $1,747,000,000. The average balance of each depositor was 
$365. In 1899 the number of depositors had increased to 5,687,000, the total 
deposits to $2,290,000,000, and the average deposit was $392. The United 
States led all the world in the amount of deposits in savings banks, having 
more than twice as much as either France or Great Britain. The average 
deposit was also higher than in any other country. 

In the State of New York-alone on July 1, 1900, there were 129 savings 
banks, and the total number of depositors' open accounts was 2,036,017. 
Making one allowance for depositors who had accounts in more than one sav- 
ings bank', at least two million wage-earners and widows and children and 
others in the Empire State were creditors of these banks. They numbered 
more than the total population of Manhattan Island ; their number had 
increased 105,168 since July 1, 1899, and their total deposits had swelled to 

15 



the enormous total of $922,081,590, a sum sufficient to pay off one-half of the 
national debt and leave a handsome surplus. The total deposits had increased 
more than $200,000,000 since 1896, when Bryanism was threatening to scale 
down the value of savings banks deposits in this country to 50 cents on the 
dollar. That same Bryanism is now threatening to cut down the value of 
such deposits to a still lower figure. 

MANUFACTURERS USE MORE MATERIAL. 

More of the materials of manufacture were imported in the year ended 
June 30, 1900, than in any previous year of the history of the country, and the 
percentage of such materials to the total importations was higher ; the total 
was $310,000,000, which was 35.8 per cent of the total importation. On the 
other hand, the exports of manufactured goods were larger than ever before. 
In 1890 we exported $130,000,000 worth of manufactured goods in the year, 
and in 1900 the exports of such goods amounted to $432,000,000, being an 
increase of nearly 300 per cent. In 1899, 13,620,000 tons of pig iron were 
produced in the United States, being an increase of 718 per cent in the last 
thirty years. 

The growth of the cotton manufacture industry under prosperous condi- 
tions has been remarkable. In 1892, a prosperous year, the American mills 
took 2,856,000 bales of American cotton. In 1894, a year of general depres- 
sion, the mills took only 2,221,000 bales. Last year the American mills took 
3,632,000 bales, an increase in five years, and mainly in two years, of about 
1,400,000 bales. 

A BAROMETER OF PROSPERITY. 

In 1894-5 the United States was borrowing money in England and else- 
where at 4 and 5 per cent to pay the current running expenses of its Govern- 
ment in a time of profound peace. The people were unable to support either 
their Government or themselves. In 1898, the United States then being at 
war with Spain, the Government decided to borrow $200,000,000 at three per 
cent, and the scramble of investors to obtain each a share of the bonds was 
a memorable one. In thirty-one days the subscriptions amounted to $1,400,- 
000,000 — seven times the amount of the loan. On May 14, 1900, a law was 
enacted to authorize an issue of two-per-cent refunding bonds, and more 
than $300,000,000 of them had been taken within the first three months by 
investors who surrendered three, four and five per cent bonds in exchange for 
them. 

The United States has become a creditor nation instead of a debtor nation, 
and this first administration of William McKinley has seen England coming 
to the United States to borrow money and paying one and one-half per cent 
a year more for it than the United States pays on the bonds of May 14, 1900. 



16 



Our home market must be restored to its proud rank of first in the world. 

—William McKinley 

The Demand for Farm Crops 

When Labor is Well Fed then 
the Farmer is Prosperous 

The dinner pail is full now, let us keep it full — the farmer 
is happy now, let us have no change. 

The following correspondence between Mr. F. E. Baker, a prom- 
inent Illinois farmer, and Mr. B. W. Snow, the Agricultural Statisti- 
cian and a member of the editorial staff of one of the leading 
agricultural papers of the United States, goes to the root of the whole 
question of rural prosperity. 

Mr. Snow's letter deals with facts, not theories ; results, not 
arguments, and his analysis of the increased consuming power of 
American labor and its effect upon the American farmer makes clear 
beyond question the duty of agricultural voters this year. 

The Republican platform stands for a continuance of the policies 
of a sound currency system and an equitable protective tariff, poli- 
cies whose application during four years have brought thrift, happi- 
ness and prosperity to all classes of our people. 

The Kansas City platform stands for a renewal of financial dis- 
turbance and a repetition of the Wilson bill, the very things which 
four years ago brought stagnation to national industry and ruin to 
American farms. 

The Paramount Issue to the American farmer is a Continuance 
of the Present Well-Filled Dinner Pail of American labor. 

MR. BAKER'S LETTER. 

Whitehall, Ills., August I, 1900. 
Dear Mr. Snow : — 

It seems to me that, so far as the American Farmer is concerned, 
the Paramount Issue of the campaign of 1900 is whether he is having 
his share of prosperity and is satisfied w r ith his material conditions 
as they now exist. 

My Democratic friends are now forced to admit that prices of 
farm products are higher than in 1896, and that values of such 
products and of silver have parted company — a good many even 
that no price relationship ever existed. 

But they now argue, first, that there has been but a small advance 
in farm products generally ; second, that such change as there is is 
largely due to changes in crop volume ; third, that short crops, wars 
and famines abroad are the main source of the advance ; fourth, that 
Republican policies deserve no share of credit for such price im- 



provement; and, fifth, that the election of Mr. Bryan would not 
unfavorably affect present conditions. 

As regards these present Democratic contentions will you please 
give me your views, and the facts upon which you base them. 

Truly yours, 

F. E. Baker. 



MR. SNOW'S REPLY. 

Chicago, Ills., August 10, 1900. 
Dear Mr. Baker: — 

Paramount issues are determined by voters and not by conven- 
tions. I quite agree with you that the Paramount Issue this year 
with the American farmer is whether he shall continue his present 
prosperity or risk the effect of a violent change in the policies of 
domestic government. The best form of government is that which 
brings the largest share of happiness and prosperity to its people as 
a whole. Judging both by the present platforms of principles and by 
the historic record of each of the great parties, we find a radical 
difference in the domestic policies outlined as the basis of government 
in case of success. 

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE POLICIES. 

Republican success means a maintenance of the gold standard, a 
sound stable currency system, continued adherence to the policy of 
protection, a renewal of commercial and industrial confidence, and a 
general continuance of domestic conditions as they exist after four 
years of upbuilding of National credit and industrial enterprise. 

Democratic success means a reopening of financial agitation with 
its evil train of vanishing confidence, business panic, industrial stag- 
nation, hoarded capital and diminishing employment for American 
labor during whatever period of time must elapse before the final 
readjustment of commercial enterprise to a new financial system. 

It means an immediate re-opening of the tariff question and the 
paralyzing period of uncertainty that precedes legislation hostile to 
the protective policy, just as was experienced eight years ago before 
the enactment and during the life of the last Democratic tariff meas- 
ure, the Wilson bill. 

It means a carrying into effect of the assault upon the judiciary 
proposed at Chicago in 1896 and reaffirmed at Kansas City in 1900, 
with all the shock which such an attack by the executive and legis- 
lative upon a co-ordinate branch of our government would involve. 

In short, it would mean a complete reversal of those conditions 
that during the past four years have brought prosperity and happi- 
ness to our people, given steady employment at high wages to Amer- 
ican labor and a wider market and higher prices for the products of 
the American farm. 

Truly the Paramount Issue for the American Farmer is the Well 
Filled Dinner Pail of the American laborer. t 

CONDITIONS OF FOUR YEARS AGO. 
Four years ago, under the blighting influence of hostile tariff 
legislation and the threat of a depreciated, fluctuating currency 

2 






system, two things that the Democratic platform this year is pledged 
to renew, our industries were prostrate, mills silent, chimneys smoke- 
less, and labor without employment. Business was paralyzed, capital 
hoarded, and Coxey armies drew their rations from soup houses of 
public charity. * 

To-day under the stimulus of a sound financial system and equit- 
able tariff legislation confidence has returned, labor has employment, 
capital flows in the channels of commerce, and the output of our 
manufacturing enterprises not only surpasses anything in our own 
history, but makes us the greatest manufacturing nation of the 
world. 

Not only do we supply the great market which our own prosper- 
ous people furnishes, but we are beginning to manufacture for the 
markets of the world. 

To appreciate the industrial development during the past four 
years as a consequence of the proper settlement of the financial ques- 
tion and the tariff question in 1896, note the following figures of our 
export trade in manufactured products : 

Dollars. Dollars. 

1893 158,023,018 1897 2 77 > 2 &5>39 l 

1894 183,728,808 1898 290,697,354 

1895 183,595,743 1899 338,675,558 

1896 228,571,178 1900 .432,284,366 

This is but the beginning, the first fruits. With permanency in 
our present domestic policies of government American labor will 
soon manufacture for the world. 

INCREASED EMPLOYMENT OF LABOR. 

This showing of our increase in exports of manufactured products 
is indicative of the rapid expansion of our industrial system during 
four years of present governmental policies. But there are other 
data available to emphasize still more strongly our present industrial 
activity, with all that it implies in increased employment of labor, 
increased wage payment and increased ability of American labor to 
command not only the necessities but the luxuries of life. Iron is the 
foundation upon which rests all modern industry and commerce, and 
the condition of the iron trade is an infallible barometer of the 
condition of all industry. When it languishes, industry and commerce 
languish ; when it is active all other branches of industry are quick- 
ening with life. 

The production of pig iron tells the whole industrial story. The 
following statement shows the production of this corner stone of the 
industrial edifice yearly since 1893. The figures are divided into 
four year groups, so as to compare the industrial condition of the 
country under Democratic and under Republican domestic policies : 
Tons. Tons. 

1893 7,124,502 1897 9,652,680 

1894 6,657,388 1898 11,773,934 

1895 9446,3o8 1899 13,620,703 

1896 8,623,127 1900 15,000,000 



Average ...7,962,831 Average ...12,511,829 



Here is an increase in the average production of the past four 
years of 57 per cent, a figure which will fully hold good as the 
measure of the expansion of our manufacturing industries, carrying 
with it quite as great an increase in general commerce and exchange. 
This means a 57 per cent increase in the opportunities for labor, in 
wages paid and in the consuming capacity of our home market for 
farm products. 

HOW THE AMERICAN FARMER FARES. 

So much for the industrial situation under Republican and under 
Democratic domestic policies. How fares the American farmer? 
Statistics collected jointly by the Census Bureau and the Department 
of Agriculture a few years since show that our home market ab- 
sorbs 90 per cent of the products of American agriculture. 

It follows naturally that when the people making up this great 
market are prosperous, fully employed and receiving good wages 
they are able to consume more freely and pay better prices for the 
material they use. 

The dinner pail is a more profitable customer for farm products 
than is the soup house of charity. The larger our non-agricultural 
population the larger the market for farm products. 

Every new factory employing labor furnishes a new consuming 
center which the farmer reaches without long shipments destroying 
his profits. 

Industrial activity at home means good prices and rural pros- 
perity ; industrial stagnation means rural depression and foreclosed 
mortgages. 

To fully appreciate the practical force of this, note the following 
table, which shows the current price of nearly all farm products on 
August 1, 1896, the closing days of four years of Democratic do- 
mestic policy, compared with the same date in 1900 after four years 
of Republican policies. In each case the figures are from the same 
source, compiled from official records : 



FARM 
PRODUCT 


GRADE QUOTED 


MARKET 


August 1, 
1896 


August 1, 
1 goo 


Increase 


Corn 


No. 2 in Store, bu 


Chicago 


#0.24^ 


$0. 3 8^ 


56 per cent 


Wheat 


No. 3 Spring, bu 




.58^ 


.72X 


24 percent 


Oats 


No. 2 in Store, bu 




.18^ 


.2lX 


15 percent 


Rye 


No. 2 in Store, bu 




■3oy 2 


■ s° l A 


64 per cent 


Barley 


Fair to Good Malting, bu . 




•31 


•43^ 


40 per cent 


Potatoes 


Early Ohio's, bu 




.18^ 


• 31^ 


70 per cent 


Hay 


No. 1 Timothy, New, ton. 




8.25 


12.25 


49 per cent 




No. 1 N. W., bu 




.12^ 


1.45 


98 per cent 
40 per cent 


Butter 


Creamery, Firsts, lb 




Cheese 


Full Cream, Choice, lb. . . 




.05^ 


■ °9 l A 


73 percent 


Live Hogs . . 


Heavy Packing, ioo lbs . . 




3.10 


5-3o 


71 percent 


Live Cattle . 


Butchers' Steers, ioo lbs. . 




3-7° 


4-45 


20 percent 


Live Sheep. . 


Westerns, ioo lbs 




2.65 


3-75 


42 per cent 


Clover Seed. 


Prime Contract, ioo lbs . . 




7-i5 


8.00 


12 percent 


Cotton 


Middling Uplands, lb .... 


N. Y. 


■01% 


. 10 


33 per cent 


Broom Corn. 


Self-Working, ton 


Chicago 


32.50 


1 60 . 00 


392 percent 


Hops 


N. Y. State, Choice, lb. . . 


N. Y. 


•07% 


.13 


73 percent 


Millet Seed. . 


German, ioo lbs ..... .... 


Chicago 


•55 


1 .20 


118 percent 


Eggs 


Firsts, strictly fresh, doz. . 


9 per cent 


Wool 


Tub Washed, lb 




.16^ 


.28 


70 percent 









FARM PRICES HIGHER, SILVER LOWER. 

Not a single product but that is materially higher in price. There 
is an average advance, taking into consideration the relative im- 
portance of the different items, of not far from 50 per cent. 

At the same time the price of silver has declined from 68.7 cents 
per ounce, on August 1, 1896, to 61.5 cents on the same date in 1900, 
completely puncturing the whole silver argument as presented to the 
farmer four years ago. 

This advance in farm prices is what industrial activity, conse- 
quent upon a sound currency system and freedom from tariff med- 
dling means to the American farmer. This is what he is asked 
to throw away by risking another trial of Democratic domestic poli- 
cies. 

You say your Democratic friends claim that this advance is due 
to changes in the volume of crop production. 

That is easily answered. The changes in volume of production 
have all been in the way of increased production so that we have 
the happy and healthful combination of larger crops and higher 
prices. 

Averaging the years i893-'96 inclusive, and i897-'99 inclusive, 
there is an increase in the annual production of wheat in the last 
period of 125,000,000 bushels; in corn of 300,000,000 bushels; in 
oats of 40,000,000 bushels ; in cotton of 2,385,000 bales ; in hogs 
marketed of 8,404,000 ; and so it runs throughout the entire list. 

God gave increased crops, and Republican policies made possible 
the distribution of the increased production at higher prices. 

Again you say that your Democratic friends allege that short 
crops and famines abroad were the basis for the higher prices of 
American farm products. 

So long as only 10 per cent of our total production is exported, 
and the majority of the items given in the above table are not ex- 
ported at all, it is difficult to see the logic of the claim. Of our 
staple crops exported wheat and cotton are most important. The 
advance for each you will see is not up to the average for the whole. 
Fortunately we have figures of the world's crop of each every year. 
The following showing of the world's crop of wheat and the com- 
mercial supply of cotton show that we have not been in a period of 
world shortage : 

Wheat— Bu. Cotton— Bales. 

Average i893-'95 2,595,352,666 10,820,000 

Average 1897-99 2,626,696,333 11,192,000 

AMERICAN LABOR'S CONSUMING POWER. 

There is but one explanation for the advance in price of American 
farm products. 

It lies in the increased consuming power of American labor. 
The proposition should be self-evident, but to place it beyond pale 
of argument I invite your attention to a short analysis of the records 
of production and distribution of four of our leading staples — corn, 
wheat, hogs and cotton. The same conditions which govern these 
staples govern every other product whose marvelous advance in price 
has brought prosperity, peace and comfort to the American farmer. 



. DISTRIBUTION OF OUR CROPS. 

The distribution of the crops grown in 1892 and in 1896 was 
partially under Republican and partially under Democratic admin- 
istration, and on that account in the following statements the three 
crops entirely grown and distributed during the continuance of the 
same domestic governmental policies are considered. The follow- 
ing statement shows the production, exportation and domestic use of 
corn in the two periods, all figures being from official sources : 

Production, Bu. Exports, Bu. Domestic Use, Bu. 

1893 1,619,496,131 66,489,529 

1894 1,212,770,052 25,585,405 

1895 2,151,138,580 101,100,375 



Average 1,661,134,921 65,391,769 1,595,743,152 

1897 1,902,967,933 212,055,543 

1898 1,924,184,660 177,255,046 

1899 2,078,143,933 211,641,115 



Average 1,968,432,175 200,317,235 1,768,114,940 

Here is an increase in our own domestic consumption of 173,000,- 
000 bushels a year, and it is our ability to use this additional amount 
at home that accounts for the increase of 56 per cent in the price of 
corn as shown in the comparative table of prices already presented. 

In the case of wheat the showing is even a stronger illustration of 
our farmers' dependence upon the consuming ability of their great 
home market. For this grain the facts are as follows : 

Produc, Bu. Exports, Bu. Seed, Bu. Dom. use, Bu. 

1893 396,131,725 164,283,129 50,000,000 

1894 460,267,416 144,812,718 50,000,000 

1895 467,102,947 126,443,968 51,000,000 



*Average 446,307,029 145,179,938 50,300,000 250,827,091 

1897 530,149,168 217,306,005 64,000,000 

1898 675,148,705 222,694,920 65,000,000 

1899 547,303,846 186,090,564 65,000,000 



Average 570,092,573 208,697,163 64,600,000 296,795,410 
OUR BETTER DEMAND FOR WHEAT. 

Our average population during the first period was about 70,000,- 
000 and during the last 74,000,000. 

The average consumption per capita was 3.58 bushels during 
i893-'95, and 4.01 bushels during i897-'99. 

This shows that when labor has employment, when wages are 
good, when the dinner pail is well filled, every one of our population 
consumes a half a bushel more of the farmer's wheat than it- does 
when our industries languish under Democratic domestic policies. 



* This average includes the change in commercial stocks between the beginning 
and close of the period. 



With this showing in mind it is easy to understand why the price 
of wheat has advanced 25 per cent even though the world's crop has 
been larger. 

THE CASE OF COTTON. 

In cotton the activity of our mills has not only furnished a mar- 
ket for a vastly increased production, but the same mills have fur- 
nished employment and wages to an increased number of operatives 
who have thereby become better customers for the food crops of the 
farm. The facts concerning cotton are : 

Production, lbs. Exports, lbs. Domestic use, lbs. 



1893 3,769,381,478 2,683,282,325 

1894 5,036,964,409 3>5i7>533>i09 

1895 3,592,416,851 2,335,226,385 



Average ...4,132,920,913 2,845,347,273 1,287,573,640 

1897 5,677,259,827 3,850,264,295 

1898 5,794,767,917 3,773,410,293 

1899 4,618,000,000 3,100,583,188 



Average ...5,363,342,581 3.574752,592 1,788,589,989 

The increase in the amount manufactured in our home mills is 39 
per cent, and it is interesting to note that the largest part of this 
increase represents new cotton mills which, under Republican finan- 
cial and tariff policies, have been built in the South. 

THE WAGE-EARNER'S MEAT SUPPLY. 

Pork furnishes the staple article of flesh food of the American 
people, and the consumption of pork products is the best indication 
of the condition of the people as a whole that exists. 

When labor is plentiful and wages good, meat is used in abun- 
dance on the table of the working man. In stress of hard times when 
the practice of pinching economy becomes necessary the use of meat, 
the high-priced food, becomes less and less. 

The importance of this to the farmer is measured by the number 
of animals he can market and the price he gets for them. 

The Cincinnati Price Current compiles, yearly, exact records of 
the marketing of animals, and the production and distribution of 
meat products. The marketing of hogs during the years ending 
March 1 was as follows : 

Number. Number. 

i893-'94 16,789,000 i897-'98 26,134,000 

1894- '95 21,619,000 i898-'99 29,793,000 

i895-'96 20,480,000 1899-1900 28,172,000 



Average 19,629,000 28,033,000 

This shows that the farmer has been able to dispose of 43 per cent 
more hogs, and the price table before presented shows that he is 
getting for them prices higher by 71 per cent. 



This is a wonderful showing. Let us see what has brought it 
about. The same authority presents each year the amount of meat 
product made from these hogs, the amount of the same exported 
and the amount entering into domestic consumption. The latter 
showing is as follows : 

Domestic consumption, Domestic consumption, 

Pounds. Pounds. 

i893-'94 .... 1,564,000,000 i897-'98 . . . .2,308,000,000 

i894-'95 . . . .1,825,000,000 1898-99 . . . .2,583,000,000 

i895-'9§ ....1,950,000,000 1899-1900 ..2,769,000,000 



Average ..1,779,600,000 2,553,300,000 

The domestic consumption of pork meat products in the period 
of industrial activity which we are now enjoying has increased by 44 
per cent. This means an increase in the per capita consumption of 
pork meats from commercial slaughter from 25.4 pounds to 34.5 
pounds each year, and explains why the farmer now markets more 
hogs and for them gets a much higher price. 

A similar analysis of the home consumption of all other farm 
products would show the same result, an immense increase in the 
consuming ability of the units of our population, consequent upon 
the full employment and good wages under Republican domestic 
policies of government. 

WHAT DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION MEANS. 

One word as to the fifth contention of your Democratic friends, 
"that the election of Mr. Bryan would not unfavorably affect present 
conditions." 

These conditions have been brought about by the application of 
policies of government directly antagonistic to Mr. Bryan's creed. 

The Kansas City platform stands for a return to Democratic tariff 
policies — for a modern edition of the Wilson bill. 

I have contrasted conditions as they affected the farmer under 
that policy and the present policy. Are we already to take from 
American labor the fatted calf it now enjoys and return it to the 
husks of i893~'95? 

The Kansas City platform stands for a Re-opening of the Finan- 
cial Question, with a return of the Commercial Paralysis, Business 
Depression, Uncertainty and Disaster now so happily past. 

Is the American farmer willing to again strap upon his shoulders 
the crushing weight of business stagnation and rural depression that 
Republican domestic policies have removed during the past four 
years ? 

For him it is a question of continuing present conditions or of 
returning to those of four years since. 

The Paramount Issue for the American Farmer is the Well- 
Filled Dinner Pail of American Labor. It is Republican policies 
that have filled it and will keep it full. Truly yours, 

B. W. Snow. 



£/W% 



<*/*<V%'**%^%^%%'VV«^'%/V%^*%^*'*%<< 



Not satisfied with assaulting the currency | 
$ and credit of the Government, our political ? 
r adversaries condemn the tariff law enacted at € 
the extra session of Congress in 1897, a law 
which at once stimulated our industries, opened 
the idle factories and mines and gave to the 
laborer and to the farmer fair returns for their 
toil and investment. Shall we go back to a 
tariff which brings deficiency in our revenues 
and destruction to our industrial enterprises? 

William McKinley. 

[Par 



;Partof Congressional Record.] 



THE TARIFF 



Extracts from the Speeches of 





J. 




OF NEBRASKA 

IN THE 

House of Representatives 

March 16, 1892; Jan. 13 and 20, 1894. 

Should Purchase Abroad. 
"I want to state, as emphatically as 
words can state, that I consider it as 
false in economy and vicious in policy 
to attempt to raise at a high price in 
this country that which we can pur- 
chase abroad at a low price in exchange 
for the products of our toil." 

Believes in Ad Valorems. 

"To my mind ad valorem rates are not 
only just, but are essential to any genu- 
ine revenue reform. It is impossible to 
adjust specific duties with any degree of 
equity, for any system which ignores 
value and relies on number, weight or 
measure is bound to result in inequality, 
and the rates are relatively lower on the 
higher priced articles." 



Extracts from the Speeches of 

Hon.WM. McKINLEY 

OF OHIO 

IN THE 

House of Representatives 

May 7 and May 20, 1890. 



Purchasing Abroad. 
If the bill checks foreign importations 
of goods competing with ours, it will in- 
crease our production and necessarily 
increase the demand for labor at home. 
(Applause.) We do not conceal the pur- 
pose of this bill — we want our own coun- 
trymen and all mankind to know it. It 
is to increase production he.re, diversify 
our productive enterprises, enlarge the 
field, and increase the demand for Amer- 
ican workmen. 

What American can oppose these 
worthy and patriotic objects? Others 
not Americans may find justification ' 
doing so. This bill is an Aro^' ' 
It is made for Amerir~ 
American interest 



BRYAN 



Against Specific Duties. 

"A specific duty increases in relative 
importance as prices decrease — the ad 
valorem rate rises and falls with the 
values. The specific duty is generally 
heaviest on articles of least value, while 
the ad valorem treats all alike. The 
specific duty is difficult to compute, hard 
to understand and full to overflowing of 
'ways that are -dark and tricks that are 
vain' — while the ad valorem rate is eas- 
ily understood and known to all. Spe- 
cific duties may and do cover up all 
kinds of jobs, while the ad valorem rate 
must necessarily be fair and equitable." 



Favors Free Coal. 

"Coal is another raw material placed 
upon the free list. The duty on coal is 
indefensible, even if we were adjusting 
a Protective Tariff according to the Re- 
publican platform." 

For Free Iron Ore. 

"I believe we can make no permanent 
progress in the direction of Tariff Re- 
form until we free from taxation the 
raw materials which lie at the founda- 
tion of our industries; and I believe 
in free iron ore, whether we leave the 
Tariff at 35, 25 or 5 per cent upon car- 
pets." 

Carpets. 

"The committee has left — not only 
upon carpets but upon iron, and upon 
woolen goods and cotton goods and all 
through the bill — far more Tariff than 
anybody can justify, even if it could be 
shown that. any Protection is needed at 
all or could be rightfully asked." 



Wilson Bill Bates Too High. 

"I think the duties all the way through 
this bill are higher than necessary, and 



Mckinley 



Ad Valorems. 

They are troubled about the ad va- 
lorem equivalent. They look to percent- 
ages; we look to prices. We would 
rather have steel rails at $50 a ton and 
an ad valorem equivalent of 50 per cent, 
than to have steel rails at $100 a ton and 
an ad valorem equivalent of only 28 per 
cent. (Applause on the Republican 
side.) They pursue a shadow; we enjoy 
the substance. (Applause.) 

Which would you rather have, low ad 
valorem equivalents and high-priced 
goods, or high ad valorem equivalents 
'and low-priced goods? (Applause.) We 
do not care how high they go up if the 
price of the commodity goes down, and 
when they go up it is because we have 
by our Protective Tariff reduced the 
price to the consumer. 

Iron Ore and Coal. 

In the metal schedule, which is prob- 
ably the schedule in which the country 
is as deeply interested as any other — in 
the metal schedule, starting out at the 
very foundation, iron ore, we have left 
the duty on that precisely as it exists 
under the present law, namely, 75 cents 
per ton, and we left it at the same duty 
which was proposed by my distinguished 
friend from Texas (Mr. Mills) in the bill 
which he presented to the last Congress. 
The same is also true of coal. 



Carpets. 
We have increased the duty, as I have 
already said, upon carpet wools, and that 
has necessitated an increase of the duty 
upon carpets themselves. There is no 
industry in this country which so splen- 
didly illustrates the value of a Protec- 
tive Tariff as the carpet industry, which 
has had such marvelous growth in the 
last twenty-three years. 

Dutiable Goods. 

We have taken from the free-list and 
placed upon the dutiable eighteen ar- 
ticles—ten of which are products of agri- 
culture and the other eight are muriatic 



BRYAN 



I favor the bill, not because of its per- 
fection, not because the duties are 
brought down as low as they might be, 
but because the bill is infinitely better 
than the law which we now have, and is 
a step in the right direction." 

Placed on the Free List. 
"When Michigan iron ore is placed on 
the free list, Alabama ore is placed there 
also; when Pennsylvania coal is placed 
on the free list, West Virginia coal is 
placed there also; when the rough lum- 
ber of Maine and Wisconsin is placed 
upon the free list, the rough lumber of 
North Carolina and Georgia is placed 
there also." 

I Am for Free Wool. 

"Wool, for instance, is the chief raw 
material in the woolen industry, and it 
has been placed upon the free list. 
Whether the Tariff on wool has raised 
the price of wool to the sheep grower 
above the point it would have reached 
without a Tariff, is a question which has 
been discussed rather than settled. 
Speaking for myself, it is immaterial in 
my judgment whether the sheep grower 
receives any benefit from the Tariff or 
not. Whether he does or does not, 
whether the wool manufacturer collects 
a compensatory duty from the consumer 
of woolen goods and pays it over to the 
wool grower, or collects it and keeps it 
himself, or doesn't collect it at all, and 
therefore does not need it, I am for free 
wool, in order that the vast majority of 
people who do not raise sheep, but who 
do need warm clothing to protect them 
from the blasts of winter, may have 
their clothing cheaper; and in order that 
our woolen manufacturers, unburdened 
by a tax upon foreign wool, and unbur- 
dened by like tax upon home grown 
wool — if they pay an increased price now 
—may manufacture for a wider market." 

"There is no probability that the sheep 
industry will be more injuriously af- 
fected by free wool than it has been by 
Protection; or. perhaps, it would be 
more accurate to say that it has existed 
and will exist independent of any Tariff 
legislation." 



Mckinley 



and sulphuric acid, gold size or Japan, 
crin vegetal or vegetable fiber, camel's- 
hair, and amber beads. If these eighteen 
articles are imported in the same quanti- 
ties dutiable as now the revenue will 
be increased in the sum of $2,456,030.14. 

Free Goods. 

We have taken from the dutiable list 
and placed upon the free-list forty-four 
articles, which last year yielded a duty 
of $60,936,536. Fifty-five million nine 
hundred and seventy-five thousand six 
hundred and ten from sugar alone. 

Protection for Wool. 

The present rate of duty on first-class 
wool is 10 cents per pound, and upon 
second class 12 cents per pound. We 
have recommended in this bill that the 
duty on first-class wool shall be in- 
creased from 10 cents to 11 cents a pound, 
and that the duty now fixed on second- 
class wools shall remain as at present. 
On third-class wool the present rate of 
duty is 2 1-2 cents per pound upon all 
wool costing under 12 cents, and 5 cents 
a pound oh wools costing above 12 cents. 

The Committee on Ways and Means 
will offer an amendment when this 
schedule is reached, providing that on 
carpet wools the dividing line shall be 
changed from 12 to 13 cents, and that 
the duty on wool under 13 cents, com- 
monly known as carpet wool, shall be 
32 per cent, ad valorem, and above 13 
cents per pound shall be 50 per cent, ad 
valorem. It will be noted that we make 
on first-class wool an increase of 1 cent 
a pound, and that the existing rate on 
second-class wool shall be maintained, 
and the proposed ad valorem rate will 
raise the duty on carpet wools of certain 
grades according to their value. 

If there is any one industry which ap- 
peals with more force than another for 
defensive duties it is this, and to no 
class of our citizens should this House 
more cheerfully lend legislative assist- 
ance, where it can properly be done, 
than to the million farmers who own 
sheep in the 'United States. We cannot 
afford as a nation to permit this indus- 
try to be longer crippled. 



BRYAN 



Small Sheep Interests. 

"Upon what ground is this Protec- 
tion to the wool grower asked? It is be- 
cause of the importance of the industry. 
The gentleman from Maine (Mr. Ding- 
ley) said that it was one of the most 
universal of all the industries of the 
farm; and when I tried to call his atten- 
tion to the fact that only a small pro- 
portion of our people own sheep he did 
not care to be further interrupted. The 
fact is, Mr. Chairman, that last year the 
value of sheep in this country was only 
$108,391,444, while the value of live stock 
upon the farm was $2,329,787,770; that 
is, the value of sheep was less than one- 
twentieth the value of all the live stock." 

"The wool crop last year was valued 
at about $70,000,000, while the value of 
the corn, wheat and oats raised that 
year, without mentioning the other crops 
of the farm, amounted to $1,582,184,206. 
Three items of the farm amounted to 
twenty times the value of the wool clip." 

Prefers a Bounty to Tariff. 

"Some have advocated the immediate 
repeal of the bounty and the imposition 
of a Tariff on sugar. Others have fa- 
vored the repeal of the bounty without 
a duty on sugar. I do not believe that 
it is possible to secure the passage of 
this bill through both houses unless it 
provides either for a Tariff on imported 
sugar or for a bounty on sugar produced 
in this country. When I was compelled 
to choose between a gradual reduction 
of the bounty and the restoration of a 
sugar Tariff, I chose the former without 
hesitation." 

"Impossible to Justify a Bounty for 
Beet Sugar." 

"There is no reason for a bounty on 
sugar which will not apply to any other 
agricultural product. If the bounty 
paid went to the farmer directly instead 
of the manufacturer, he has as much 
right to ask for a bounty on wheat, oats 
or cattle as upon sugar, beets or cane; 
but so much of the bounty as goes to 
Nebraska finds its way, not to the farm- 
ers, but to two factories. If the people 



McKINLEY 



Protection for Farmers. 

The cost of farm labor in Great Brit- 
ain, estimated by the statistician of the 
Agricultural Department, is $150 per an- 
num; in France, $125; in Holland and 
Austria, $100; in Germany, $90; in Rus- 
sia, $60; in Italy, $50, and in India, $30, 
while the same labor costs in this coun- 
try $220. The farmers of the United 
States have therefore come to appreciate 
that with the wonderful wheat develop- 
ment in India and Russia, with the vast 
sums of money which have been ex- 
pended for irrigation and in railroads 
for transporting this wheat, taken in 
connection with their cheap labor, the 
time is already here when the American 
farmer must sell his product in the mar- 
kets of the world in competition with the 
wheat produced by the lowest priced la- 
bor of other countries, and that his care 
and concern must in the future be to 
preserve his home market, for he must 
of necessity be driven from the foreign 
one, unless by diminishing the cost of 
his production he can successfully com- 
pete with the unequal conditions I have 
described. 



The Duty on Sugar. 

Speech in the House of Representa- 
tives, Fifty-first Congress, May 20, 1890. 

The House having under consideration 
the bill (H. R. 9, 416) to reduce the reve- 
nue and equalize duties on imports, Mr. 
McKinley said: 

Mr. Chairman: The Committee on 
"Ways and Means, looking to the average 
sentiment of the country, wishing on one 
hand to give the people free and cheap 
sugar, and desiring on the other hand to 
do no harm to this great industry in our 
midst, have recommended an entire abo- 
lition of all duties upon sugar; and then, 
mindful as we have been of our own in- 
dustries, we turn about and give to this 



BRYAN 



of Nebraska pay their share of Federal 
taxation, the Government collects for 
the bounty from all the people of Ne- 
braska about $150,000, "and pays over to 
two corporations $76,000. It is thus seen 
that the State of Nebraska pays out 
twice as much as it receives, and that 
while everybody pays only two factories 
receive. I have yet to learn the duty of 
a Representative if I am under any ob- 
ligation to plead for two sugar factories 
because they receive large sums and 
disregard the rights of more than a 
million people because they pay in small 
amounts. If I demand bounties for beet 
sugar in my State, I cannot oppose 
bounties and subsidies for industries in 
other States, and thus, to secure a spe- 
cial advantage for two factories in Ne- 
braska I must subject the people of that 
State to a burdensome tax upon every- 
thing." 

"IT IS AS EASY TO JUSTIFY A 
BOUNTY AS A PROTECTIVE TAR- 
IFF, AND IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO 
JUSTIFY EITHER." 

No Protection for Sugar. 

"But I do believe, as I say, and I am 
ready to stand by it anywhere, that a 
Protective Tariff levied not to raise rev- 
enue but to protect some particular in- 
dustry is wrong in principle and vicious 
in practice." 

Mr. Perkins: "Are you to be under- 
stood as opposed to a State or national 
protection to be extended to the beet- 
sugar industry?" 

Mr. Bryan: "I am, most assuredly." 

Tin Plate Manufacture. 

Mr. Bryan: I will ask the gentleman 
(Mr. Raines) if tin is manufactured in 
this country? 

Mr. Raines: "Well, I have in my desk 
a list in a trade paper — (derisive laughter 
on the Democratic side). 

A Member: They are all on paper. 

Mr. Raines (continuing): A list of 
twenty-seven manufacturers of tin; but 
I want to say to the gentleman that no 
trade paper was ever printed that could 
contain a list of all the tin plate liars of 



McKINLEY 



industry two cents upon every pound of 
sugar produced in the United States, a 
sum equal to the duties imposed upon 
foreign sugar imported into this coun- 
try. We have thus given the people free 
and cheap sugar, and at the same time 
we have given to our producers, with 
their invested capital, absolute and com- 
plete protection against the cheaper su- 
gar produced by the cheaper labor of 
other countries. 

Shipping. 

While Great Britain lost between 1870 
and 1880 13 per cent, of her trade, the 
United States gained 22 per cent. And if 
the United States would give the same 
encouragement to her merchant marine 
and her steamship lines as is given by 
other nations this commerce on the seas 
under the American flag would increase 
and multiply. When the United States 
will expend from her Treasury from five 
to six millions a year, as do France and 
Great Britain, to maintain their steam- 
ship lines, our ships will plow every sea 
in successful competition with the ships 
of the world. (Loud applause on the 
Republican side.) 

Railroads. 

The increase in value of the railroad 
tonnage of the country in 1887 equaled 
$1,660,000,000, or $960,000,000 in excess of 
the value of the exports for the same 
year. Could all this have been secured 
under your economic system? Would 
they have been possible under any other 
than the Protective system? 

Tin Plate. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, the important 
part of the metal schedule, and that 
which will probably be most harshly as- 
sailed, is that proposed in connection 
with the duty on tin plate. 

The bill proposes to advance the duty 
from 1 cent pe'r pound, the present rate, 
to 1.85 and 2.15 cents per pound, varying 
according to gauge. The existing tariff 
presents the anomaly of placing a higher 
duty upon the sheet iron and steel, 
which constitute the chief element in the 
production of tin plate, than upon the 



BRYAN 



the United States. (Laughter and ap- 
plause on the Republican side.) 

Won't Admit Making Tin Plate. 

Mr. Bryan: Mr. Chairman, I am sure 
if I have indulged in ancient history, 
this House will not pardon me unless I 
have a better excuse than the gentleman 
from New York can furnish for his in- 
dulgence in ancient history. (Applause 
on the Democratic side.) And on this 
point — I expected to come to it later, but 
it is made opportune by the remarks of 
the gentleman — I want to ask him if he 
believes the Tariff upon tin plate had 
anything to do with the cheapening of 
the price of tin plate in this country? 

Mr. Raines: I believe that the Tariff 
upon tin will result in the establishment 
of an industry in the United States— 
(manifestations of derision on the Dem- 
ocratic side.) 

A Member: Answer the question. 

Mr. Raines (continuing): And will re- 
sult in the keeping at home of thirty 
millions of dollars a year that have been 
sent abroad, and will give employment 
to 100,000 men in the industry, and will 
result in cheapening the price to the con- 
sumers in the United States. (Applause 
on the Republican side.) 

Mr. Bryan: Mr. Chairman, the gen- 
tleman from New York may well be par- 
doned, as the rest of his party may be, 
for indulging in prophecy rather than 
history since 1890. (Laughter.) But that 
is not an answer to my question. He 
stated that the price of tin plate had 
been reduced in the last ten years. I ask 
him, and I expect a direct answer and 
no equivocation, whether in his opinion 
the Tariff upon tin plate has reduced 
(not will reduce) the price of tin plate? 
For that can be the only point of his re- 
marks. 

Mr. Raines: I have given my answer. 
When the industry of tin plate is estab- 
lished in the United States — and three 
months ago there was not a gentleman 
on that side who would admit that there 
was or would be a tin plate factory in 
the United States. 

Mr. Bryan: We will not admit it to- 
day, sir. 



McKINLEY 



tin plate itself, which is a manifest 
wrong demanding correction, independ- 
ent of the question of encouraging the 
manufacture of tin plate in the United 
States. 

The duty recommended in the bill is 
jiot alone to correct this inequality, but 
to make the duty on foreign tin plate 
high enough to insure its manufacture 
in this country to the extent of our home 
consumption. The only reason we are 
not doing it now and have not been able 
to do it in the past is inadequate duties. 
We have demonstrated our ability to 
make it here as successfully as in Wales. 
We have already made it here. Two 
factories were engaged in producing tin 
plate in the years 1873, 1874 and 1875, but 
no sooner had they got fairly under way 
than the foreign manufacturer reduced 
his price to a point which made it impos- 
sible for our manufacturers to continue. 

When our people embarked in the bus- 
iness foreign tin plate was selling for $12 
per box, and to crush them out, before 
they were firmly established, the price 
was brought down to $4.50 per box; but 
it did not remain there. When the fires 
were put out in the American mills, and 
the manufacturing thought by the for- 
eigners to be abandoned, the price ad- 
vanced, until in 1879 it was selling for $9 
and $10 a box. 

Our people again tried it, and again the 
prices were depressed, and again our 
people abandoned temporarily the enter- 
prise, and as a gentleman stated before 
the committee, twice they have lost their 
whole investment through the combina- 
tion of the foreign manufacturers in 
striking down the prices, not for the ben- 
efit of the consumer, but to drive our 
manufacturers from the business; and 
this would be followed by an advance 
within six months after our mills were 
shut down. 

We propose this advanced duty to pro- 
tect our manufacturers and consumers 
against the British monopoly, in the be- 
lief that it will defend our capital and 
labor in the production of tin plate until 
they shall establish an industry which 
the English will recognize has come to 
stay, and then competition will insure 



BRYAN 



Mr. Raines (continuing): When it is 
established in the United States the re- 
sult will be just the same as it has been 
in the wire nail industry, for you can 
buy wire nails to-day for less than the 
duty on the nails. 

Doubts the Difference in Cost Here and 
Abroad. 

"The reduction which we have made 
in the Tariff upon manufactured articles 
is a great reduction in existing sched- 
ules. It is not as great a reduction as 
might be made. I believe that we have 
left far more Tariff than can be shown 
to be necessary to provide for any differ- 
ence, if there be any difference, between 
the cost of manufactures here and 
abroad." 

Protection "A Simple Device." 

"Now, what is a Protective Tariff, 

and what does it mean? It is a simple 

device, by which one man is authorized 

to collect money from his fellow men." 

The Honorable Highway Robber. 

"The difference between a Protective 
Tariff and a bounty is simply a differ- 
ence of form. In the one case it is open 
and visible, and in the other it is secret 
and hidden. There is a difference be- 
tween a bounty and a Protective Tariff 
that the Bible describes when it speaks 
of the 'Destruction that wasteth at noon- 
day, and the pestilence that walketh in 
darkness.' It is the difference between 
the man who meets you upon the high- 
way, knocks you down and takes what 
you have, and the man who steals into 
your house in the night while you are 
asleep and robs you of your treasures; 
and if I had to make choice between the 
two I should consider the highway rob- 
ber the more honorable, because he does 
what he does openly and before the 
world." 

Protection a Vicious Principle. 

"What I denounce is a Protective Tar- 
iff, levied Durely and solely for the pur- 
pose of Protection. It is false economy 
and the most vicious political principle 
*hat has ever cursed this country." 

A Tariff Indefensible. 

"A Tariff of 10 per cent, levied pur- 
posely for Protection is, as far as the 
principle is concerned, just as indefen- 
sible as a Tariff of a thousand per cent." 

"Greed" and "Iniquity." 

"But when you have a system con- 
ceived in greed and fashioned in iniquity 
I do not think that the question of jus- 
tice can be brought in when you revise 
it. That is, reform is not to be delayed 
until exact justice can be rendered." 



McKINLEY 



regular and reasonable prices to con- 
sumers. 

We have now four mills which can be 
at once adapted to making tin plate. 
They can produce about 4,000 tons a 
year. It would require ninety mills of 
the dimensions of those now here to 
make the tin plate used in this country, 
and this would require over 23,000 men 
to be employed directly in this industry. 
But the benefits would not stop here. 
The additional labor in mining the coal 
and ores, in producing the pig metal, the 
lead, the tin, the lumber for boxing, and 
the sulphuric acid, would furnish labor 
to 50,000 workmen and bring support to 
200,000 people. The capital required 
would be above $30,000,000. I know no 
more certain and encouraging field for 
labor and capital than is here presented. 
We have not hesitated, therefore, to rec- 
ommend the advanced duty. 

Labor. 

There is no nation in the world, under 
any system, where the same reward is 
given to the labor of men's hands and the 
work of their brains as in the United 
States. We have widened the sphere of 
human endeavor and given to every man 
a fair chance in the race of life and in 
the attainment of the highest possi- 
bilities of human destiny. 



What Protection Has Done. 

We have now enjoyed twenty-nine 
years continuously of Protective Tariff 
laws — the longest uninterrupted period 
in which that policy has prevailed since 
the formation of the Federal Govern- 
ment — and we find ourselves at the end 
of that period in a condition of inde- 
pendence and prosperity the like of 
which has never been witnessed at any 
other period in the history of our coun- 
try, and the like of which has no parallel 
in the recorded history of the world. 

In all that goes to make a nation great 
and strong and independent we have 
made extraordinary strides. In arts, in 
science, in literature, in manufactures, 
in invention, in scientific principles ap- 
plied to manufacture and agriculture, in 
wealth and credit, and national honor 
we are at the very front, abreast with 
the best, and behind none. 

In 1860, after fourteen years of a reve- 



BRYAN 



Favors Raw Material. 
"The reason why I believe in putting 
raw material upon the free list is be- 
cause any tax imposed upon raw mate- 
rial must at last be taken from the 
consumer of the manufactured article. 
You can impose no tax for the benefit of 
the producer of raw material which does 
not find its way through the various 
forms of manufactured product, and at 
last press with accumulated weight upon 
the person who uses the finished prod- 
uct." 

Absolute Free-Trade. 
"When the tax on raw material is not 
fully compensated for in the tax on the 
finished product; in such case the man- 
ufacturer is in a worse condition than 
he would be with absolute Free-Trade." 

For Free-Trade in Machinery. 

"I will say this, that speaking for my- 
self, I shall be glad to put on the free 
•list not only the machinery for manu- 
facturing binding twine, but for manu- 
facturing all things, for I believe that 
it is a legitimate advantage that can be 
given to industries in all parts of the 
country. I was glad when the last Con- 
gress put on the free list the machinery 
used in the manufacture of beet sugar. 
My only criticism was that they did not 
make it broad enough to include not 
only the machinery used in the manu- 
facture of beet sugar, but that used in 
the manufacture "of all other kinds of 
sugar." 

Free Lumber. 

"Rough lumber has been placed upon 
the free list, and only a slight duty re- 
tained on planed and grooved boards. 
We found a rate of 34.12 per cent, and 
left a rate of 23.65." 

Opposes "Infant Industry." 
"We welcome to this country every 
industry that can stand upon its feet; 
but we do not welcome the industries 
that come to ride upon our backs. We 
do not desire to discourage industries; 
we desire to restore to them the 'lost 
art' of self-support. We are not object- 
ing to 'infant industries;' but what we 
do say is that the public Treasury shall 
no longer stand sponsor by the cradle of 
every 'infant industry' born upon Amer- 
ican soil." 

Arguments "Diluted and Often Pol- 
luted." 

"Out in Nebraska we are so far away 
from the beneficiaries of a Tariff that 
the arguments in justification of Protec- 
tion in traveling that long distance be- 
come somewhat diluted and often 
polluted." 



McKINLEY 



nue Tariff, just the kind of a Tariff that 
our political adversaries are advocating 
to-day, the business of the country was 
prostrated, agriculture was deplorably 
depressed, manufacturing was on the 
decline, and the poverty of the Govern- 
ment itself made this nation a byword in 
the financial centers of the world. 

With a debt of over $2,050,000,000 when 
the war terminated, holding on to the 
Protective laws, against Democratic op- 
position, we have reduced that debt ?t 
an average rate of more than $62,000,000 
each year, $174,000 every twenty-four 
hours for the last twenty-five years, and 
what looked to be a burden almost im- 
possible to bear has been removed under 
the Republican fiscal system, until now 
it is $1,020,000,000, and with the payment 
of this vast sum of money the nation has 
not been impoverished. The individual 
citizen has not been burdened nor bank- 
rupted. National and individual pros- 
perity have gone steadily on until our 
wealth is so great as to be almost incom- 
prehensible when put into figures. 

What Free-Trade Will Do. 

Free-Trade, or, as you are pleased to 
call it, "revenue Tariff," means the 
opening up of this market, which is ad- 
mitted to be best in the world, to the 
free entry of the products of the world. 
It means more — it means that the labor 
of this country is to be remitted to its 
earlier condition, and that the condition 
of our people is to be leveled down to the 
condition of rival countries, because un- 
der it every element of cost, every item 
of production, including wages, must be 
brought down to the level of the lowest 
paid labor of the world. No other result 
can follow, and no other result is antici- 
pated or expected by those who intelli- 
gently advocate a revenue Tariff. We 
cannot maintain ourselves against un- 
equal conditions without the Tariff, and 
no man of affairs believes we can. , 

Experience has demonstrated that for 
us and ours and for the present and the 
future the Protective system meets our 
wants, our conditions, promotes the na- 
tional design, and will work out our 
destiny better than any other. 

With me this position is a deep convic- 
tion, not a theory. I believe in it and 
thus warmly advocate it because envel- 
oped in it are my country's highest de- 
velopment and greatest prosperity; out 
of it come the greatest gains to the peo- 
ple, the greatest comforts to the masses, 
the widest encouragement for manly as- 
pirations, with the largest rewards, dig- 
nifying and elevating our citizenship, 
upon which the safety and purity and 
permanency of our political system de- 
pend. (Long continued applause on the 
Republican side, and cries of "Vote!" 
"Vote!") 




VEK HOIIOIHII" 



"We Demand the Free and Unlimited Coinage of Silver and Gold at the present 
Legal Ratio of 16 to 1, Without Waiting for the Aid or Consent of any Other 
Nation." — Democratic Platform. 



The Democratic Platform in the Light of History.— Experi- 
ences of Leading Nations— A Century's Record- 
Conclusions of Eminent Financiers and States- 
men—Stability of Standard the Highest 
Consideration— Bimetallism, Prac- 
tical and Theoretical. 



The word "free" as used here means that the expense of coining the 
silver shall be borne by the government. The director of the mint 
states that it costs $15,000 to coin 1,000,000 silver dollars. The first de- 
mand of the free coinage party is that this $15,000 for every million 
coined shall be paid out of the national treasury, and not paid directly 
of indirectly by the owner of the silver bullion. 

The word "unlimited" means that the holder of silver bullion any- 
where in the world can send it to the mints of the United States and 
demand its coinage into money. The secretary of the treasury on Jan. 
1, 1895, estimated the total stock of coined silver in the world, aside 
from the United States, at $3,444,900,000, and, during the year 1894, the 
total world's production of silver at $216,892,200. The word "unlimited" 
means that this $3,661,792,200 and all mined since, and all to be mined 
hereafter, may demand coinage at the mints of the United States. 

The phrase, "legal ratio of 16 to 1," means that the mint will take 
23.22 grains of pure gold and stamp this weight as one dollar; and 
that 371.25 grains of pure silver will be stamped as one dollar. Hence 
the weight of a silver dollar is sixteen times the weight of a gold dollar 
(15.988 to 1.) This is called a legal ratio because it is established by 
law. 



The legal ratio must not be confounded with the commercial ratio. 
The secretary of the treasury states that for a considerable period the 
commercial ratio of silver to gold was 30.32 to 1. This means that 30.32 
grains of pure silver bullion would exchange for one grain of pure gold 
bullion. Or, to state it differently, 30.32 grains of silver bullion could be 
bought on the market for exactly the same money that would buy one 
grain of gold bullion. 

The free silver demand, when analyzed, cannot be misunderstood. 

Every honest free coinage advocate believes in bimetallism. He 
believes in the actual use of both metals as money, and he believes that 
the free silver demand, if enacted into law, will give practical bimetal- 
lism, that is, the actual use of both gold and silver as money. 

It seems evident, from a fair statement of the" free silver proposition, 
from the history of the three great commercial nations, — the United 
States, France and England, from the present standing examples of free 
silver nations, and from the unanimous testimony of writers on finance, 
that a free silver law would result, not in bimetallism, but in a silver 
monometallism, and that it would reduce the United States to the cheap 
silver standard of Mexico, derange prices, reduce the wages of labor, 
and cause widespread disaster. 

THE GRESHAM LAW. 

The following is this well known few or principle: 

"The tendency of the inferior of two forms or classes of currency in 
circulation together, to circulate more freely than the superior." — Cent- 
tury Dictionary. 

THE UNITED STATES.— In 1792 Congress passed the first law 
which established the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at 
the legal ratio of 15 to 1. 

In 1834 Congress passed another law which continued the free and 
unlimited coinage of both metals, but which fixed the ratio at 16 to 1. 

Between these years the legal ratio of 15 to 1 was separate and 
distinct from the commercial ratio. 

During these forty-two years, $11,852,890 in gold was coined, and in 
1834, Senator Benton said: "Where are these pieces now? Not one of 
them to be seen! All sold and exported! And so regular is this oper- 
ation that the director of the mint, in his latest report to Congress, says 
that the new coined gold frequently remains in the mint until the day 
arrives for a packet to sail to Europe. The 11th section of the act of 
April, 1792, enacted that every fifteen pound weight of pure silven, 
should be equal in value, in all payments, with one pound of pure gold. 
This act was the death warrant of the gold currency. The diminished 
circulation of that coin soon began to be observable. The extinction is 
now complete and must remain so until the laws are altered." — Benton's 
Thirty Years in the United States Senate. When the first law was 
passed, Alexander Hamilton said that the "consequences of a mistake 
in the relative value of the two metals would be the expulsion of th« 
one that was undervalued." 

Thomas Jefferson, in his report upon foreign coins, said that when 
the legal ratio differed from the commercial ratio, one of the metals 
would disappear. 

Albert Gallatin, Alexander Dallas, W. H. Crawford and Samuel D. 
Ingham, four secretaries of the treasury previous to 1834, all pointed 
out the fact that gold was steadily disappearing under the legal ratio 
of 15 to 1. 

During the same period, several reports of committees of both the 
senate and the house stated that gold was undervalued by the law of 
1792, and that the remedy lay in making the legal and the commercial 
ratios one and the same. 

2 



Among these reports may be mentioned those of Mr. Sanford, sen- 
ator from New York, Mr. Lowndes of South Carolina, and Mr. Campbell 
P. White, representative from the City of New York. 

GOLD LEAVING THE UNITED STATES. 

It was a matter of common information among those who studied 
the condition of the money in circulation that nearly all the gold was 
leaving the United States under the legal ratio of 15 to 1; and for that 
reason and for no other the legal ratio was changed to 16 to 1. It is 
a remarkable fact that both the framers of the law of 1792 and the law 
of 1834 aimed to make the legal ratio the same as the ratio in the world 
of trade. There was no thought in the minds of the framers of this 
government of fixing on an arbitrary legal ratio independent of the com- 
mercial ratio. There was no thought on their part that the legal ratio 
would control and fix the commercial ratio. On the contrary, by the 
law of 1834, they emphatically and clearly recognized the absolute su- 
premacy of the commercial ratio. 

The reason is perfectly plain. When the legal ratio was 15 to 1, 
the American holder of gold bullion could take one pound of gold to the 
mint of the United States and get in return for it fifteen pounds of 
silver, while during the same forty-two years, he could send it to Spain, 
Portugal, Mexico and South America and get sixteen pounds of silver. 
Of course, gold went abroad during those years just as the $815,000,000 
of gold now in the United States would leave the country under a free 
coinage law at a legal ratio of 16 to 1 when the commercial ratio is 30 to 1. 

In 1853 Congress passed a third coinage law which again changed 
the ratio between gold and all silver coins below the silver dollar. 

GOLD CAME INTO GENERAL CIRCULATION. 

During the nineteen years from 1834 to 1853, gold had come into 
general circulation and silver had disappeared. 

During those years $41,889,401 of silver had been coined, and nearly 
all of that money had gone out of circulation for the reason that silver 
had been undervalued by the law of 1834. The law of 1853 was passed 
for the express purpose of preventing the exportation of the half dollars, 
quarter dollars, dimes and half dimes. In 1852, the legislature of New 
Jersey petitioned congress to provide silver change for the store and 
market trade of the people; and yet during those nineteen years, from 
1834 to 1853, more than 163,000,000 silver coins of all kinds had left the 
mint. The cheaper money had again driven out the dearer money. For 
that very reason and for no other, congress passed the law of 1853 to 
change the legal ratio back to about 15 to 1. Again the impotency of 
the legal ratio was distinctly and emphatically recognized. 

In view of these two great examples in our own history, supported 
by the acts and utterances of the greatest statesmen, what becomes 
of Bryan's contention. "We contend that free and unlimited coinage 
by the United States alone will raise the bullion value of silver to its 
coinage value and thus make silver bullion worth $1.29 per ounce in 
gold throughout the world." 

The whole history of our government and the combined judgment 
of the greatest statesmen, of Hamilton, Jefferson, Benton, Garfield and 
Blaine are against this fundamental error which is also in the vital 
plank of the Democratic platform. 

France. — From 1803 to 1851, the legal ratio was 15% to 1 and gold 
steadily left the country. The French government had confiscated large 
quantities of silver in the churches, and this newly coined had driven gold 
out of circulation. McLeod, the author of a work on bimetallism, states 
that in 1839, no gold was to be seen in France. During this period of 
forty-eight years the owner of gold bullion in France could take one 



pound of gold to the French mint and exchange it for fifteen and one-half 
pounds of silver; while, at the same time, he could send it to other coun- 
tries and exchange it for sixteen pounds of silver. Of course, it is not 
meant that the actual exchange could be made at the mint, but im- 
mediately after leaving the mint, his pound of coined gold could at once 
be exchanged for only fifteen and one-half pounds of coined silver. 

WHEN SILVER DISAPPEARED. 

Prom 1851 to 1867 silver disappeared. Owing to the immense pro- 
duction of gold in California and Australia, gold became cheaper, and so 
went into France, and silver went out. Again the supremacy of the 
world's market asserted itself. The French government actually had to 
coin the five franc piece in gold to prevent its exportation. The govern- 
ment found that the five franc piece in silver was steadily leaving the 
country. Jevons, the author of a work on money, states that silver rapidly 
disappeared in France from 1849 to 1869. He says that if the legal ratio 
differs from the commercial ratio 2 or 3 per cent, that this is sufficient 
to drive out one of the metals and he cites France from 1849 to 1869 as 
an example. Of course the average citizen would not send the coined 
money abroad for such a small margin of profit, but brokers, at once, 
would see the great profit to be made on large exportations. 

ENGLAND. — In England from 1712 to 1816, there was free and un- 
limited coinage of silver and gold at a fixed legal ratio, and the silver 
steadily left the island. Nothing but worthless clipped silver coin was in 
circulation. The gold guinea was over-rated by the legal ratio, and hence 
gold, the cheaper rated metal, came into circulation for the same reason 
that the clipped silver coins remained in circulation. In 1816, the 
master of the mint testified that during the whole fifty-nine years of 
George III.'s reign, only $164,500 in silver was coined. He also declared 
that the celebrated law of 1816, which placed England on a gold standard, 
had merely legalized what had been the custom of merchants for a 
hundred years. Thus England has been on a gold basis for nearly two 
centuries. 

MEXICO. — In Mexico at the present time there is free and unlim- 
ited coinage of both metals at the legal ratio of 16 to 1, and no gold is 
in general circulation. In 1894, Mexico coined only $554,107 in gold, 
which is at a high premium, and hence out of circulation except as a 
commodity. Over 200,000 Mexican silver dollars had been shipped to 
Chicago before July 31, 1896, and cost only fifty-five cents apiece in 
United States money. Two of these Mexican dollars were given for 
one American dollar by the Armour Co., and yet the Mexican silver 
dollar contains more pure silver than the American silver dollar. The 
legal ratio there is 16% to 1, and the commercial ratio is 30 to 1. The 
country, of course, is on a cheap silver basis. 

RESULTS OF THE EXPERIMENTS. 

In these six great examples, we see that wherever the legal ratio 
has been different from the commercial ratio one of the metals has dis- 
appeared from circulation. Two of these experiments took place in the 
United States, two in France, one in England and one in Mexico. 

These experiments also took place over long periods of time, and 
hence the laws were given a fair trial. 

In every case, the result has been the same, and the reason is 
obvious. No man will exchange one pound of gold for sixteen pounds of 
silver when anywhere on the market he can get for it twenty-five or 
thirty pounds of silver. 

EMINENT FINANCIAL AUTHORITY.— "The worst form of cur- 
rency in circulation regulates the value of the whole and drives all 
other forms out of circulation. This great fundamental law of currency 



which is found to be true in all ages and countries, is just as firmly 
established as the law of gravitation. It is absolutely universal. It is 
not limited in time or space. It is true through however large an area 
it operates." — Henry Dunning McLeod, Author of Bimetallism. 

"If the ratio of gold and silver differs only one or two per cent 
from the commercial ratio, it may become profitable to export the one 
metal rather than the other, and in this way, as we shall see, the main 
part of the currency of France was changed from silver into gold be- 
tween 1849 and 1869." — Jevons, Author of "The Mechanism of Exchange. 

"I confess that I cannot conceive how any man who has largely 
studied the situation can believe, can even hope that the United States 
can go it alone in this matter of silver coinage; can undertake to do so 
without coming to speedy grief and humiliation. I am very well aware 
that many^ gentlemen do honestly so hope and so believe, but the over- 
whelming preponderance of the educated financial opinion of the world 
inclines to the belief that the proposed measure would simply result in 
stripping us of our gold, in upsetting our exchanges with the great 
trading and producing nations of the world, in bringing us down to the 
level of second rate financial powers only, such as China, India and 
South America, and involving our trade and production in all the evils, 
the inexpressible evils of a depreciated and fluctuating currency." — Prof. 
Francis B. Walker, Author of a Work on Money, Before the Committee 
on Coinage, in 1891. Page 2723, Congressional Record of 18-92. 

"In my opinion, no country can coin silver alone, and a country that 
coins only silver will remain alone and will not have the money to pay 
abroad." — Mr. Henri Cernuschi, French Bimetallist, Page 5386 of Con- 
gressional Record of 1892. 

"It is my firm conviction that for this country to enter upon that 
experiment now, under existing conditions would be extremely disas- 
trous, would result not in bimetallism, but in silver monometallism. 
Such an experiment would, in my judgment, prove a greater disappoint- 
ment to its advocates than any one else." — William Windom, Secretary 
of the Treasury in New York, Jan. 29, 1891. 

"To remonetize it now, as though the facts and circumstances of 
that day were surorunding us, is to wilfully and blindly deceive our- 
selves. If our demonetization were the only cause for the decline in 
the value of silver, then remonetization would be the proper and ef- 
fectual cure. But other causes quite beyond our control have been 
far more potentially operative than the simple fact of congress pro- 
hibiting further coinage. * * * It (gold) will flow out from us with 
the certainty and resistless force of the tides. If I were to venture upon 
a dictum of the silver question, I would declare that until Europe 
remonetizes, we cannot afford to coin a dollar as low as 412% grains. 
* * * Assurances from empirics and scientists on finance that re- 
monetization of the former dollar will at once and permanently advance 
its value to par with gold must go for what they are worth in the face 
of opposition and controlling facts." — Blaine in the Senate, Feb. 7, 1878. 
Page 820 of the Congressional Record of 1878. 

CONTRACTION OF THE CIRCULATION. 

The secretary of the treasury reports a total circulation of $2,060,- 
000,000, of which $815,000,000 is gold. The six great examples from 
history, the united judgment of the greatest statesmen and authors on 
finance, and even the plain dictates of common sense prove that this 
$815,000,000 gold would disappear and that this country would at once 
drop to a cheap money standard. This immense contraction of the cir- 
culation would be the smallest evil. This gold, directly and indirectly, 
maintains twelve hundred millions of silver and paper money at par, 
and forms the standard of value in all the exchanges of commerce. 



Hence the expulsion of this gold would result in unparalled disaster to 
millions of people. 

First— The 10,000,000 laborers in the United States would find their 
wages reduced by the general rise of prices of the necessaries of life. 
If it is asserted that wages would also rise, it is sufficient to refer to the 
report of the committee of the United States senate which investigated 
the rise of prices and the rise of wages during the war. This committee 
reported that the purchasing power of wages fell from 100 per cent in 
1860, to 64 per cent in 1865. Wages would necessarily rise much slower 
than prices. 

Second.— 4,500,000 people have over $2,000,000,000 in savings banks. 
Free coinage would destroy one-half of the purchasing power of these 
deposits. 

Third. — Nearly a million men are employed on railways at fixed 
salaries. The railway corporations owe $6,000,000,000, mostly payable 
in gold, and their passenger rates cannot be raised except by law. 
Hence the salaries of the employes cannot be raised, and in effect would 
be reduced by the rise of prices. 

Fourth.— The 1,000,000 old soldiers draw nearly $150,000,000, which 
would be lessened one-half by the rise of prices. 

Fifth. — 200,000 federal government employes would lose one-half of 
their salaries by the rise of prices. 

Sixth. — All state, county, city and township officers would have their 
salaries reduced one-half. 

Seventh. — All ministers, teachers, clerks and secretaries would lose 
one-half of their income. 

Eighth. — 5,000,000 insurance policy holders would lose one-half of 
all insurance paid. 

AOCURATE STANDARDS. 

Money is a standard of value. It is used to measure the value of 
the commodities, and as such a standard it is of the utmost importance 
that it should be exact and uniform. 

The history of units of measure for the last two hundred years has 
shown a constant effort toward accuracy and uniformity. Less than two 
centuries ago there were three kinds of gallon measures in England. 
This caused confusion in trade, and the remedy was found in the adop- 
tion of one well known standard. 

During the same time there were several yard measures in use which 
were used to the advantage of the seller. The immense number of ex- 
changes based on the yard demanded absolute accuracy in its length, 
and so, in 1826, by law, a bronze bar prepared with the greatest skill and 
exactitude was deposited in the government archives. 

In 1226, it was decreed by law in England that thirty grains of 
wheat, well dried and selected from the middle of the head, should make 
the weight of the penny, and from this was derived the pound weight. 
The size of these grains, of course, depended on the kind of wheat, soil, 
season and care. 

Uncertainty was thus transmitted into all the weight exchanges of 
the kingdom. It was not until 1826 that the pound weight was scienti- 
fically determined and legally established. 

Electrical power was measured inaccurately until 1881, when the 
Paris Electrical Congress adopted accurate units of measurement. The 
adoption of the well known, exact and uniform units, — the ohm, volt and 
ampere gave an impetus to the utility and progress of electrical power. 

It is just so with money. The difference in price of half a cent on 
a bushel of wheat makes a difference of millions of dollars in the aggre- 

6 



gate of wheat exchanges. If the standard of money varies in the slight- 
est degree, that variance becomes equivalent to a difference in price. It 
therefore becomes a matter of world wide importance, that money, which 
is the standard for all exchanges of values, shall be as exact, as uni- 
form, and as well known as any other unit of measurement. With the 
United States on a silver basis alone, the value of the American dollar 
would be subject to the fluctuations of the market and thus the standard 
of value would be a varying one. 

VOLUME OF MONEY. 

The fact is that commerce has passed away beyond the era of gold 
and silver and is in the midst of an immense system of bank credits. 

Trade demands an accurate and uniform standard, but it uses a 
far greater volume of checks and drafts based on that standard. Just 
as gold and silver used as money were an improvement on a system of 
barter, so the method of bank credits is an improvement on the actual 
use of the two metals in trade. Paper money 'is also an important sub- 
stitute. Different authorities on finance estimate the amount of money 
actually passed at from 1 to 5 per cent. 

For a writer to consider the amount of money now needed for trade 
without taking into account the modern instruments of exchange woufd 
be like writing a treatise on transportation and mentioning only the 
stage coach. In a given period, the Bank of Scotland had £4,866,511 of 
gold reserve, and in the same period issued bank credits to the amount 
of £92,240,356. McLeod states that 99 per cent of the commercial ex- 
changes of England are effected by the banks without the use of money. 
It would take eighty horses to draw the gold necessary to make the ex- 
changes for one day in the London Clearing House. This vast business 
is done without the actual use of money, and every leading city in 
Europe and America has a clearing house. In the United States alone, 
there are 9,815 banks of all kinds, all of which are every day issuing 
bank credits which operate as money. These great issues of checks 
and drafts constitute the larger part of the actual, practical currency of 
trade. Moreover, this currency is capable of unlimited expansion as bus- 
iness expands and contracts only with business depression. When this 
immense volume of currency is taken into account it is of the utmost im- 
portance that the standard shall be as accurate and uniform as possible. 
A change in the standard, as proposed by the free coinage , law, would 
not only unsettle all minor exchanges, but would also give a shock to 
the whole superstructure of the commercial system. 

HOW MONEY CHANGES HANDS. 

Mr. McCleary of Minnesota cited an instance which shows how a 
small amount of money in circulation is capable of making an unlim- 
ited number of exchanges: "When I was a small boy, I saw something 
that I shall never forget. It was at a circus. The clowns and some 
other employes arranged themselves in a circle. Let us say that there 
were twenty of them in all. No. 1 said to No. 2, T owe you two dollars; 
I'll pay up as soon as I can.' No. 2 made this statement to No. 3, No. 
3 to No. 4, and so on around tiie circle, No. 20 saying it to No. 1. No. 1 
shoved his hands in his pockets, and with a look of pleased surprise, 
pulled out a dollar. Turning to No. 2, he said, T didn't know that I had 
that dollar; here's so much on account.' No. 2 took the dollar, and with 
similar language passed it on to No. 3, and so it went around the ring. 
No. 20 passed it to No. 1, who received it with a smile and started to 
put it into his pocket, but instead he turned to No. 2, and said, T didn't 
expect to be able to pay you the balance so soon, but here it is.' And 
so it went around the ring, finally came back to No, 1, who,, with a satis- 



fied smile, put it into his pocket. This illustrates the profoundest truth 
in finance. What is that truth? It is this: Under proper conditions, 
the working power of each dollar is beyond all human computation."— 
Hon. James T. McCleary, House of Representatives, Feb. 12, 1896. 

It is often claimed that more money is needed in circulation. The 
exploded per capita theory is advanced, and yet no man is wise enough, 
to say how much money is needed for a city. 

VOLUME OF MONEY PER CAPITA. 

As a matter of fact the volume of money per capita has increased 
in advance of the population since 1873. In that year there was $18.04; 
in 1896 there was $21.10 per capita; in 1900 there was $26.58 per capita 
in the United States. This refers to the circulation and not to the total 
stock of money. 

In 1873 there was $751,881,809 in circulation; in 1896 there was 
$1,506,631,026; in 1900 there is $2,060,525,463. This is the report of 
the secretary of the treasury. But the defect of the per capita theory 
is that it takes account of only a small part of the instruments of 
exchange. 

In conclusion: The United States is now on a gold standard, and 
yet in twenty-seven years since 1873, four times as much silver has 
been coined as was coined in eighty years before 1873. 

On Jan. 1, 1895, the secretary of the treasury estimated the stock 
of coined silver in ten of the leading nations of Europe at $1,289,300,000. 
Most of these countries are on a gold basis. This proves that in the 
great gold nations of the world, there is practical bimetallism. 

On the same date in India, China and Mexico, there was $5,000,000 
of gold and $1,755,000,000 of silver. This proves that in the great silver 
nations there is actual monometallism. 

The following, if enacted into a law, would bring silver monometal- 
lism pure and simple: 

"We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold 
at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or con- 
sent of any other nation." — Democratic Platform of 1900. 



"The Man with the Hoe" 

Conditions of American Farmers 
Contrasted under Democratic and 
Republican Administrations. 

VISITED BY GENERAL PROSPERITY. 

Good Demand for Farm Products Followed the 

Opening of the Mills to American Labor — 

A Full Dinner Pai! Causes Good Prices 

— Free Silver a Panic Maker. 



rf: 



It is a matter of history that rural prosperity and Republican 
rule are coincident. 

It is equally a matter of record that agricultural depression, 
mortgage foreclosures and low prices for farm products accompany 
Democratic administration of national affairs. 

The prosperity of the farmer depends upon the prosperity of all 
other industrial elements of our population. When the industrial 
classes are employed at American wages their consumption of farm 
products is on a liberal scale and they are able and willing to pay 
good prices for the necessities and luxuries of life. Under such 
conditions there is a good market for all the farmer has for sale. 

When the reverse is true and workmen are idle or working 
scant, time at cut wages, they are forced to practise pinching econ- 
omy and the farmer necessarily loses part of his market. 



The American farmer is prosperous when well-paid workmen 
are carrying- well-filled dinner pails, a condition which has accom- 
panied Republican supremacy since the birth of the party. 

Idle men, tramps, and soup houses, familiar sights under Demo- 
cratic rule, furnish but poor markets for farm produce. 

Farm Prices Under Cleveland and McKinley. 

If any one is disposed to doubt the accuracy of this grouping 
of agricultural prosperity with Republican rule, and rural poverty 
with Democratic ascendency, let him examine the following show- 
ing of farm prices of wheat. The figures are from the annual report 
of the Secretary of Agriculture and show the farm price of wheat on 
December i of each year averaged into periods of four years, begin- 
ning with the election of Cleveland in 1892: 

Years. Administration. Price of Wheat. 

1892-95 Cleveland 54. 1 cents 

1896-99 McKinley 67 . 5 " 

Note that under McKinley the price has averaged 25 per cent 
higher than under the preceding Democratic administration. 

Wheat, however, is but the smallest part of the story. The year 
1895 also marked the lowest depths of the agricultural depression 
that followed the assault of the Wilson tariff law upon American 
industries. 

A comparison of the total value and the value per unit, on the 
farms, of the crops of that year, with a similar showing for 1899, 
when the beneficent effect of Republican rule and protection and 
fair treatment for American industries was apparent, furnish con- 
vincing proof that Republican policy and rural prosperity go> hand 
in hand. The figures in each case are from the official reports of 
the Department of Agriculture, except in the case of flax, where the 
best commercial estimates are used. 





1895. 


1899. 


Crop. 


Total value. 


Value 
per unit. 


Total value. 


Value 
per unit. 


Corn 


$544,985,534 

237,938,998 

163,655,068 

11,964,826 

29,312.413 

78,984,901 

260,338,096 

393,185,615 

35,574,220 

12,000,000 


25.3 

50.9 

19.9 

44.0 

33.7 

26.6 

7.6 

8.35 

6.9 

75.0 


$629,210,110 

319,545:259 

198,167,975 

12,214,118 

29,594,254 

89,328,832 

332,000,000 

411,926,187 

45,000,000 

24,000,000 


30.3 


Wheat 


58.4 


Oats 


24.9 


Rye 

Barley 

Potatoes 

Cotton 

Hay 

Tobacco 

Flax 


51.0 

40.3 

39.0 

7.0 

7.27 

9.0 

1.25 








$1,767,939,671 




$2,090,986,735 





Result of Opening the Mills. 

Plenty of work and good wages following the "opening of the 
mills to the labor of America" so increased the home market for 
the produce of the farm as to make the ten staple crops above noted 
worth $323,047,064 more to the American farmer than in the last 
year of the Democratic era of free trade disguised as tariff reform, 
and repression of home industries. Not only was the aggregate 
larger, but the value per unit of every product except hay was 
higher, and the volume of production generally greater. 

The Value of Farm Animals. 

After lands and improvements the greatest item of wealth of the 
American farmer is his live stock, and the value of such farm stock 
is a perfect barometer of his financial condition. 

Practically the highest point ever reached was at the close of 
1892, the last year of the Harrison Administration, when the valu- 
ation was $2,483,506,681, the country being prosperous, labor fully 
employed and wages good. 

The lowest point reached in the past twenty years was at the 
close of 1896, when mills were closed, fires drawn, labor idle, capital 
in hiding and business confidence destroyed by four years of Dem- 
ocratic administration. 

IN FOUR YEARS THE SHRINKAGE OF THIS FORM 
OF FARM WEALTH HAD AMOUNTED TO 33 PER CENT, 
MAKING $828,091,000, THE PRICE WHICH THE OWNERS 
OF LIVE STOCK PAID FOR THE DEMOCRATIC EX- 
PERIMENT OF 1892. _ 

In the three years of industrial activity which followed the elec- 
tion of McKinley the value of live stock has kept pace upward with 
the increased earning and spending capacity of American labor, 
and on January 1, 1900, it had advanced to $2,288,375,413, or a 
rise of $632,960,000, or 38 per cent, from the depths of the depres- 
sion. The figures in detail, as shown in the official reports of the 
Department of Agriculture, are as follows: 

Value of Live Stock. 





Jan. 1, 1897. 


Jan. 1, 1900. 


Horses 


Total. 

$452,649,396 

32,302,090 

369,239,993 

507,929,421 

67,020,942 

166,272,770 


Total. 
$603,969,042 


Mules 


111,717,092 




514,812,106 


Cattle 

Sheep 


689,486,260 
122,665,913 


Hog6 


245,725,000 








$1,655,414,612 


$2,288,375,413 



To appreciate what this means to each individual stock owner 
note the change in the average price per head of each class of 
animals. 



Jan. 1, 1897. 



Jan. 1, 1900. 



Increase. 



Horses 
Mules. 
Cows . . 
Cattle. 
Sheep. 
Hogs . . 



$31.51 
41.66 
23.16 

16.65 
1.82 
4.10 



$44.61 

53.56 

31.60 

24.97 

2.93 

4.99 



42 perct. 

29 " 
36 " 
50 " 
61 " 
22 " 



Free Silver and the Farmer. 

In the campaign of 1896 the Democratic party came forward 
with an assault upon our financial integrity that laid a heavy hand 
upon the already sorely stricken farmer. The threat of a depre- 
ciated currency completed the business paralysis', the domestic mar- 
ket for farm crops was given a final blow through the cessation of 
all business enterprise, and prices of all farm products fell to a point 
where production was not only unprofitable but was conducted at 
a loss. 

Never in American history was the situation of the American 
farmer as distressing as when the Republican party met in conven- 
tion in June, 1896. 

Business confidence was gone, labor was idle, capital retired, 
farm values shrunken and the sheriff with his foreclosed mortgage 
sales the only active man in rural communities. 

That Republican convention, planting itself squarely upon the 
side of national honor and business integrity, nominated a man 
whose whole life work was summed up in his trenchant declaration, 
''Open American mills to American workmen." 

That man was William McKinley. With Mr. Bryan's nomina- 
tion the issue was squarely joined and presented to the American 
farmer for settlement, one candidate offering a debased currency, 
a cheap dollar; the other standing for sound money, protection 
to American industries, full employment for labor at American 
wages, and good prices for American farm products. 

The vote of the great farming States of the West elected Mc- 
Kinley, and the statistics already presented prove that rural pros- 
perity followed. 



Prices of Farm Products in 1896 and 1900. 

The best showing of the change in the condition of the Ameri- 
can farmer, between the first nomination of Mr. McKinley and his 
renomination, is a simple statement of the prices ruling for farm 
staples at each date. It is an argument against the abandonment 
of Republican policies which cannot be met. The following table 

4 



shows the current market price of different staple crops on June I 
1896, and June i, 1900: 



Farm Products, 



Grade Quoted. 



June 1, 1896. 



June 1, 
1900. 



Advance 
per cent. 



Corn No. 2 . . 
Wheat No. 3 

Oats 

Rye 

Barley 

Potatoes 

Hay 

Flaxseed 

Butter 

Cheese 

Live Hogs . . 
Live Cattle. . 

Sheep 

Clover seed . 

Cotton 

Wool 

Broom Corn. 

Flops 

Millet seed. . 
Eggs 



No. 2 in store 

No. 3 spring 

No. 2 in store 

No. 2 in store 

Fair to good malting. . . 

Choice Burbank 

No. 1 Timothy 

No. 1 N. W 

Creamery firsts 

Full cream, choice 

Heavy packing 

Butcher steers 

Westerns 

Prime contract 

Middling uplands 

Tub washed 

Self-working,fairto good 

N. Y. State choice 

German 

Firsts, strictly fresh 



Bush. 

Bush. 

Bush. 

Bush. 

Bush. 

Bush. 

Ton 

Bush. 

Lb. 

Lb. 

100 lb 

100 lb, 

100 lb, 

100 lb, 

Lbs. 

Lbs. 

Ton 

Lb. 

100 lb, 

Doz. 



$0.27K 
.57 

.11 H 

.33 

.28 

.28 
9.25 

.82 

.14* 

.06^ 
3.25 
3.55 
3.25 
7.40 

.07^ 

.16^ 

.50 

.07 

.80 

.09^ 



32 



$0.37^ 

.21H 
.53 
.40 
.40 
11.50 
1.80 
.18 
.08^ 
5.12K 
3.32^ 
4.97^ 
7.50 
.99 
.29 
180.00 
.12 
1.20 

.ioy 2 



37 
13 
23 
61 
43 
43 
24 

119 
26 
20 
58 
22 
53 
1 
20 
76 

454 

72 

50 

8 



Note. — The above are Chicago market quotations except in the cases of 
cotton and hops, which are New York quotations. 

Why the Farmer Smiles. 

(By B. W. Snow, of the Orange Judd Farmer.) 

The "man with the hoe" is this year also the man with the 
"dough." This may be slightly slangy, but it is eminently truthful. 

The farmer is enjoying a big, juicy piece of the prosperity pie, 
and if his slice is a trifle larger than seems entirely equitable no 
one will begrudge it to him.. He has well earned it, and besides, 
when he is comfortably fixed he is a generous fellow, ready to share 
his surplus with his brothers in the counting house, the factory, the 
shop and all the by-ways of modern business. 

Last year he tickled the earth with that "hoe/' and nature in 
generous mood responded to his advances. She proved no niggard 
in her favors, but "wantoned as in her prime." Good crops and 
good prices are a combination that has solved all the bitter,' grinding 
problems of hard times. 

Figures are proverbially dry, but sometimes they are more elo- 
quent than silver tongues or gold pens. Just now they tell an 
amazing tale of rubral prosperity. The financial result to the Amer- 



ican farmer of his three principal cereal crops in I 
thus compared: 



and 1899 is 







1899. 






Bushels. 


Farm 
Price. 


Value. 


Corn .' 


2,207,473,000 
565,350,000 
869,140,000 


30.3 
58.4 
24.9 


$668,864,000 


Wheat 


330,164,000 


Oats 


216,416,000 








$1,215,444,000 





1898. 




Bushels. 


Farm 
Price. 


Value. 


Corn 


1,868,120,000 
702,961,000 
798,958,000 


28.7 
58.2 
25.5 


$536,140,000 


Wheat 


409,123,000 


Oats 


203,734,000 






. • 


$1,148,997,000 



For three crops alone he has a neat little extra surplus just now 
of $66,447,000, but this is only part of the tale. 

In fact, it is a continued story with as many chapters as he has 
crops. 

He has about 40,000,000 bushels more potatoes than he raised in 
1898 and his whole crop is bringing him 10 to 15 cents per bushel 
more. 

A few of him way up where the red line on the map separates 
him from British tyranny, raise more flax than was ever dreamed 
of before, 20,000,000 bushels or more, and the soulless seed crushers 
are burdening his life and his bank account by insisting upon sepa- 
rating themselves from a dollar and a quarter in exchange for every 
bushel he raised, while last year he got but 80 cents for a 16,000,000 
bushel crop. 

Down in Illinois and out in Kansas, where broom corn comes 
from, the honest grower swaps his bale of brush for an almost 
equally large bale of greenbacks, a mere matter of $150 a ton for a 
crop that a few years ago he sold for $40, and this, too, for a crop 
the largest for some years. 

So it runs, chapter after chapter; butter, cheese, poultry, small 
grain, all up in price with increasing production. 

Value of Crops in 1896 and 1900. 

To fully appreciate why the farmer smiles, it is necessary to 
recall a little history. 

His prosperity is no little single year affair, based upon bad 

6 



crops at home or abroad. The present is simply the crest of a wave 
that has been rising for four years. 

The cup of depression was passed to the farmer first, and in 1896 
he got down to the dregs at the bottom of his draught. 

The price of his products started upward before the movement 
was apparent in other lines of industry, and if prices of other prod- 
ucts have seemingly outstripped farm products during the last 
twelve months, it is simply a case of a late start trying to catch up. 

If we would know why the farmers' bank account is fat just now 
let us look into his books for 1896 and in 1899. Here are a few 
comparisons, the figures for 1896 being from Government reports: 





1896. 


1899. 




Crop Value. 


Crop Value. 


Corn 


$491,007,000 
310,603,000 
132,485,000 


$668,864,000 


Wheat 


330,164,000 


Oats 


216,416,000 








$934,095,000 


$1,215,444,000 



These are only three eggs. There are others in the same basket. 



Value of Stocks in 1896 and 1900. 



Now for a last chapter with the hair-raising climax. 

Not only has the awful shrinkage in this form of farm wealth 
between 1892 and 1896 been entirely recovered, but the aggregate 
now passes any previous record. To show the previous high water 
mark the low water mark and the present advanced shore line the 
accompanying table presents in detail the aggregate valuation re- 
ported for each class of stock on January 1, 1889, 1896 and 1900: 





1889. 


1896. 


1900. 


Horses 

Mules 


, $982,195,000 
179,445,000 
366,226,000 
597,237,000 
90,640,000 
291,307,000 


$550,532,000 

94,222,000 

394,087,000 

564,304,000 

52,880,000 

204,402,000 


$678,941,000 
109,016,000 


Cows 


600,891,000 


Cattle 


796,457,000 


Sheep 


127,081,000 


Hogs 


245,425,000 








$2,507,050,000 


$1,860,420,000 


$2,558,111,000 



One more little tabular flare of trumpets is needed to fully illus- 
trate the present position of the stock owner 

7 



It shows the average 



price per head at the lowest point of the depression, the present 
price and the percentage of the advance: 



Low Point. 



Jan., 1900. 



Advance. 



Horses, January 1, 1897 
Mules, " ' 1898 

Cows, " 1892 

Cattle, " 1895 

Sheep, " 1896 

Hogs, " 1897 



$33.65 

39.66 

21.40 

14.15 

1.60 

4.13 



$45.60 

48.67 

31.12 

24.83 

2.97 

4.99 



36 per ct. 
23 

50 



21 



Words will not paint the lily, neither will they add to the material 
evidence of rural prosperity presented above. 

The American farmer knows that he was poverty-stricken under 
the last Democratic administration. 

He also knows that, under the Republican administration of 
President McICinley he has been continuously visited by general 
prosperity. 



Bryan's Militarism Cry. 
Sulu Slavery Question, 
Labor and Our Colonies. 

Official Records Show the Facts as to the United States Army, ani 

That Democrats Voted to Increase It. — President's Message 

and Treaties Relating to the Sulu Islands.— 

Labor's Interest In Our Trade 

Expansion. 



THE -MILITARISM" CRY. 

BRYAN'S FRIENDS SUPPORTED THE ADMINISTRATION IN 
ITS WAR POLICY. 



Is Mr. Bryan trying to deceive the public with his cry of militarism and a 
large standing army ? 

He asserts over and over again that the President and the Republican 
Congress increased the army to one hundred thousand men "when no arm 
was raised against the Nation anywhere in the world," and by his talk of the 
"large standing army" and the dangers of militarism under Republican rule, 
evidently seeks to make the people believe that the increase in the army is a 
permanent one and that it has been brought about exclusively by the Repub- 
lican party. 

Here are the facts as shown by the official records. The Act which in- 
creased the arm}' at the beginning of the war with Spain, provided that the 
army should be restored to its former size (27,000) at the termination of that 
war. As a consequence whatever additional force was necessary by reason of 
the threatening conditions in the Philippines after the termination of the war 
with Spain, had to be provided by a subsequent Act. 

Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in front of Manila on May 1st, 
1898; Aguinaldo arrived at Manila on May 19; on May 24 he issued a proclama- 
tion announcing the establishment of a dictatorial government with himself 
as Dictator and decrees for carrying on a military government, and on July 1 
proclaimed himself President. On July 25, Gen. Merritt arrived and took 
command of the American forces which had arrived during that month, and 
on July 28 Admiral Dewey telegraphed the President: "Situation most crit- 
ical at Manila. * * * Merritt's most difficult problem will be how to deal 
with insurgents under Aguinaldo,WHO HAVE BECOME AGGRESSIVE AND 
EVEN THREATENING TOWARD OUR ARMY." On August 13, the 
American troops attacked Manila, but Aguinaldo's forces failed to co-operate 
except to demand, after the action had ended, that tl lurches, the Palace 
of Malcanan, part of the money taken from the Spaniards and the arms of the 
Spanish soldiers be turned over to them, and they be permitted to loot the 
city. These demands were refused, and during the months which followed, ae 
shown by the report of the Philipine Commission, "the feeling between the 
Americans and Insurgents grew worse and worse day by day and all manner of 
abuses were indulged in by the insurgent troops." Meantime the "Filipino 
Congress" was assembled at Malolos, and Aguinaldo removed to that place, 
organzations intended to provoke bitterness toward the Americans, and from 
which local militia could be recruited to aid in the attack upon them, were 
established in Manila and vicinity, and, on September 21, 1898, a decree passed 
the Filipino Congress imposing military service on every male over eighteen 
years of age, while in every carriage factory and blacksmith shop implements 
of war were being manufactured evidently for use in hostilities. 

All of these facts were known to the President, and it is not surprising 
therefore, that he found it necessary, when he sent his message to Congress 



Dn December 5, 1898, to ask a temporary increase in the army, which he did, 
3aying: "There can be no question that at this time and probably for some 
time in the future 100,000 men will be none too many to meet the necessities of 
the situation." As a result of this recommendation, a bill was passed 
in the House on January 3L, 1899, authorizing the enlargement of 
the Army to 100,000 men. This was referred to the Senate Committee which 
included such democratic members as Senators Cockrell of Missouri; Mitchell 
of Wisconsin; Pettus of Alabama, and Pasco of Florida, and, on February 24, 
that Committee unanimously reported a substitute bill authorizing the Presi- 
dent "to maintain the regular army at a strength of not exceeding 65,000 en- 
listed men * * * and raise a force of not more than 35,000 volunteers " * * pro- 
vided that such Increased regular and volunteer force shall continue in service only dur- 
ing the necessity therefor and no later than July 1, 1901." 

On this bill Senator Cockrell, who was a democrat long before Mr. Bryan 
was born, said: "Tola measure has been examined verv carefully and T want 
to say that I endorse it. I ENDORSE IT BECAUSE I' BELIEVE IT RIGHT 
AND JUST AND PROPER AND NECESSARY. WHEN 1901 COMES THE 
ARMY WILL REVERT TO WHAT IS PROVIDED FOR IN THE PEND- 
ING BILL WITHOUT DEBATE OR CONTENTION AND IT WILL RE- 
MAIN AT THAT FIGURE, AND I THINK THAT IS AMPLE AND 
SUFFICIENT." 

On the official vote upon the bill, February 27th, 1899, which increased 
the army to 100,000, the yeas, as shown by the official record of Congress, 
included — 

Allen, of Nebraska, Populist, Mantle, of Montana, Silver, 

Bacon, of Georgia, Democrat, Money, of Mississippi, Democrat, 

Cockrell, of Missouri, Democrat, Morgan, of Alabama. Democrat, 
Faulkner, of Virginia, Democrat, Murphy, of New York, Democrat, 
Gorman, of Maryland, Democrat, Pasco, of Florida, Democrat, 
Harris, of Kansas, Populist, Pettus, of Alabama, Democrat, 

Heitfeld, of Idaho, Populist, Rawlins, of Utah, Democrat, 

Lindsay, of Kentucky, Democrat, Smith, of New Jersey. Democrat, 
McEnery, of Louisiana, Democrat, Teller, of Colorado, Silver, and 
McLaurin, ofS. Corolina, Democrat, Wellington, of Maryland. 
Mallory, of Florida, Democrat, 

Senator Kenney (Democrat), of Delaware, win was absent when the vote 
was taken, subsequently announced in the Senate : "Had I been present I 
should have voted in favor of the bill." Twelve Democrats and Populists 
voted against the bill, while 20 voted for it, thus giving in its support much 
more than a majority of the Senate members of the parties now supoorting 
Mr. Bryan. When the bill went to the House the Democratic and Populist 
support was even stronger, the vote in that body standing 203 yeas to 33 nays, 
the opposition not being sufficiently strong to even command a yea and 
nay vote. 

When it came up for final action in that body, Representative Sulzer of 
New York, one of Mr. Bryan's most ardent supporters, speaking of the Bill 
said : 

" I am in favor of it and shall do all I can to pass it. Fifty-five members 
of the Senate voted for it and onlv thirteen voted against it. * * * We will 
be derelict to our fidelity to the Democrats in the other branch of the Legisla- 
ture if we now impede or defeat this bill. I TRUST THAT EVERY DEMO- 
CRAT WHO SYMPATHIZES WITH THE MEN IN ARMS AT MANILA, 
WITH OUR SOLDIERS AND SAILORS IN THE PHILIPPINES, WILL 
UPHOLD, AT THIS CRITICAL MOMENT, THE HANDS OF THE PRESI- 
DENT AND GIVE HIM THE POWER VESTED IN HIM BY THE TERMS 
OF THIS BILL. I am a partisan, but in times like these I always subordi- 
nate my partisanship to my patriotism. We should all be patriots to-day ; we 
must not forget — we must not forsake our brave, heroic soldiers and sailors who 
are upholding and defending our flag in the Orient. We must stand by them. 
* * * The bill is onlv a temporary measure; it will cease to be operative in 
1901. THE INCREASE IS ONLY TEMPORARY; THERE IS NOTHING 
PERMANENT ABOUT IT; IT SIMPLY MEETS THE PRESENT EMER- 
GENCY. * * * This bill can do no harm. It becomes a nullity and repeals 
itself on the first day of July, 1901. * * * I hope the members of the House 
will realize how important it is to pass this bill. ITS FAILURE NOW 
WOULD BE A CALAMITY— AN AFFRONT TO EVERY MAN IN THE 
PHILIPPINES. * * * I cannot see how a Republican or a Democrat can 

2 



consistently vote against it. It gives the President ALL THE MEN HE 
WANTS TO MEET THE PRESENT EMERGENCY AND AT THE SAME 
TIME IT DOES NOT INCREASE THE STANDING ARMY A SINGLE 
MAN. AFTER JULY 1, 1901, BY VIRTUE OF THIS BILL, THE 
REGULAR ARMY WILL BE JUST THE SAME AS IT WAS BEFORE 
THE WAR WAS DECLARED WITH SPAIN. By that time let us hope the 
country will be at peace with all the world and the insurrection in the Philip- 
pines a thing of the past. This is no time to he captious. This is no time to 
split hairs or PLAY SMALL POLITICS; we should do our duty ; we should 
do what is right and the people will judge us accordingly." 

The above is a plain statement regarding the temporary increase in the 
Army upon which Mr. Bryan builds his entire bogie of "Militarism." Every 
statement given above is from official records, entirely accessible to him, and 
with all of them he must be familiar if he is fit to be a Presidential candidate. 
Can it be possible that he is doing what Representative Sulzer above describes 
as "PLAYING SMALL POLITICS?" 

SULU SLAVERY QUESTION. 

was it authorized, ratified or affirmed by r president 
Mckinley ?— the official record. 



So many misleading assertions have been made about the agreement of 
the United States Government with the Sultan of the Jolo or Sulu archipelago 
and its relation to the existence of slavery in those islands that it is proper 
that the real facts as shown by official records should be told. Then every 
voter can determine for himself whether Mr. Bryan and his followers are jus- 
tified in their frequent assertions that the President has made an agreement 
with the Sultan of Jolo and others, by which slavery heretofore existing in 
that country has been ratified and affirmed. 

The first official statement given to the public on this subject was contained 
in the President's Message sent to Congress on December 5, 1899, on the first 
day of its first meeting after the agreement had been made. In that message 
he said : 

"The authorities of the Sulu Islands have accepted the succession of the 
United States to the rights of Spain, and our flag floats over that territory. On 
the tenth of August, 1899, Brigadier General Bates negotiated an agreement 
with the Sultan and his principal chiefs, which I transmit herewith. * * * 
Article X provides that any slave in the archipelago of Jolo shall have the right 
to purchase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. The 
agreement by General Bates was made subject to confirmation by the President 
and to future modifications by the consent of the parties in interest. I 
HAVE CONFIRMED SAID AGREEMENT, SUBJECT TO THE ACTION 
OF THE CONGRESS, AND WITH THE RESERVATION, WHICH I HAVE 
DIRECTED SHALL BE COMMUNICATED TO THE SULTAN OF JOLO, 
THAT THIS AGREEMENT IS NOT TO BE DEEMED IN ANY WAY TO 
AUTHORIZE OR GIVE THE CONSENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO 
THE EXISTENCE OF SLAVERY IN THE SULU ARCHIPELAGO. I 
communicate these facts to the Congress for its information and action." 

An examination of the agreement which accompanied ihis message 
showed that the only reference to slavery which it contained was Article 7^, 
which paid: 

"Any slave in the archipelago of Jolo shall have the right to purchase 
freedom* by paying to the master the usual market value." 

It will be seen from the above extracts that the President took the very 
first opportunity after the agreement was made to transmit it to Congress, and 
to call especial attention in the most public manner possible to the fact that 
he had made a specific reservation that the agreement "is not to be deemed in 
ani/ troy to authorize or gire the consent of the United States to the existence of slavery 
in the Sulu archipelago." This message was published nearly one year ago and 
could not have escaped the attention of Mr. Bryan. 

A few weeks later, on January 24, 1900, the Senate called for all the papers 
in the case and they were promptly sent. They contained a full report of the 
conferences between General Bates and the Sultan's representatives, and a 
report from General Bates, in which he states that— 



"The institution of slavery exists in a very mild form (in fact, the word 
'retainer' expresses this condition better than 'slavery'), the average price 
being about twenty dollars, gold. I also found that the Moros were jealous of 
any interference with it; but it seemed proper that steps should be at once 
taken looking to the abolition of the institution. It seemed but fair that the 
owners should be remunerated, and I think that Article X of the agreement 
provides a speedy means of doing away with slavery." 

This report of General Bates and the agreement itself reached Washing- 
ton in October, 1899, and when they were laid before the President he directed 
the Secretary of War to at once instruct General Otis to notify the Sultan that 
the agreement MUST NOT BE CONSIDERED AS AUTHORIZING OR GIV- 
ING THE CONSENT ON THE UNITED STATES TO THE EXISTENCE 
OF SLAVERY IN THE ISLANDS. This instruction was transmitted to Gen. 
Otis in a letter from Secretary Root dated October 27, 1899, in which he said: 

"The President instructs me to advise you that the agreement * * * * ig 
confirmed and approved, subject to the action of Congress provided for in that 
clause of the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain which pro- 
vides that, 'The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the 
territory herebv ceded to the United States shall be determined bv Congress,' 
AND WITH THE UNDERSTANDING AND RESERVATION, WHICH 
SHOULD BE DISTINCTLY COMMUNICATED TO THE SULTAN OF JOLO, 
THAT THIS AGREEMENT IS NOT TO BE DEEMED IN ANY WAY TO 
AUTHORIZE OR GIVE THE CONSENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO 
THE EXISTENCE OF SLAVERY IN THE SULU ARCHIPELAGO, A 
THING WHICH IS MADE IMPOSSIBLE BY THE THIRTEENTH AMEND- 
MENT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. At the same 
time when you communicate to the Sultan the above mentioned understand- 
ing, the President desires that you should make inquiry as to the number of 
persons held in slavery in the archipelago, AND WHAT ARRANGEMENT IT 
MAY BE PRACTICABLE TO MAKE FOR THEIR EMANCIPATION. It 
is assumed that the market price referred to in the agreement of August 20, 
1899, is not very high at present, and it may be that a comparatively moderate 
gum, which Congress might be willing to appropriate for that purpose, would 

BUfTlCe tO SECUEE FREEDOM FOR THE WHOLE NUMBER." 

That the President's instructions were complied with is shown by a copy 
of a letter forwarded to General Bates by Major Murray, Military Secretary of 
General Otis, in which, after calling attention to the approval by the President 
of the agreement with the Sultan, he says: 

"This conditional approval, it wilf be seen, is given with the distinct un- 
derstanding that THE EXISTENCE OF SLAVERY OR INVOLUNTARY 
SERVITUDE IN ANY PORTION OF THE PHILIPPINES IS IN NO WISE 
AUTHORIZED, as under the thirteenth amendment of the United States 
Constitution the authorization or recognition of the continued slavery status by 
the Executive of the Government is impossible. You will carefully note the 
instructions in the communication which directs that when the Sultan is in- 
formed of the President's conditional approval of the agreement, that inquiry 
be made as to the extent which slavery is practiced in the archipelago, the 
number of people held as slaves, and' WHAT PRACTICAL COURSE OF 
ACTION LOOKING TO THEIR EMANCIPATION CAN BE ADOPTED. * * * 
It is understood, too, that the character of domestic slavery existing in the 
archipelago differs greatly from the former slavery institutions of the United 
States in this, that the Moro slave, so called, becomes a member of the owner's 
family, enjoying certain privileges, and that he often voluntarily sells himself 
to better his condition and to secure some slight temporary individual benefit. 
Hence it is desired that you report upon the character of this Moro slavery, in 
order that the institution as existing may be fully appreciated." 

It will be seen by the above extracts from official documents that the 
agreement complained of by Mr. Bryan makes no reference to slavery except 
to provide a method by which slaves may purchase their freedom, but in or- 
der to make it perfectly clear that the agreement did not authorize or give 
consent to the existence of slavery, a specific announcement to that effect was 
sent to the Sultan with the statement that such authorization or consent " IS 
MADE IMPOSSIBLE BY THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT TO THE 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES." 
Section 1 of that amendment is as follows: 

"Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for 
crime whereof the partv shall have" been duly convicted, shall exist within 
the United States OR ANY PLACE SUBJECT TO THEIR JURISDICTION." 



The closing words of this section are especially interesting, not only be- 
cause of their mandatory prohibition of slavery, but because the framers of 
this amendment seemed to have clearly recognized that the Constitution doea 
not of its own power follow the flag, and therefore took the precaution to ex- 
plicitly add to the declaration that slavery should not exist in the United 
States, the words "OR ANY PLACE SUBJECT TO THEIR JURISDICTION." 

It is apparent from the above extracts from official documents that the 
President in making the agreement with the Sultan not only took pains to 
explicitly disclaim authorization of, or 'consent to, slavery, but took especial 
care to call the matter to the attention of Congress when transmitting the 
agreement to that body for its consideration under the article of the treaty 
with Spain which declares that "the civil rights and political status of the 
native inhabitants of the terr'torv hereby ceded to the United States SHALL 
BE DETERMINED BY CONGRESS." 

It was not in the power of the President to do more than he did, for 
the treaty with Spain gives to CONGRESS explicitly the power of determining 
the civil rights of persons of the territory ceded by Spain, but it was in his 
power to complete a temporary agreement with the Sultan by which hie 
friendship and co-operation would be assured and at the same time initiate 
steps by which Congress could provide for the speedy emancipation of the 
slaves themselves. And this he did. 

Mr. Bryan in his letter from Kalamazoo, Mich., dated October 10th, after 
his attention had been called to the letter of the Secretary of War to General 
Otis, written by direction of the President, says: "You can but know, how- 
ever, that since the President sent those instructions the Republican Party, 
with the approval of the Administration, has adopted the theory that the 
Constitution does not follow the flag, and, therefore, the 13th amendment doee 
not interfere with slavery in the Sulu archipelago." 

It is manifest that Mr. Bryan is not familiar with the language of the 13th 
amendment of the Constitution, or he would not have made that statement. 
The whole amendment is as follows: 

"Article XIII, Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex- 
cept as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
victed, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their 
jurisdiction. 

"Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro- 
priate legislation." 

The President seems clearly to have done his duty when he called the 
matter to the attention of Congress, for Section 2 of Article XIII provides 
that "Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legis- 
lation." 

These are the plain facts of the case. The whole subject was clearly stated 
by the President in the most public manner possible in his message" nearly 
one year ago. The entire correspondence was laid before the Senate and 
ordered printed by that body on February 1st, 1900, and a copy of the docu- 
ment was sent to Mr. Bryan so soon as he began his misleading assertions on 
this subject. He could not, therefore, say that his assertions were made 
without a full knowledge, or at least full opportunity to obtain the facts. 

The conclusion is, therefore, irresistible that Mr. Bryan's assertions were 
made with the deliberate attempt to deceive the people. 

LABOR AND EXPANSION. 

HOW WAGE-EARNERS ARE INTERESTED IN OUR NEW 
COLONIAL POSSESSIONS. 



Nathaniel McKay, who went to Europe in the years 18S8, 1892 and 1896, 
and took photographs of the working people of Great Britain, and made a 
comparison of tli^ir wages with those of the wage-earners of the United 
States, which statistics had much effect on the Harrison election in 1888, the 
National Committee and the Press of the United States publishing millions ol 
his photographs, now furnishes a tabulated _ statement of all the Colonies oi 
Great Britain, France, Germany and Russia, with their population and area 
in square mile3, and compares them, eiving the percentage, with the United 
States, showing the fallacy of the Bryan Imperialism. Mr. McKay also compares 
the armies of the various nations, and their percentage, with that of the 

5 



United States. These tables with an accompanying letter showing the fallacy 
of the cry of "Imperialism," have been addressed to Hon. Chas. H. Grosvenor, 
Athens, Ohio. 

"I most respectfully submit to you a compilation of statistics of the fol- 
lowing European countries: Great Britain, Germany, Eussia and France, 
giving their population, area in square miles, number of inhabitants to the 
square mile, the Colonies of each nation and their standing armies. These 
various tables will be found to be very interesting to the voters of the United 
States, and the Bryanites will find them especially entertaining. 

"The United States holds a very insignificant place among these countries 
in some respects. We have, in the last two years, acquired by conquest and 
treaty five islands, three in the Pacific Ocean and two in the West Indies. 
The Philippine Islauds are said to hive a population of 9,000,000 and 114,300 
square miles of territory; the Samoan Islands contain 36,240 population and 
an area of 1,076 square miles, and Hawaii 100,000 population with an area of 
6,587 square miles; a total colonial population of 11,412,237. These five sepa- 
rate colonies represent the acquisitions of the United States in 114 years. If 
you will look over the tables you will see what the other nations have acquired 
in the same length of time. The population of the United States alone is 
70,000,000; add to that the colonies acquired by conquest and treaty, 11,412,237, 
will give 81,412,237. The total area of the United States, including these col- 
onies is 3,753,387 square miles, showing 21.68 persons to the square mile. The 
States alone without these possessions have an average of 19.54 to the square 
mile. 

"I will first give you a table of the Standing Armies of the various nations 
and the percentage they bear to the army of the United States: Yon will see 
that Great Britain has 86 per cent, as against 14 per cent, of the United States; 
Germany has 90 per cent, to 10 per cent, for the United States; Russia has 96 
per cent, to 4 per cent, for the United States; France has 95 per cent, to 5 per 
cent, for the United States. Great Britain has an arrnv of 718,821 soldiers on 
a war footing; Germany 1,005,837; Russia 2,535.896; Frauce 2,000,000; and 
the United States 100,000, of whom 65,000 are regulars and 35,000 volunteers. 
Now, we have a population of 81 millions of people and our army is really 
insignificant when you compare it with the other nations of the world, and 
vet the Democratic party is trying to enlighten the people — the voters of the 
United States, by telling them that our army shou'd be reduced, and that our 
flag should be hauled down instead of raised in any foreign country. 

"I want to sa} r here that there is no American citizen outside the Demo- 
cratic party who will ever haul down the American flag when it has once been 
raised. There is Germany wit«h a million of soldiers and a population of 
19 millions. Great Britain has a population of 38,000,000 in Europe alone; in 
India she has 278 millions; in Africa nine and a-ha!f millions; in America 
and the West Indies over seven and a-half millions, and in Australia four 
millions— a total of 336,843,703. There are 64 separate colonies and over 40 
jistinct Governments, including the Transvaal and the Orange Free State 
recently acquired by conquest. They have an army of 718,821; and, as I said 
before, a population in Great Britain, without the colonies, of 38 millions. 
We have a population of 81 millions and an army of 65,000; and vet the 
Bryanites are crying from the Atlantic to the Pacific that we are "imperialists," 
a,nd creating a large army ! Why; if we do not keep an army to protect our- 
selves these nations will walk over us, and we will wake up some day and find 
ourselves very much injured by some of these foreign nations. We must 
keep pace with these nations and create a demand for our manufactures; we 
must find foreign markets for our products, and the acquisition of these 
colonies has been of the greatest benefit to our commerce, our farmers and 
manufacturers; it has added millions to our wealth, and if we do not continue 
:o acquire foreign markets for our products, our mechanics will be as badly 
:ff as they are in Europe. England supplies her 64 separate colonies with 
psvery article that they require, and they are all controlled in Downing Street, 
London, at the Colonial Office. 

"There are thousands of ships constantly in service laden with merchan- 
dise and the goods manufactured by the 38 millions to supply the foreign 
colonies. If the trade were prohibited between the British Islands and these 
colonies Great Britain would be bankrupt in a few years. Great Britain main- 
tains her great navy to protect her commerce, and if American produce were 
stopped from Great Britain for three months they would have a famine and 
the poor people would be in a state of starvation. The arrival of a ship laden 

6 



with food is anticipated, just as our marketing is anticipated, from Maryland 
aud Virginia to-day; if a cattle ship is lost on the ocean the slaughter houses 
at Berkenhead, Liverpool and Wigan are practically shut down, and the 
British Empire will be in a state of starvation until the arrival of the nextship. 
I have visited alt these places myself, and know what I am writing about. 

"Now, we must furnish these 11 millions of people with our products, not- 
withstanding the insinuations of the Democratic party that we have a great 
standing army to maintain peace among the uncivilized tribes. Just think for 
an instant how many hundreds of thousands of people are constantly employed 
in the United States to mmufacture the goods for these 11 millions of people 
and to supply them with food? The only thing we have to do now is to build 
up our commerce on the ocean aud protect our shipping; give employment 
to our farmers and food to the sailors and passengers which is now given to the 
English transports— millions yearly and daily. The English, French and 
German ships get all the produce they possibly can at their own homes to feed 
our passengers that cross the Atlantic, and if we have American ships running 
under the American flag, commanded by American officers, we will supply all 
these ourselves. The ramifications and vast operations that would come from 
these great supplies cannot be estimated by any man or nation; what an in- 
crease of wealth it would bring to us ! These foreign countries foster the 
industry on the ocean more than they do the industry on the land, and the 
manufacturers of the world are watching with a cat-like eye our Capitol, and 
praying within their hearts for a change so that thej can supply the goods 
which we manufacture by our own mechanics. I warn every voter in the 
United States that if Bryan ever gets control of this Government their wages 
will be reduced over one-half, as they were in 1891 and '92, and over one-half 
of the working geople will be idle. 

"Germany is one of the most industrious nations on the Continent of 
Europe; they are always at work trying to make trade for their manufactures. 
They enact laws to foster their industries and shipping as much as Great 
Britain, if not more. They have 90 per cent, more soldiers than we have. I 
wish the people of the United States would just examine these tables for 
themselves and go to the libraries and verify them. 

"The Republic of France has a population of 69,000,000 of people. They 
have twenty-one colonies in various portions of the globe, which you will see 
b} 7 the table. They buy very little in America and some from Great Britain 
and other nations. They purchase 'at home.' 

"What can the Democratic party say when they examine these tables, and 
compare the 69,000,000 people of France and 2,000,000 of soldiers with our 81,- 
000,000 and 65,000 soldiers? How does 'Imperialism' stand in the face of what 
I have enumerated ? 

"The Russian Empire has a population of 108,000,000 of people— 14 to the 
square mile, its area being 8.450,681 square miles. The estimated total popula- 
tion of Russia is 124,000,000.' They have an armv of 2,535,896. Compare this 
with our 65,000 ! 

"I have only made these tables to show what a farce is the attack that the 
Democratic party is making on our army and the present administration. 
They are not making this attack on the administration because the Govern- 
ment has not been properly administered in the last four years, but it is for 
the purpose of getting possession of the Government for public offices; not for 
anything they have ever done themselves or would ever do in the future if 
they got control of the Government. 

"In 1894 the Democrats voted on the tariff bill after one hour's debate 
under gag-rule, and passed free sugar, free coal, free bituminous coal, free 
shale, free coke, free iron ore, free barb wire., 162 Democrats voted for the 
measure, and every Democrat in the house will vote for a similar bill if they 
have the opportunity to deprive our own mechanics of a living. 

"When the Democrats were in power they reduced the tariff on clothing 
from 20 to 71 per cent. ; they are now asking for a chance to bankrupt the Gov- 
ernment and destroy it, and it behooves every man, woman and child in the 
United States to stand their guard aud protect their own industries; the inter- 
est of every man, woman aud child is at stake to-day just as much as that of 
the manufacturer. When the Democrats were in power they murdered every 
industry and paralyzed the prosperity of this Republic. " The Democratic 
party has drained the cup of confidence, leaving the dregs of bitterness to 
soothe the idle millions. The Democratic party has closed its ears to the wails 
of a nation's agony. This is their record when they were in power. The 

7 



Democratic party would arrest the vital currents of commercial life and ruin 
every promising enterprise. 

"It is a matter of history in Great Britain, and the London Christian says: 
'One out of every two laboring men over 60 years comes under the poor law. 
One person in every twelve needs relief to keep them from starvation. Ir 
London two out of every nine dine in the work-house or other public institu- 
tions; in Manchester one out of every five. What a commentary this woulc 
be for our working people.' 

"I say to the voters of the United States, watch with all your care tht 
Democratic party, and protect your own family. It is your right to elect whom 
you please, and you should elect those who will benefit your interests and nol 
the interests of the infamous party who seeks to destroy the wealth and pros- 
perity of this nation at this time. I, 

STANDING ARMIES. 

Peace Footing. War Footing. 

Great Britain 718,821 

Germany 584.754 1,005,837 

Russia 800,000 2.535,890 

France 524,509 2,000,000 

United States, Regulars 65.000) 

United States, Volunteers 35,000/ 100,000 

A comparison of the Army of the United States with that of other nations 

The U. S. has 14 per cent, compared with Great Britain. 
The U. S. has 10 per cent, compared with Germany. 
The U. S. has 4 per cent, compared with Russia. 
The U. S. has 5 per cent, compared with France. 

Great Britain has 86 per cent, more than the United States. 
Germany has 90 per cent, more than the United States. 
Russia has 96 per cent, more than the United States. 
France has 95 per cent, more than the United States. 

FREE SILVER IN SOUTH AMERICA. 

There are seventeen Spanish Nations in South America, with a populatioi 
of 39,534,758. 

POPULATION. 

Argentine Rep. — Buenos Ayre=? 4,200,000 

Bolivia 2,300,000 

Brazil— Rio de Janeiro 4,000,000 

Chili 2,527,628 

Columbia : , 5,000,000 

Costa Rica 196,280 

Ecuador 1,004,651 

Guatemala 1,357,000 

Haiti 1,000,000 

Honduras 329,134 

Nicaragua 2H2,372 

Paraguay 360,000 

Peru 2,972,000 

Santo Domimro 250,000 

Salvador 664,513 

Uruguay— Mote Video 787.053 

Venezuela — Caracas 2,323,527 

Total 39,534,758 

These countries are all in a sate of bankruptcy on account of having ; 
silver standard. The exchange for American gold drafts ranges in thes 
countries from 2305 to 400 per cent. 



The Republican party broke the shackles of 4,000,000 slaves and made them free.— William 
McKinley. 



THE NEW NULLIFICATION 

Forty Electoral Votes Will Be 

Given to Bryan From a 

Disfranchised Glass 



The Progress Toward Suppression of Suffrage — White Republicans the 

Latest Victims — Democratic Hypocrisy About Consent 

of the Governed — What Might Have Been 

Said at Indianapolis. 

With the recent action of North Carolina four Southern States now have 
constitutional provisions in effect disfranchising the negroes. 

The other Southern States have election laws and methods which accom- 
plish the same general purpose — suppression of the negro vote. 

There are now forty Representatives in Congress and forty votes in the 
electoral college which stand for a disfranchised class having no voice in the 
choice of them except in so far as colored men are allowed to exercise the 
right of suffrage north of the Ohio and in Texas. 

In # i8qo an attempt was made to strengthen the Federal election laws 
to meet the movement to suppress negro suffrage. It was known as the 
Lodge bill. It passed the House and failed in the Senate. 

national election laws wiped out. 

In 1894, the Democratic Congress wiped the national election laws from 
the statute books. A minority report made by Republican Senators, recog- 
nizing the repeal as inevitable, contained this significant paragraph: 

"It is not likely that this particular measure (reference being to the Lodge 
election law) will ever be revived. The control of national legislation in this 
country will be for some time beyond the reach of the Republican party, and 
we believe that it is the desire of a majority of the people thai the experiment 
should be fully tried whether existing laws and an improving sentiment will 
not cure the evils complained of; so that it is not probable that any legislation 
having the same object will be proposed again for many years to come, or 
that it will ever be proposed unless experience shall satisfy the people of the 
country, without political or sectional division, and with substantial unanimity, 
that the existing instrumentalities for securing fair elections have failed." 

Six years ago the republicans appealed from Congress to the American 
sense of fairness to meet the suppression of the negro vote. Enforcement 
by legislation of +^« « a fi'ntial power of the Fifteenth Amendment was tem- 



porarily abandoned. The country has waited to see what public sentiment 
would do. 

DEMOCRATIC DISFRANCHISEMENT. 

The new nullification has been the answer to this Republican policy. One 
Southern State after another has boldly completed and made permanent dis- 
franchisement of negroes by constitutional provisions. The others have in- 
vented election laws for the same object. 

Successive steps have become more radical instead of milder. The North 
Carolina amendment is far more sweeping than that of Misssissippi, with 
which the movement started. The Goebel law of Kentucky goes far beyond 
the statutes by which negroes were discriminated against earlier and applies 
to white men. That is the latest development of the new nullification. 

Starting in to remove the alleged danger of black domination these 
Southern States, in complete control of the Democrats, have found it an easy 
and a natural step to frame laws which would enable them to eliminate the 
white Republican vote or considerable portions of it. 

Mississippi's method. 

The Mississippi amendment requires that every voter shall be able to 
give a reasonable interpretation of any clause in the State constitution which 
may be read to him. This makes the election officers the sole judges of the 
voter's qualification under the amendment and they accept the white man's 
interpretation while they reject the negro's. South Carolina suppresses the 
negro vote similarly. 

It was left for Louisiana to go a long step farther. There the nullifiers 
make intelligence, the ability to read and write, the test, and provide that the 
requirement shall only apply to negroes. They especially exempt the white 
people. They do not say "white," but the constitution reads that it shall not 
apply to those eligible to vote in 1867 and to their descendants. It might as 
well read : 

"Males above twenty-one who cannot read and write and are black shall 
not vote; whites who cannot read and write may vote." 

North Carolina, by the adoption of its constitutional amendment a few 
days ago, repeats the Louisiana provision and even goes a little farther. 
the goebel law and its provisions. 

Of the Goebel law and its provisions and purpose to centralize election 
machinery under the complete and exclusive control of the State Democratic 
government, the country' has heard so much that rehearsal would not be 
profitable. In Missouri this Democratic tendency has shown itself in the 
Nesbit law, applying the principle of Republican disfranchisement to the two 
principal cities of that State. 

Of this disfranchising movement in Tennessee so much has not been 
heard, yet the progress made there is alarming. It takes the form of whole- 
sale suppression and perversion of the white vote of East Tennessee. This 
movement obtained impetus a few years ago when the State government 
threw out the votes which had elected the Republican ticket and gave the 
certificates to Democrats. 

boldness of democratic methods. 

A letter recently received at Republican national headquarters shows the 
boldness and extent of the white disfranchisement. The writer says : 

"Tennessee, following the suit of other Southern States, enacted elec* 



tion laws intended primarily to get rid of the negro. They have served their 
purpose in this respect, and now the Democratic machine in this State is 
applying these laws to the white people of East Tennessee with an impudence 
and boldness that temporarily staggers our people. The laws are being grad- 
ually extended until the whole scheme will soon cover the entire State. 

"The governor, 300 miles away from us, appoints three county commis- 
sioners, one of whom is nominally a Republican. To be plain all such Re- 
publicans ought to be in . These three appoint all of the election officers 

in the precinct and make final returns. The power to name the county elec- 
tion officers rested with the sheriff for 100 years. The sheriff was a servant 
of the people elected by the people. The election officers are now either all 
Democrats or two-thirds Democrats with so-called Republicans chosen by 
Democrats who control them absolutely. They are Republicans who will 
turn their backs while the Democrats do their work. This county is 3,000 
Republican. Enough ballots at the recent county election were stuffed into 
the boxes to make the Democratic ticket run 1.500 ahead of Bryan's vote in 
1896. Enough Republican votes were taken out to make the Republican poll 
fall 1,000 short of the McKinley vote. This is fraud on its face. In Novem- 
ber the election will be held with the same Democratic election officers who 
made such results. If we could find enough Federal law left on the statute 
books to arrest these criminals we would carry this county and perhaps 
enough other counties to carry Tennessee." 

ARKANSAS A LEADER IN DISFRANCHISEMENT. 

Arkansas, perhaps, leads the others in the extent to which the Demo- 
crats have gone in the disfranchisement of Republicans. This year will 
furnish a striking object-lesson in the possibilities of the suppression of suf- 
frage in the South. 

There is widespread revolt in Arkansas among Democrats against their 
nominee for Governor. Thousands are inclined to vote against him. 

So well fixed is the machine, however, that although the Democrats 
would furnish the votes to elect the Republican nominee if there could be a 
fair election, disfranchisement will thwart the will of the better Democrats. 
A letter from Little Rock calling attention to conditions there says : 

"On the 3rd day of September our State election will come off. The 
Republicans of Arkansas are better organized and are doing better work in 
the State for their candidate for governor, H. L. Remmell, than has ever 
been done before in Arkansas. There is a large element of Democrats all 
over the State, especially in the cities and towns, who will not support the 
Democratic nominee, but are outspoken in favor of Mr. Remmell. If a fair 
election could be had we have no doubt that Mr. Remmell would carry the 
State by 15,000 majority, but our election laws make it impossible to have a 
fair, election. The Goebel law is a modified copy of the Arkansas election 
law! some of the most drastic provisions of our law being left out of the 
Goebel law for fear the people of Kentucky would rebel against it. The white 
counties of this State where really the Democratic majorities have been here- 
tofore, will give Mr. Remmell, the Republican candidate, good majorities in 
many instances. The black belt which should give him from 20.000 to 25,000 
majority on a fair election will probably be returned as giving those ma- 
jorities to the Democratic candidate." 

In his columns of protest against government of the Filipinos without 
their consent, Mr. Bryan at Indianapolis asked: 

"Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the people of the 
United States and the twilight of citizenship to be endured by the people of 
Porto Rico while the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage covers the 
Philippines?" 

HOW BRYAN WILL GET VOTES. 

Not a hint of reference did the long speech of acceptance contain to the 
fact that the States which will give their electoral votes to Bryan without 






contest will do so through the disfranchisement of nearly 5,000,000 of people, 
disfranchisement after the right had once been conferred by most solemn 
constitutional provisions. 

^ Allen Ripley Foote, editor of Public Policy, has written to the Republican 
national committee suggesting certain inserts in Mr. Bryan's pledge to make 
its sentiments and logic apply to conditions in the South. He would have 
the pledge contain also the words in parentheses : 

"If elected I shall convene Congress in extraordinary session as soon as 
I am inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the nation's 
purpose: First, to establish a (Republican form of) government (in our 
Southern States), just as we are now establishing a stable form of govern- 
ment in the' island of Cuba ; second, to give (the right of suffrage to the 
negroes), just as we have promised to give (the right of suffrage) to the 
Cubans; third, to protect the (negroes) from (the white man's domination) 
while they work cut their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of 
Central and South America, and are, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to 
protect Cuba." 

MORAL OBLIGATION OF THE NATION. 

And it is further suggested that Mr. Bryan's definition of the moral obli- 
gation of this nation might also read, to paraphrase what he says of the 
Filipinos : 

"After the (negroes) had aided us in the war (for the preservation of 
the Union and in the war) against Spain, we could not honorably turn them 
•over to their former masters ; we could not leave them to be the victims of 
the ambitious designs of (unscrupulous employers) ; and since we do not 
desire to hold them as subjects we propose the only alternative, namely, to 
give them (the right of suffrage) and guard them against molestation (when 
exercising that right)." 

It is surprising how gr atly Mr. Bryan's speech of acceptance can be 
improved by keeping in mind and including its application to the disfran- 
chised people of the South. The Anti-imperialistic Congress at Indianapolis 
last week embraced in its resolutions the negroes and their right to suffrage. 
Most of the Bryan papers, as the files show, blue penciled the action of the 
Indianapolis body in reference to disfranchisement in the South. Here is one 
more extract from Mr. Bryan's speech as it might have been made effective 
by the insertion of the words in parentheses : 

"When (those who are opposed to negro suffrage) are unable to defend 
their position by argument they fall back on the assertion that (to be de- 
prived of the right of suffrage) is (their) destiny, and insist that we must 
submit to it, no matter how much it violates moral precepts and our # prin- 
ciples of government. This is a complacent philosophy. It obliterates the 
distinction between right and wrong and makes individuals and nations help- 
less victims of circumstances." 



Democratic Platforms 



Overruling the Supreme Court— False Premises About the Phil- 
ippines—Reaffirmed Declarations of 1896 — Reiterated 
Hostility to National Banks— Government by In- 
junction Again Denounced — " Immediate" 
Free Coinage of Silver Demanded* 



The Democratic platform adopted at Kansas City says : 

"We declare again that all governments instituted among men derive 
their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that any government 
not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny." 

Within thirty days from the adoption of this declaration the Dem- 
ocrats of North Carolina carried by force a Constitutional amendment 
having for its avowed purpose the disfranchisement of the mass of 
colored voters of that State, applying the same principle previously 
made effective in nearly every other Southern State. 

" We hold that the Constitution follows the flag and denounce the 
doctrine that an executive or Congress deriving their existence and powers 
from the Constitution can exercise lawful authority beyond it, in violation 
of it." 

The President and Congress, by a majority vote of both branches 
and sustained by the ablest lawyers of the land, hold that the Constitu- 
tion follows the flag only when the legislative branch of the government 
extends the instrument over the new territory. That is in accord with 
historical precedents in the treatment of new territory by the United 
States. 

A parallel to this declaration at Kansas City is found in the action 
of the Democratic National Convention of 1896 which, in its platform, 
"overruled" the Supreme Court as, on this latter date, it assumed to 
reverse the action of Congress. Regarding the income-tax decision, the 
convention of four years ago held it was "the annulment by the Supreme 
Court of a law passed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of 
the uniform decisions of that court for nearly one hundred years, that 
court having sustained constitutional objections which have been over- 
ruled by the ablest judges that ever sat on that bench." 

THE PORTO RICAN LAW. 

" We denounce the Porto Rico law. It imposes upon the people a 
government without their consent and taxation without representation." 

The Porto Rico law was the subject of longer and graver consider- 
ation than any other matter of legislation before Congress at the late 
session. It conferred upon the Porto Eicans a larger measure of home 



rule at an earlier period than was ever given to any previous addition 
of American territory, unless possibly Texas. It treated the Porto 
Kican people with more liberality than was shown to the residents of 
the Louisiana Purchase, of New Mexico, of California, of Alaska, of 
Hawaii or of any of the other annexed portions. As for the tax, the 
form of burden for the support of their own government easiest for the 
Porto Ricans to bear was chosen, and the duration of it was limited to 
a little more than a year with the option given to the Porto Ricans of 
substituting another form at any time. The manner in which the Porto 
Ricans have accepted the new order of things best answers the Demo- 
cratic declaration that this is "the first act of its imperialistic pro- 
gramme." 

THE FREEDOn OF CUBA. 

"We demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge to the 
Cuban people." 

Within twenty months from the date of occupation the island from 
end to end is under the rule of native municipal officials chosen through 
popular suffrage. The police power is exercised entirely by native or- 
ganizations. The troops have been reduced from 35,000 to 5,000, and 
some of the 5,000 are under orders to return to the United States. A 
few American officials remain at the heads of civil and military bureaus 
with Cuban assistants and subordinates. The order has been issued for 
an election of members of a convention to draft a constitution for Cuba. 
The time of the election has been set. There is only satisfaction 
expressed by Cubans at the manner in which the United States is 
keeping its pledge. 

THE PHILIPPINE POLICY. 

«« We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy. It has involved 
the republic in unnecessary war." 

Historical evidence is conclusive to all fair-minded citizens that 
hostilities were begun by a general attack upon the American troops 
holding Manila, against the purpose of Aguinaldo, avowed in writing, to 
loot that great city. 

44 We favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to give 
to the Filipinos: first, a stable form of government. " 

That declaration was made by proclamation before hostilities began, 
and was coupled with the pledge of the largest possible measure of 
home rule. 

" Second, independence." 

Such a declaration could only be made by Congress. There has 
been no time when such action would have been indorsed by a majority 
of the people of the United States, and there are no indications that the 
majority will favor it. 

44 Third, protection from outside interference, such as has been given 
for nearly a century to the republics of Central America and South America.' * 

It is for the American people to say whether this Government shall 
undertake the extension of the Monroe doctrine to Asia in behalf of an 
independent country there, with all that such application of the doctrine 
may imply in the way of force. 



"MILITARISM,' 

" We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and intimidation 
and oppression at home." 

The United States has just passed through a foreign war and is 
closing up an insurrection in a part of the Philippines, while maintain- 
ing peace and good order until Cuba can establish her own government, 
and at the same time participating with other civilized nations in the 
rescue of American officials and American missionaries from massacre 
in China. The fulfullment of the duty of the government in China, in 
the Philippines, in Cuba, and the maintenance of the military establish- 
ment on a peace footing at home are being accomplished with an army 
of less than 100,000 men. There is no proposition or thought to go 
beyond this limit. An army of 100,000 men in proportion to the popu- 
lation and growth is smaller than the army of 25,000 was for more than 
a generation after it was established. There is no militarism in this 
country, nor any tendency in that direction. There cannot be. The 
Constitution says: "Congress shall have power to raise and support 
armies, but no appropriation for that use shall be for a longer term than 
two years.''' 

"The National Guard of the United States should ever be cherished." 

For the hypocrisy of this let the treatment by Kepublican States 
and Legislatures of the militia be compared with that of Democratic 
States. 

"We pledge the Democratic party to an unceasing warfare in nation, 
state and city against private monopoly in every form." 

The only trust regulations enacted by Congress have been when 
the Republicans were in power. As to States, here again the records of 
Republican and Democratic Legislatures may be compared profitably. 

"We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust=breeding measure." 

The tariff legislation by Democrats which preceded the present 
administration was dictated by corporations to such an extent that it 
was officially denounced by the Democratic President and was a scandal 
to honest Democrats. 

" We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National Democratic 
platform adopted at Chicago in 1896. 

These principles were enunciated as follows: 

1. " Maintenance of the rights of the States." 

2. " The first coinage law passed by Congress under the Constitution made 
the silver dollar the monetary unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at a 
ratio based upon tte silver dollar unit." 

3. " We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism." 

4. "We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at 
the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any 
other nation." 

5. "We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be full legal tender, 
equally with gold, for all debts, public and private." 

6. " We are opposed to surrendering to the holders of obligations of the 
United States, the option reserved by law to the Government of redeeming 
such obligations in either silver coin or gold coin." 

7. "We demand that the power to issue money be taken from the 
National banks." 



8. " We denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to re- 
store the McKinley law." 

9. u Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation 
for further changes in our tariff laws." 

10. ft The most efficient way to protect American labor is to prevent the 
importation of foreign pauper labor." 

11. " We denounce the profligate waste of money wrung from the people 
by oppressive taxation." 

12. "We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all of the Constitu- 
tional power to the end that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expenses 
of the Government." 

13. " We especially object to government by injunction, as a new and 
highly dangerous form of oppression. 

m 14. " We approve of the refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the 
Pacific Railroad Funding bill, and we denounce the effort of the present Repub- 
lican Congress to enact a similar measure." 

15. " Sympathy to the people of Cuba." 

16. "Enlistment and service should be deemed conclusive evidence against 
disease or disability before enlistment." 

17. "Opposed to life tennre in the public service." 

18. "No man should be eligible to a third term of the Presidential office." 

19. " Consolidation of our leading railroad systems and formation of trusts 
and pools require a stricter control by the Federal government of those arteries 
of commerce." 

20. " Admission of the Territories." 

21. "Improve the Mississippi river and other great waterways." 

Some of the "principles" of 1896 were reaffirmed and indorsed 
without specific mention. Others were reiterated in the former language 
or amplified. The convention at Kansas City declared for — 

44 The immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver 
and gold at the present legal ratio of r6 to 1 without waiting for the consent 
of any other nation/ ' 

The form adopted in 1896 was " without the aid or consent of any 
other nation." 

"We are opposed to this private corporation paper circulated as money. ,, 

In this form the Kansas City convention repeated its hostility to 
national banks, demanding " the retirement of the national bank notes 
as fast as this government's paper (greenbacks) or silver certificates can 
be substituted for them." 

" We are opposed to government by injunction." 

This was repeated from the Chicago platform, although the question 
has been passed upon by the United States Supreme Court. 

"We earnestly protest against the Republican departure which has 
involved us in so=called world politics, including the diplomacy of Europe 
and the intrigue and land-grabbing in Asia." 

This is supposed to be aimed at the policy of an open door for 
trade in China, and against the policy of the Republican party to main- 
tain the integrity of the Chinese Empire as against encroachments of 
European Powers. 

C tr apes W ^ ncoyHcn^ 



A tariff which protects American labor and 
industry and provides ample revenues has been 
written in public law. We have lower interest 
and higher wages ; more money and fewer mort- 
gages. The world's markets have been opened 
to American products, which go now where 
they have never gone before.— William McKinley. 



EFFECT OF PROTECTIVE AND 
FREE TRADE TARIFFS 
UPON MANUFACTURERS 
AND WAGE -EARNERS. 

The census of 1890 showed the number of employes in the manufacturing 
industries of the United States in that year to be 4,712,622, against 2,732,595 in 
1880, an increase of 1,980,000, or nearly 75 per cent., and the wages in 1890 were 
$2,283,216,529, against $947,953,795, an increase of $1,335,000,000, or 141 per cent. 
It is particularly interesting to note that the per cent, of increase in wages 
paid in 1890 was nearly double the per cent, of increase in number of persons 
employed, thus showing an average increase in the individual earnings of 
employes during the decade, as well as a great increase in the number em- 
ployed, while the value of the products manufactured was in 1890 $9,437,283, 
against $5,369,579,199 in 1880— an increase of $3,957,858,084, or nearly 75 per cent. 
The population during the same period increased 25 per cent., while manu- 
factures increased 75 per cent., thus indicating that the manufacturers 
were in 1890 supplying a much larger proportion of the consumption of the 
people of the Unitetd States than in 1880. During the same time importations 
of articles manufactured ready for consumption increased only $24,000,000, or 
17.5 per cent., while population was increasing 25 per cent., thus indicating 
that during the decade for which we have accurate figures of both domestic 
manufactures and imports the manufacturers of the United States rapidly 
increased the proportion which they were supplying of the home consump- 
tion of manufactured goods. 

INCREASED IMPORTS OF MANUFACTURERS' MATERIALS. 

Manufacturers' materials imported in 1890 amounted to $178,435,512, or 23 
per cent, of the total importations, while in the fiscal year 1900 the importa- 
tions of this same class amount to $310,000,000 and form 35.8 per cent, of the 
total importations. It is thus apparent that our manufacturers are to-day 
drawing from abroad fully twice as much material for use in manufacturing 
as they did a decade ago, since the actual value is nearly double that of 
1890. It is a well-known fact that prices of manufacturers' materials are 
now much less than those of a decade ago and that a given number of 
dollars now represents a larger quantity than at that time. It is especially 
gratifying to note that this class of material, that required by manu- 
facturers, now forms nearly 36 per cent, of the total imports, against 23 per 
cent, in 1890. 

INCREASED EXPORTS OF MANUFACTURES. 

In the fiscal year 1890 exports of domestic manufactures amounted to 
but $151,000,000, and in the fiscal year 1900 to $425,000,000— an increase of nearly 
200 per cent. 

DECREASED IMPORTS OF MANUFACTURES. 

Meantime, importation of manufactures has been greatly reduced, 
having been, in 1890, $346,678,654, and forming 44.8 per cent, of the total im- 
ports, while in 1899 it was but $259,862,721 and formed but 37.9 per cent, of the 
total imports. 

Thus, in the study of imports of manufacturers' materials and the im- 
ports and exports of manufactured goods all the available data show a phe- 
nomenal increase in our manufacturing industries during the decade 1890-1900, 



There was an increase of nearly 100 per cent, in imports of manufacturers' 
materials; second, an increase of 180 per cent, in the exports of manu- 
factured goods, and third, a decrease of 25 per cent, in the imports of manu- 
factured goods. 

EFFECT OF WILSON TARIFF ON MANUFACTURERS AND THEIR 

EMPLOYES. 

Despite the claim of the supporters of the Wilson law, that their measure 
would especially benefit manufacturers by giving them free raw material, 
the importations of raw materials in the years ending June 30, 1895, 1896, 1897, 
all of which were under the low tariff, averaged less than those of the fiscal 
year 1893, all of which was under the McKinley protective tariff and most 
of it under President Harrison. The years ending June 30, 1899 and 1900, 
under the Dingley law, show a larger importation than that of any year 
under the Wilson low tariff, the importation of raw material in the year 
1900 being 50 per cent, greater than the annual average importation of raw 
material under the Wilson law, and the share which raw material formed 
of the total imports was, in the year 1900, 36 per cent., against an average 
of 26 per cent, during the entire period that the Wilson law was in operation. 

The exports of manufactures in the three fiscal years, during which the 
Wilson law was in operation averaged $230,000,000 per annum, while for the 
year 1900, as already indicated, they were $425,000,000. 

ANOTHER SIGN OF PROSPERITY. 

Exports of manufactures exceeded the imports of manufactures in the 
fiscal year 1898, both of which were under the Dingley tariff law, while in 
preceding years imports of manufactures had always exceeded exports of 
that class of merchandise, the reversed condition being due to the steady 
reduction of imports and the steady increase of exports of manufactured 
goods 

GROWTH IN MANUFACTURING AS INDICATED BY COAL CON- 
SUMPTION. 

The coal production of the United Kingdom in thirty years, during 
which that country has been under a low tariff, only increased 115,000,000 
tons to 226,000,000 tons, or a little less than 100 per cent., while Germany, 
which adopted a protective tariff about the middle of the period under con- 
sideration, has increased her coal output from 36,000,000 tons to 144,000,000 tons 
—a growth of 300 per cent. France, also a protection country, increased her 
output from 14,697,686 tons in 1868 to 35,748,644 tons in 1898, an increase of 150 
per cent., while the United States, which has been constantly under a pro- 
tective tariff law during that period (with the exception of three years), in- 
creased her output from 31,648,960 tons in 1868 to 258,539,650 tons in 1899— an 
increase of over 700 per cent. It must be remembered, in addition to this, 
that the United States has consumed in her factories, on her railways, and 
among her people practically all of this enormous increase, our exports of 
coal averaging less than 3 per cent, of our total production, while Great 
Britain has been for years a large exporter of coal. 

EFFECT OF THE DEMOCRATIC LOW TARIFF ON THE COAL 

INDUSTRY. 

The production of coal in 1894, the year in which the low tariff was 
enacted, fell to 170,000,000 tons as against 182,000,000 in the preceding year, 
and the value of the product fell from $208,000,000 in 1893 to $186,000,000 in 1894, 
a loss in a single year of $22,000,000 in this one article in which labor forms 
so important a part of its value. 

In 1891, under protection and the activity of the great industries of the 
country, the average number of days in which the men in the coal mines of 
the United States were employed was 223. In 1893, the year in which a low- 
tariff President and Congress came into power, the number of days in which 
the miners were employed dropped to 201, and in 1894 dropped again to 178; 



while in 1897, the last year of the Wilson tariff, the number was but 179, a 
reduction of 20 per cent, in the time in which they were employed as com- 
pared with 1S91. The figures for 1898 show a marked increase in the number 
of days employed and an increase of 38,000 men as compared with 1893; while 
it is apparent that the -figures for 1899 will, when completed, show a much 
larger increase, since the product in 1899 was 39,000,000 tons greater than in 

1898, and 88,000,000 greater than in 1894, an increase of nearly 50 per cent, in 
production and 39 per cent, in value of the product. 

IRON AND STEEL MANUFACTURE UNDER PROTECTION. 

Pig-iron production in the United States has increased from 3,835,191 tons 
in 1880 to 13,620,703 tons in 1899, which year placed the United States at the 
head of the iron and steel producing nations of the world. The pig-iron 
production of 1892 was 9,157,000 tons. In 1893, the year of the inauguration of 
Democracy and low tariff, it fell to 7,124,000 tons; in 1894 to 6,657,000 tons, and 
in 1896 was but 8,623,000 tons. The year 1897, in which protection was again 
adopted, showed an increase to 9,652,680 tons, and in 1899 an increase to 
13,620,703 tons. Thus the fall from the last year of President Harrison to 1894, 
the year in which the low tariff was enacted, was 2,499,622 tons, or 27 per 
cent., while the increase of 1899 over 1896, the last full year under a low 
tariff, was 4,997,576 tons, or 57 per cent. 

The average annual price of steel rails during the period of protection 
from 1880 to 1893 fell from $67.50, in 1880, to $28.12, in 1893. In 1894, the year in 
which the low tariff was adopted, there was a fall of $4 per ton, but the 
price returned to $28 in 1896 — dropping to $18.75 in 1897, the year in which the 
protective tariff was again adopted, $17.62 in 1898, and returned in 1899 to 
$28.12, the figure at which it stood in 1893 and 1896. 

COMPARISON WITH FREE-TRADE ENGLAND. 

Great Britain, whose fame as a producer of iron and steel is world-wide, 
has only increased her output from 5,963,515 tons in 1870 to 9,305,319 tons in 

1899, an increase of 56 per cent. France under a protective tariff, has in- 
creased her output during the same time from 1,178,114 tons to 2,567,388 tons, 
an increase of 117 per cent., and Russia, also a protection country, has in- 
creased her output from 359,531 tons in 1870 to 2,222,469 in 1898, an increase of 
520 per cent. Germany, under vigorous protection, has increased her output 
of pig iron from 1,391,124 tons in 1870 to 8,142,017 tons in 1899, an increase of 
485 per cent., while the United States, with a thoroughly protective tariff, 
increased her output from 1,665,179 tons in 1870 to 13,620,703 tons, in 1899, a gain 
of 11,956,000 tons, or 718 per cent. 

TIN PLATE— HOME MANUFACTURES INCREASED, IMPORTS DE- 
CREASED, AND PRICES REDUCED BY PROTECTION. 
American importation of tin plate, before the establishment of the pro- 
tective duty, ranged in the vicinity of 650,000,000 pounds, the amount of 
money sent annually abroad for this article being over $20,000,000. The Mc- 
Kinley law, which went into effect October 1, 1890, placed a thoroughly pro- 
tective duty on tin plate, of which there were no manufactures in this coun- 
try at that time. By 1892 the production amounted to over 13,000,000 pounds, 
by 1894 to 139,000,000 pounds, by 1896 to 307,000,000 pounds by 1898 to 681,000,000 
pounds, and in 1899 to 791,000,000, or more than was ever imported in a single 
year except that of 1891, in which there was ah excessive importation in 
order to evade the duties established by the McKinley Act. Meantime im- 
portations have fallen until they amounted to but 108,000,000 pounds in 1899, 
and the amount of money sent abroad for this article was but $2,613,000, 
against $21,222,653 in 1899. 

RECENT INCREASE IN PRICE OF TIN PLATE MUCH LESS THAN IN 
THAT OF THE RAW MATERIAL USED. 

The price of tin plate in 1893, the second year of production under the 
protective tariff, was $5.04 per box; it fell steadily year by year until it 



reached $3.52 per box in 1896, a reduction of 30 per cent. In 1899 the average 
price was $4.51 per box, and on April 20, 1900, $4.84 per box. This increase 
from $3.52 per box in 1896 to $4.85 in 1900 led to a charge that the increase was 
an arbitrary one caused by a combination of the tin-plate manufacturers of 
the country. Straits tin increased from 13.3 cents per pound in New York 
in 1896 to 31 cents in 1900, the period in which the advance in tin plate 
occurred, while the price of steel billets increased from $15.08 per ton in 1897 
to $37 on April 20, 1900, thus showing an increase of more than 125 per cent, on 
the articles entering into the manufacture of tin plate, while the advance in 
the price of the finished article was but 38 per cent. 

THE COTTON INDUSTRY. 

The number of bales of cotton taken by Northern mills increased from 
1,759,000 in 1883 to 2,217,000 in 1889, and by Southern mills from 313,000 in 1883 
to 1,415,000 in 1899, making a total increase from 2,072,000 to 3,632,000. Mean- 
time the exportations of manufactures of cotton increased from $13,721,605 in 
1883 to $23,566,914 in 1899, and imports fell from $38,036,044 in 1883 to $32,054,434 in 
1899. An important fact as to the effect of the low tariff upon the manu- 
facturing industries is shown by a study of the consumption of cotton by 
the mills of the United States year by year during that part of the period 
under consideration. In 1892, the last year under President Harrison, the 
number of bales taken by the mills of the United States was 2,856,000. In 
1893 the number dropped to 2,375,000 and in 1894 to 2,291,000. In 1896 the number 
was 2,505,000, and in 1898, the first full year under the Dingley protective 
tariff, it increased to 3,465,000, and in 1899 was 3,632,000, an increase of 60 per 
cent, in 1899 as compared with 1894. The larger consumption of cotton by 
mills in the United States of course means a larger employment of labor. 



LABOR AND CAPITAL 

Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of 

Labor, Shows How Labor Fares 

Under Large Industrial 

Corporations. 



True to its record for mendacity the Democratic party has 
raised a hullabaloo on the question of "trusts," and large in- 
dustrial combinations are characterized as "labor crushers" and 
"grinding monopolies." 

But as is usual with the calamity shrieks of the Democratic 
party an analysis of the real condition disproves these false as- 
sertions and shows conclusively that so far as injury to the worker 
is concerned, the "trusts," the "labor crushers," and the "grind- 
ing monopolies" are a bugaboo. 

An investigation recently made by the Department of I^abor, 
the result of which is given in Bulletin No. 29, of July, 1900, 
demonstrates that not only have the number of employees largely 
increased and wages advanced, but that the increase in wages 
paid by combinations for both skilled and unskilled labor was 
much greater than the increase in private companies; the unskill- 
ed laborers receiving an average gain of 19.39 per cent in the 
combinations as against 16.97 P er cent m the private companies; 
while skilled labor received an average increase of 13.71 per cent 



from the "trusts," while only receiving an increase of 7.25 pe:, 
cent in wages from the private companies. 

The following table presents a summary of the reports of 
13 industrial combinations, ten of them formed in 1898 or 1899, 
showing the number and per cent of skilled and unskilled 
employees under each classified rate of wages before and after the 
formation of the ' 'trusts ' ' : 



Skilled Laborers. 



Rate of wages paid 
per week. 



Under $5 

$5 or under $6 . . . 
$6 or under $7 . . . 
$7 or under $&... 
$8 or under $9 . . 
$9 or under $ ro. . 
$10 or under $15. 
$15 or under $20. 
$20 or under $25 . 
$25 or under $30 
$30 or under $35 
$35 or under 540. 
$40 or under $45 . 
$45 or under $50 . 
$50 or over 



Total 



Under 


uniting 


Under com- 


comp 


anies. 


bination. 


Num- 


Per 


Num- 


Per 


ber. 


cent. 


ber. 


cent. 


».477 


4 39 


1,429 


3-55 


2,342 


6.96 


2,252 


5 


60 


2,35i 


6.99 


2,Ii8 


5 


27 


1,256 


3-74 


1,285 


3 


20 


924 


2-75 


751 


1 


»7 


1,565 


4-65 


1,514 


3 


7 b 


14,122 


41.98 


14,344 


35 


67 


4,839 


14.39 


8,108 


20 


16 


1,606 


4.78 


2,807 


6 


08 


1,245 


3 7o 


1,077 


2 


68 


933 


2.77 


1,562 


3 


88 


92 


.27 


i,332 


3 


3i 


694 


2.06 


281 




70 


63 


.19 


970 


2 


4i 


128 


■3« 


3*7 




96 


33,637 


100.00 


40,217 


100 


00 



Unskilled Laborers. 



Under uniting 
companies. 



Num- 
ber. 



4,902 

2,720 

5,332 

12,638 

7,717 

7.3 10 
2,971 

77 
2 



43,669 



Per 
cent. 



II.23 

6.23 

12.21 

28.94 

17.67 

16.74 

6.80 

.18 

(a) 



Under com- 
bination. 



Num- 
ber. 



6,959 
2,394 
5,195 
5,389 
13,477 
11,258 

9»37i 
171 



54>2i4 



Per 

cent. 



12.84 

4.42 

9.58 

9-94 

24.86 

20.77 

17.28 

.31 



These figures show a consistent decrease in the number of 
laborers of the different grades up to $15.00 per week, while 
from $15.00 to $20.00, and from $20.00 to $25.00, the number is 
practically double when employed by combinations of capital as 
compared with the number employed at a like rate by the same 
companies operating independently. The number receiving from 
$25.00 to $30.00 per week decreased slightly, while those paid 



from $30.00 to $35.00 and from $35.00 to $40.00, show for the 
first a substantial, and for the latter an extraordinary increase. 

For unskilled laborers the number receiving less than $5.00 
per week has considerably increased, explained, says the Bulletin, 
by the fact that ' ' the same combination is now putting out its 
products in a form which requires a great many low-paid employ- 
ees for packing, wrapping, and labeling. This tends to reduce 
the average wages of unskilled laborers." 

Next are the figures showing the actual money paid for four- 
teen combinations. These tell the same story: 



AVERAGE ANNUAL WAGES OF SKIU,ED AND UNSKILLED EM- 
PLOYEES OF VARIOUS CLASSES BEFORE AND AFTER THE FOR- 
MATION OF THE COMBINATIONS AND THE PER CENT OF 
INCREASE OR DECREASE, FOR 1 4 COMBINATIONS. 



Marginal 
Number. 



I 
2 

3 
4 
5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
10 
11 
12 

13 

14 



Skilled Laborers. 


Under 




Per cent 


uniting 


combi- 


of increase 


com- 


nation. 


or 


panies. 




decrease. 


$609 


$653 


+ 7.22 


66l 


627 


- 5.14 


{a) 


(a) 
U) 


(a) 

U) 


(a) 


623 


7i3 


+ 14-45 


881 


876 


- -57 


703 


766 


+ 8.96 


586 


601 


+ 2.56 


54o 


547 


+ 1.30 


<H39 


£524 


+ 19.36 


£.355 


£409 


+ 15.21 


656 


821 


+ 25-15 


£i59 


£162 


+ 1.89 


647 


837 


+ 29.37 



Unskilled Laborers. 



Under 


Under 


uniting 


combina- 


companies. 


tion. 


$428 


$433 


435 


413 


(a) 

(a) 


(a) 
(a) 


35o 


402 


471 


496 


497 


534 


38r 


405 


214 


217 


6180 


£233 


£170 


£183 


149 


275 


£203 


£203 


404 


517 



Per cent, of 

increase 
or decrease 



+ 1. 17 
- 506 

(a) 

(a) 
+ 14.86- 
+ 5-3* 
+ 7-44 
+ 6.30 
+ 1.40 
+ 29.44 
+ 7.65 
+ 84.56 



27.97 



(a) Not reported, b Average wages for 6 months. 



This table shows, for skilled laborers, an increase in wages by 
10 combinations and a decrease by 2, and for unskilled laborers 
an increase by 11 and a decrease by but 1. 



THE FOLLOWING TABLE SHOWS THE NUMBER OF SKILLED AND 
UNSKILLED EMPLOYEES IN 3 PRIVATE COMPANIES PAID EACH 
CLASSIFIED RATE OF WAGES PER WEEK, 1 897 AND 1 899. 



Rate of wages paid per week. 



Under $5 

$5 or under $6 . . 
$6 or under $7 . . 
$7 or under $8 . . 
$$ or under $9 . . 
$9 or under $10 . 
$10 or under $15 
$15 or under $20 
$20 or under $25 
$25 or under $30 
$30 or under $35 
$35 or under $40 
$40 or under $45 
$45 or under $50 
$50 or over 



Total. 



Skilled Laborers. 



1897 



1,950 
5,097 
2,638 

635 

298 

227 

56 

36 

3 2 

38 



11,007 



1899 



3,056 



106 

695 

832 

368 

382 

84 

66 

53 

57 



15,699 



Unskilled Laborers. 



1897 



275 

116 

771 

1,981 

3»172 

3,641 

515 

128 



IO,599 



1899 



375 
78 

493 

798 
3,829 
i,35o 
7,442 

265 



14,630 



While an examination of this table shows the same tendency 
to increased wages and employment, the increase is not nearly so 
marked as in the cases of the combinations. 

These figures, gathered by Mr. Carroll D. Wright, the 
efficient Commissioner of Labor, who has been at the head of that 
Bureau through five successive National Administrations, and 
whose reports are everywhere conceded the highest credence, 
show beyond cavil that the "trust" monster which the Demo- 
cratic party has conjured up is, so far at least as the wage-earner 
is concerned, neither more nor less than a political scarecrow. 




I congratulate my countrymen upon the strong national sentiment which finds 
expression in every part of our common country.— William McKinley. 



"PARAMOUNT ISSUES" 



DEMOCRATS INVENT A NEW ONE EVERY FOUR YEARS 
TO SAVE THE ENDANGERED REPUBLIC- 
PARALLEL OF 1864 AND 1890. 



The "Paramount Issue" is not a new thing with the Democratic party. 
It is of quadrennial production. The cry of impending danger to the 
foundations of the Republic has been raised regularly every four years. 
Each time the assumed cause has been something different from the pre- 
ceding. Each time the alarm has been proved by the course of events 
to be false. 

As early as 1864, 7 with the successful conclusion of the Civil War not 
nine months away, the Democracy in national convention declared the war 
a failure. 

They hereby declare, the platform read, that they consider that 
the administration of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by 
the Constitution is calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and 
the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed. 

"After four years of failure to restore the Union," this platform of 
August, 1864, said, ■ 'by the experiment of war, during which under the 
pretense of a military necessity or war-power higher than the Constitu- 
tion, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public 
liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity 
of the country impaired, justice, humanity, liberty and the public welfare 
demand that immediate "efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities." 

THIS YEAR'S » PARAMOUNT ISSUE." 

Strikingly like this sentiment and this language reads the Kansas City 
platform defining the ' 'paramount issue" of 1900. 

"The burning issue of imperialism growing out of the Spanish war in- 
volves the very existence of the Republic and the destruction of our free 
institutions. We regard it as the paramount issue of the campaign, " the 
platform of Kansas City says. 



' 'We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present ad- 
ministration," it further declares. "It has involved the Republic in unneces- 
sary war, sacrificed the lives of many of our noblest sons and placed the 
United States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as 
the champion of freedom, in the false and un-American position of crushing 
with military force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and 
self-government." 

The war against Secession in 1864 was "false and un-American." 
The war to sustain United States authority among the Filipinos in 
1900 is one of "criminal aggression." 

DEMOCRACY'S FAVORITE EXPRESSION. 

"Paramount issue" is a favorite expression with the Democratic party. 
Four years ago the party in convention at Chicago recognized that the 
money question was " paramount to all others." 

In 1896 the thing that was " un-American " was the gold standard. 

"It is not only un-American but anti-American, " the Democratic 
platform declared, " and it can be fastened upon the United States only by 
the stifling of that spirit of love and liberty which proclaimed our political 
independence in 1776 and won it in the war of the Revolution." 

In 1868 the Democratic party threw another paramount issue fit. Its 
platform, " recognizing the questions of slavery and secession as having been 
settled for all time to come," nevertheless arraigned the Republican party 
' ' for its disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression and tyranny 
which have marked its career. " 

' ' Under its repeated assaults " the Democratic' platform of 1868 pro- 
ceeded, ' ' the pillars of the Government are rocking on their base and 
should it succeed in November next and inaugurate its President, we will 
meet as a subjected and conquered people, amid the ruins of liberty and 
the scattered fragments of the Constitution." 

MORE « PARAMOUNT ISSUES." 

The Republican party did elect its President then and subsequently and 
the Democratic party survived to discover more ' 'paramount issues. " 

In 1872 ' ' impartial suffrage " was declared to be one of the ' 'vital prin- 
ciples" of the Democratic party. 

The most space in the platform, however, was given to the necessity 
of civil service reform. The spoils system was the gr^eat menace to the 
Government. This plank is worthy of reproduction. It read : 

"The civil service of the government has become a mere instrument of 
partisan tyranny and personal ambition and object of selfish greed. It is a 
scandal and reproach upon free institutions and breeds a demoralization 
dangerous to the perpetuity of Republican government. We therefore 
regard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pressing 
necessities of the hour; that honesty, capacity and fidelity constitute the 
only valid claim to public employment; that the offices of the government 



cease to be a matter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public 
station become again a post of honor. To this end it is imperatively re- 
quired that no President shall be a candidate for re-election." 

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM PARAMOUNT. 

Four years later, in 1876, there was a slight echo of the '* paramount 
issue " of civil service reform when the party in convention declared that 
government positions should be "held for fidelity in the public employ." 

Later when the platform of 1872 regarding re-election of a President 
had been nullified by two re-nominations and the re-election of Cleveland , 
the Democratic party solemnly declared " we are opposed to life tenure in 
the public service." It also declared for such administration as will 
"afford equal opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness." And 
this position was reaffirmed at Kansas City. From the illustration it 
appears that the party not only shelves ' ' paramount issues " but occasion- 
ally reverses them. 

"Centralism" was the "paramount issue" in 1876. Democratic 
success, it was declared, was the only thing which could save the Union 
' ' from a corrupt centralism which, after inflicting upon ten States the 
rapacity of carpet bag tyrannies, has honeycombed the offices of the 
Federal government itself with incapacity, waste and fraud; infected 
States and municipalities with the contagion of misrule, and locked fast 
the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of hard times." 

SOUTHERN ELECTIONS PARAMOUNT. 

Centralism continued. It was scarcely referred to in the Democratic 
platform of 1880, when it was called " centralizationism." Interference with 
elections in the South had become the new "paramount issue." 

* ' The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all rights, and 
must and shall be maintained in every part of the United States." So the 
Democratic party virtuously proclaimed in 1880. Again the Republic was 
in danger, as per the following bill of particulars. 

"The existing administration is the representative of conspiracy only, 
and its claim of right to surround the ballot boxes with troops and deputy 
marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the electors, and the unprecedented 
use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and despotic power, insult the people 
and imperil their institutions. We execrate the course of this administra- 
tion in making places in the civil service a reward for political crime, and 
demand a reform by statute which shall make it forever impossible for the 
defeated candidate to bribe his way to the seat of the usurper by billeting 
villains upon the people." 

THE -TARIFF REFORM" PARAMOUNTCY. 

In 1884, the year of Democratic success, tariff reform was brought 
forward. The Democratic platform said: 

"We denounce the Republican party for having failed to relieve the 
people from crushing war taxes, which have paralyzed business, crippled 
industry and deprived labor of employment and of just reward." 



The ' 'paramount issue" wag a change and the country got it. This 
same Democratic platform declared : ' 'We believe in a free ballot and a 
fair count." To this was added: 

"Asserting the equality of all men before the law, we hold that it is the 
duty of the government in its dealings with the people to mete out equal 
and exact justice to all citizens of whatever nativity, race, color or persua- 
sion, religious and political. " 

SUPPRESSING NEGRO SUFFRAGE. 

And then began the movement resulting in the adoption of state con- 
stitutional amendments in the South to suppress negro suffrage, in the 
framing of election laws to nullify Republican suffrage, white or black, in 
Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky and Missouri. 

Tariff reduction was the "paramount issue" in the platform of 1888 and 
on it the Democratic party went out of power. 

In 1892 the "paramount issue" was tariff reform in more pronounced 
form. 

"We denounce Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great 
majority of the people for the benelit of the few," the platform declared. 

"We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party 
that the federal government has no constitutional power to impose and 
collect tariff duties, except for the purposes of revenue only." 

Then came the ' 'paramount issue" of 16 to 1, and now the ' 'paramount 
issue" of imperialism. 

Of the long list of ' 'paramount issues" a single one has been given trial 
by the nation. It has been repudiated with an emphasis that has to all 
appearances shelved it forever. 



Vv 



k EXPANSION MAP *** UNITED STATES. 




ty Oeuoe/une Pahtt. /aeo. *~—^ m 



"A tariff which protects American labor and industry and provides ample revenues has been written in 
public law."— William McKinley. 

FAT AND LEAN YEARS 
FOR LABOR. 



Prosperity of American Wage-Earners 

Shown by Official State 

Investigations. 



Prosperity Always Under Protection. 



During recent years a number of States, particularly those having con- 
siderable manufacturing interests, have published from year to year, through 
their bureaus of labor statistics, information showing the number of persons 
employed in leading industries, the total wages paid employees, the value 
of products, etc. 

In every case where these facts have been published for a sufficiently 
long time, they show a marked difference between the years of Democratic 
and those of Republican administrations. In the former case a decided 
falling off was experienced in business activity, number of persons employed, 
total wages paid, etc., while during the Harrison and McKinley administra- 
tions there were increases all along the line. 

The most complete statistics are those published by the State of Massa- 
chusetts. They show an increase, during each year of Republican adminis- 



trations,in the value of product, total wages paid and total persons employed 
in the leading manufacturing establishments of the State. During the four 
years from 1888 to 1892 (Harrison's administration) there was a total increase 
of $73,941,880 in the value of the product, $18,244,474 in the total wages 
paid, and 27,364 in the number of persons employed in the establishments 
reporting for those years. 

Then came the four years of Cleveland's administration with its tariff 
and other "reforms," and there is quite a different story to tell. From 1892 
to 1896 there was a decided decrease in each year but one in each of these 
items. Subtracting the increase in 1894 from the total decrease during 
the other three years, there was a net decrease of $96,916,006 in the value of 
products; $4,085,252 in the total wages paid, and 16,687 in the number of 
persons employed. 

The Return of Prosperity. 

In 1897 and 1898 came the return of prosperity during McKinley's 
administration. Once more there were increases all along the line. During 
these two years there was a total increase of $45,300,054 in the value of the 
products, an increase of $4,219,781 in the total wages paid and of 14,215 in 
the number of persons employed. 

The New York State Labor Bureau shows the total number of persons 
employed and total wages paid in 66 selected establishments representing 
the leading industries of the State during each of the nine years from 1891 
to 1899. In this report, as in the case of the Massachusetts statistics, the 
four years of Democratic administration, namely the fiscal years ending 
May 31, 1894 and 1895, and June 30, 1896 and 1897, stand out in striking 
contrast with the prosperous years of the McKinley and Dingley tariffs. 
There was a steady increase during each year of Harrison's and McKinley's 
administrations, both in the number of persons employed and total wages 
paid, and a decline in those items during Cleveland's regime. For the year 
ending June 30, 1899, which was the most prosperous year on record in the 
United States, the increase in the employment for labor was nearly 70 per 
cent as contrasted with 1894, the first year of unrestricted free-trade tariff 
legislation. During the last two years of the Harrison and the first two 
years of the McKinley administration the men in the 66 New York estab- 
lishments received $44,000,000 in wages. During Cleveland's four years they 
received only $36,000,000. 

Hardly Anybody Idle Last Year. 

The New York Labor Bureau report further .shows the undoubted pros- 
perity of 1899 in its statistics of unemployment. At the end of December, 
1898, 27.2 per cent of the working people in all trades were reported unem- 



ployed. At the end of March, 1899, the unemployed amounted to 18.6 per 
cent. At the end of June it decreased to 10.9 per cent, and at the end of 
September to 4.7 per cent. 

Commenting on this remarkable exhibit, the New York World, a Dem- 
ocratic paper, says: " How much these simple figures mean of prosperity! 
How much they mean of happiness in the homelives of hundreds of thou- 
sands ! How much they mean of welfare for the country. What a warning 
they hold for politicians who would start another ' calamity campaign.' " 

But there are still other States to corroborate this interesting statistical 
story. 

Less Work under Democracy. 

The State of Pennsylvania in its annual report on industrial statistics 
for 1898 published a series of tables consisting of comparative statistics for 
358 identical establishments, representing 47 industries, for the years 1892 
to 1898. These tables show that in the State of Pennsylvania, as in the other 
two States mentioned, there was a decided decline in business activity as 
soon as the effects of the Cleveland administration could be felt. During 
the first year of " tariff reform," there was a decrease of 10.62 per cent in the 
number of persons employed, 15.48 per cent in the total wages, 5.43 per cent 
in the average wages paid (which in the following year were still further 
reduced 10.97 per cent) and 16.11 per cent in the value of the products. 
This decided decline in business continued during the second and fourth 
years of Cleveland's administration. 

Better Times under McKinley. 

In 1897, however, we come to the first year of President McKinley's 
administration, and although the effects of a Republican administration 
could not wholly be felt, there was already a turn for the better during that 
year. Already the number of employees, the aggregate wages paid and the 
value of product showed a slight increase over the preceding year, which 
increases became very marked in 1898, being accompanied also by an in- 
crease in the average wages of all employees. In 1899 a marked increase 
was shown in all lines. In the rolled iron and steel industry there was an 
increase of 30 per cent in the number of men employed, compared with 
1896, and 64 per cent in the wages paid; in pig iron 31 per cent increase in 
men employed and 63 per cent in wages paid; in tin plate works an increase 
of 140 per cent in men employed, and 182 per cent in wages paid. 

The statistics of the Iowa and Wisconsin bureaus of labor likewise show 
a decided decline in business activity during the four years of Cleveland's 
administration, followed by a rapid recovery since that time. The Commis- 
sioner of Labor of Iowa in a recent communication reports an increase of at 



least 5 per cent in 1899 as compared with the preceding year, which also 
showed a considerable increase over the last year of Cleveland's adminis- 
tration. 

Prosperity Among Railroad Employees. 

There is yet another and an important source which corroborates the 
above-mentioned facts, namely, the reports of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission. The report on "Statistics of Railways," published in 1899 
by this Commission, contains a comparative summary of the average 
daily compensation and the total number of railway employees in the 
United States for the years ending June 30, 1892, to 1898. These tables 
show that during the two years ending June 30, 1893, before the effects of 
the Cleveland administration could be felt, there was a rise in the average 
wages paid and an increase each year in the number of persons employed 
in almost every class of railway employees. 

During each of the four years following, or the years ending June 30, 
1894, 1895, 1896 and 1897, the wages were lower in almost every class, and 
fewer persons were employed than during the last year of Harrison's 
administration. In fact, from June 30, 1893, to June 30, 1894, there was a 
decline of nearly 100,000 in the number of railway employees. 

During 1898 the return of prosperity was apparent all along the line. 
In almost every occupation there was an increase in average earnings 
over the preceding years, and the number of railway employees in the 
United States for the first time exceeded the number during the last year 
of Harrison's administration. 

There were over 50,000 more persons employed during the first year of 
McKinley's adminstration than during the last year of- Cleveland's admin- 
stration. 

THE REPORT OF THE INTERSTATE COMMERCE COM- 
MISSION FOR 1899 SHOWS A TOTAL OF 928,924 RAILROAD 
EMPLOYEES ON JUNE 30, 1899. THIS IS AN INCREASE OF 
105,448 DURING THE TWO YEARS OF McKINLEY'S ADMINIS- 
TRATION, AS COMPARED WITH A DECLINE OF 50,126 DURING 
THAT OF EX-PRESIDENT CLEVELAND. 



"We have passed from a bond issuing to a bond paying- nation; from a nation of borrowers to a 
nation of lenders; from a deficiency in revenue to a surplus ; from fear to confidence ; from enforced idleness 
to profitable employment."— William McKinley. 

Bryan's Predictions False 

As shown by 

The Record of Prosperity, Prices and Values 



IN view of the fact that Mr. Bryan is starting out with a new series of assertions, 
coupled with a reiteration of most of his old ones, it is interesting to examine 
some of those made four years ago and see whether the developments since they 
were made prove that they were accurate or otherwise. The quotations from his 
speeches which follow are taken from his own book, " The First Battle," and may there- 
fore be accepted as accurate. 

" Prices Certain to Fall Under a Gold Standard." 

" If we have the Gold Standard prices are as certain to fall as the stone which is thrown into the 
air." — At Newton, la., August 8, i8qb. 

When Mr. Bryan made this assertioii.on August 8, 1896, the highest price of wheat 
in New York was, as shown by the official reports of the Bureau of Statistics, 68 cents per 
bushel. On June 21, 1900, the highest price of the same grade in the same market, was 
92^ cents per bushel. 

The highest price of corn on August 8, 1896, was 30>6 cents per bushel and on June 
21, 1900, 4iy s cents per bushel. 

Oats at the date of the above statement, were in the same market, 23 X cents per 
bushel and on June 21, 1900, 28^ cents per bushel. 

Lard, at the date mentioned, was in the New York market, 3}£ cents per pound, and 
on June 21, 1900, 6.9 cents per pound, or practically double. 

Mess pork on August 8, 1896, was $8.75 per barrel, and on June 21, 1900, $12.50 per 
barrel. 

Beef, family, in the New York markets at the date of Mr. Bryan's nomination, was 
$9.00 per barrel, on June 21, 1900, $12.00 per barrel. 

Ohio XX wool on August 8, 1896, the date of the above assertion, was in the New 
York market, 17 cents per pound, on June 1, 1900, it was 30^ cents per pound. 

Silver at the date of Mr. Bryan's above assertion, was in the New York market and 
the markets of the world, 69.1 cents per ounce, and on June 23, 1900, 60.9 cents per ounce. 

Thus it appears that instead of prices being "As certain to fall as the stone which is 
thrown into the air," the prices of all articles of farm produce have risen, and apparently 
the only article which has fallen in price is silver. 

''Prices Must Fall Under the Scramble for Gold." 

"So long as the scramble for gold continues, prices must fall, and a general fall in prices is but 
another definition for hard times."— Speech of Acceptance at Madison Square Garden. 

Presumably the "scramble for gold" has continued in view of the fact that countries 
whose aggregate population is nearly 500,000,000 have adopted the gold standard since this 
statement was made. Yet, as shown by the opening paragraph of this pamphlet, prices 
instead of falling, have advanced in every case except that of silver. 

Railroad Rates and Falling Prices. 

" Railroad rates have not been reduced to keep pace with falling prices. The farmer has thus 
found it more and more difficult to live. Has he not a just complaint against the Gold Standard?" — 
Speech at Madison Square Garden. 

The average annual price of wheat per bushel, as shown by the official reports of the 
Department of Agriculture, was 94.4 cents in 1870; and in 1899, the latest year for which 
the annual average can be obtained, was, according to the same authority, 58.4 cents, a 
fall of 38 per cent. 



The official reports of the New York Produce Exchange show that the freight rates 
on wheat from Chicago to New York by lake and rail and canal averaged 17.11 cents per 
bushel in 1870, and 6.65 cents in 1899, a fall of 60 per cent. In other articles of farm pro- 
duction the relative fall in freight rates has been equally in proportion to prices. 

" The Crusade Against Silver Must Lower the Value 
of Other Property.' ' 

"Any legislation which lessens the- world's stock of standard money, increases the exchangeable 
value of the dollar; therefore the crusade against silver must inevitably raise the purchasing power of 
money and lower the money value of all other forms of property." — From Madison Square Garden Speech, 
accepting nomination. 

What Mr. Bryan terms the " crusade against silver " has continued since 1896. 
Japan, with 40,000,000 population, has adopted the gold standard, as have also Russia, with 
125,000,000 population and India with 300,000,000. Yet, instead of " the money value of all 
other forms of property" being lowered, there has been a general increase, notably in the 
United States. 

The value of sheep in the United States in 1896, was $65,167,735 and on January 1, 
1900, $122,665,913, or double the value at the date of Mr. Bryan's announcement, that " the 
crusade against silver must lower the money value of all other forms of property." 

Taking into consideration all farm animals, their value in 1896 was $1,727,926,084, 
and on January 1, 1900, $2,212,756,578, a gain of practically $500,000,000 in value of the 
animals on farms during the so-called "crusade against silver." 

Failures and the Gold Standard. 

"It is only necessary to note the increased number of failures in order to know that a gold standard is 
ruinous to merchants and manufacturers." — Speech at Madison Square Garden. 

Dun's Review, from which Mr. Bryan was fond of quoting on that occasion, shows 
that, in the year in which this utterance was made, the number of failures in the United 
States was 15,088 and the liabilities, $226,096,834. In 1899 the number of failures was 
9,337 and the amount of liabilities, $90,879,889, or but 40 per cent, of the liabilities of the 
year 1896. 

Permanent Investments and the Gold Standard. 

"Those who hold as permanent investment the stock of railroads and of other enterprises are injured 
by a gold standard. The rising dollar destroys the earning power of these enterprises without reducing their 
liabilities and as dividends cannot be paid until salaries and fixed charges have been satisfied, the stock- 
holders must bear the burden." — Speech at Madison Square Garden. 

The gold standard has continued since this assertion was made. Yet Poor's Manual 
shows that the dividends paid on railway stocks in 1896 were but $81,528,154, while they 
were $94,937,526 in 1898, an increase of $13,500,000 over the year in which this assertion 
was uttered. 

The Dollar and the Payment of Debts. 

" What shall it profit us if in trying to raise our credit by increasing the purchasing power of our dollar, 
we destroy our ability to pay the debts already contracted by lowering the purchasing power of the products 
with which those debts must be paid?" — Speech at Madison Square Garden, 

The products with which those debts must be paid are the articles of farm production, 
products of the mine and forest, and labor. The official reports of the Bureau of Statistics 
show, as indicated in the opening paragraph of this pamphlet, that the values of all 
classes of farm products increased instead of being lowered. 

Official reports to the American Iron & Steel Association show that the selling price 
of pig iron, a product of the mine, has practically doubled since the year in which this 
assertion was made, while every workingman knows that the value of labor has greatly 
advanced since 1896. , 

As a result, in Mr. Byran's own State, "the payment of debts already contracted" 
instead of being lowered has been greatly facilitated, the mortgages released in the State 
of Nebraska, which in 1896 amounted to but $18,213,382, were $27,498,070 in 1898, an 
increase of 50 per cent, in debt payments. 

Production of Gold and Silver. 

"Gold and silver are different from other commodities in that they are limited in quantity. * * * 
Because gold and silver are limited both in quantity now in hand and in annual production, it follows that 
legislation can fix the ratio between them."— Madison Square Gardeti Speech. 

In the year in which Mr. Bryan made this assertion, 1896, the gold 'production of 
the world was $202,251,600; in the year 1900; 4 years later, the world's gold production, 
according to the estimate of the Director of the Mint, will be over $400,000,000, or double 



that of the year 1896 ; while for the year 1899 it was $315,000,000, having increased more 
than 50 per cent, during that time. 

The world's silver production in 1896 was 157,061,370 ounces valued at $203,069,200 ; 
and in 1899 it was, according to the latest estimate of the Director of the Mint, 165,000,000 
ounces, valued at $213,000,000. 

Thus the production of gold, although " limited both in the quantity now in hand 
and in annual production," has doubled in the short four years since this assertion was 
made, while in the half century just ending the gold production of the world has been 
$6,596,832,000, against $3,128,390,000 in the preceding 350 years. 

It is largely due to the fact that gold production instead of being "limited" has 
doubled, trebled and quadrupled in the last few years, that the world is willing to abandon 
the double, and consequently fluctuating, standard and accept the single metal whose 
rapid increase in production makes it sufficient for the basis of the world's money. 

44 No Provision for an Increase of Currency to Keep Pace 
with Increase of Population.' ' 

"Senator Sherman, on June 5, 1890, said that it would require $42,000,000 increased circulation each 
year to keep pace with the increase of population. What provision has the Republican party made for the 
supply of the money that we need? None whatever." — Speech at Greensboro, N. C. 

At the date of this assertion by Mr. Bryan, August 1, 1896, the money in circulation 
in the United States was, according to the official reports of the Treasury Department, 
$1,514,903,142, of which $484,587,423 was gold coin and certificates. 

On August 1, 1900, just four years after that date, the amount of money in circulation 
in the United States was $2,087,353,408, of which $829,951,517 was gold coin and certificates, 
showing an increase in circulation under Republican legislation, then on the statute books 
and recently strengthened, of $572,450,266 in total circulation and $345,364,094 in gold 
alone— or an average increase of $143,000,000 per annum in total circulation, and of 
$86,000,000 in gold coin and certificates. 

44 No Prosperity Until the Gold Conspiracy is Stopped." 

" We honestly believe that there can be no permanent, no general prosperity in this country until we 
stop the conspiracy of those who would make gold the only standard of the world."— Speech at Rhinebeck, 
N. Y., August, i8qb. 

In 1896, when this assertion was made, the deposits in savings banks in the United 
States amounted to $1,907,156,277. Despite the fact that gold has continued the standard, 
the "general prosperity " has so developed that, in 1899, the deposits in savings banks 
were $2,230,366,954— an increase of $323,000,000. The above figures are taken from the 
official reports of the Comptroller of the Currency. 

Mills and Mints. 

" Some of our opponents tell us that we should open the mills instead of the mints. Of what use are 
mills unless the people can buy what the mills produce? And how can the milla be operated so long as those 
who produce the wealth of the country are not able to make enough out of their products to pay taxes and 
interest? There is no more effective way to destroy the market for the product of the mills than to lower the 
price of the farmers' crops."— Speech at Kansas City. 

The mills having been opened, despite Mr. Bryan's insistence that it would be use- 
less, the wheat retained for home consumption by those whose employment was thus 
increased averaged, in 1899, practically 6 bushels per capita, against 3.88 bushels per 
capita consumed in the fiscal year 1897, which had just been entered upon when Mr. Bryan 
made this assertion. 

The consumption of raw cotton per capita in the United States in 1899 was 27.14 
pounds, against 18.4 pounds in 1896, thus showing that the opening of the mills created a 
largely increased home market. 

The official reports of the Department of Agriculture show that the value of corn, 
wheat, oats, rye and barley produced in the United States in 1899, when the mills were 
open everywhere and in many cases running on double time, was $222,000,000 greater than 
in 1896 when the mills were closed, while the value of farm animals was nearly $500,000,000 
greater on January 1, 1900, than on January 1, 1896. 

Regarding Control of Conventions. 

" I venture the assertion that never before in the history of this country have the voters them- 
selves had so much to do with a convention as did the voters of the Democratic party with the convention 
at Chicago."— Asheville, N. C. Speech. 

This is in marked contrast with the convention of 1900 in which Mr. Bryan and the 
silver trust, without any reference to the "consent of the governed," actually and abso- 
lutely dominated the convention to the extent of complete dictation as to its declaration 
of principles. 



Political Machines and Political Bosses. 

"It is often the case that the party machinery or bosses have more to do with shaping the policy 
and making the nomination than the voters themselves. I am proud to be the nominee of a Convention 
which represented no machine and no bosses."— Speech at Asheville, N. C. 

Comment on the above, in view of the history of the KansaS City convention, 
is unnecessary. 

44 The Rising Dollar." 

"Every nation which goes to the Gold Standard makes the dollar dearer still, and as the dollar 
rises in value you must sacrifice more of all the products of toil in order to secure it." — Speech at Balti- 
more, September ig, j8q6. 

As already shown, nations whose population aggregate nearly 500,000,000, have gone 
to the gold standard since the above assertion was made, and the fact that labor in every 
line of industry now commands a higher price than in 1896, shows effectually and com- 
pletely the inaccuracy of this assertion. As has been already shown, the prices of products 
of agriculture, mining and of labor have greatly advanced since the above assertion was 
made, despite the fact that countries whose population aggregates one-third of the popu- 
lation of the world have gone to the gold standard meantime. 

The Terrors of the Gold Standard. 

"The gold standard means dearer money: dearer money means cheaper property; cheaper property 
means harder times; harder times means more people out of work; more people out of work means more 
people destitute; more people destitute means more people desperate, and more people desperate means 
more crime."— Speech at Minneapolis. 

Not one of these doleful predictions has been verified, but on the contrary the 
reverse is true in every case as every citizen and voter in these United States well knows. 

The Gold Standard and the Masses. 

"The gold standard has never been supported by the masses. It has never received the endorse- 
ment of the creators of wealth."— Speech at Minneapolis. 

In less than sixty days after this assertion was made the gold standard was endorsed 
and supported by a larger number of votes than ever before cast for any proposition in 
the United States, the plurality of votes cast against Mr. Bryan and his silver cause being 
greater than in any preceding election. 

Abandoning the Farm for the City. 

"There is another reason why the people have gone into the city and left the farm. It is because 
your legislation has been causing the foreclosure of mortgages upon the farms. *** I cannot understand how 
a man living upon a farm can be deluded with the idea that the gold standard has anything but misery and 
suffering for him.''— Speech at Monmouth, III. 

The gold standard has remained in operation since this assertion, yet the condition 
of the farmers has been, in the four years since that time, vastly improved, a9 shown by the 
value of farm products already quoted; while the speed with which the mortgages com- 
plained of have been paid off is illustrated by the figures for Mr. Bryan's own State which 
show an increase of 50 per cent, for the State of Nebraska alone, in the value of mortgages 
released in 1898 as compared with 1896. 

"They Cannot Find the Gold to Serve as the Foundation." 

" Our opponents are trying to construct a commercial fabric resting upon gold when they cannot find 
the gold to serve as the foundation for the fabric."— Chicago Speech to Business Men. 

When this assertion was made the gold coin and gold certificates in circulation in 
the United States amounted to but $484,587,423, while on August 1, 1900 the amount had 
increased to $829,951,517. On the other hand the gold production of the world has during 
the short four years since the above assertion was made, amounted to over a billion dollars, 
or nearly as much as in the century from 1750 to 1850. 

Bimetallism and Business Failures. 

" Bimetallism appeals to the buiness men because business failures everywhere testify to the fact that 
the merchant cannot sell when the people are not able to buy."— Speech at Ottumwa, Iowa. 

The record of business failures at the date of this assertion and in subsequent years 
has already been quoted above. The figures show a reduction in number from 15,088 in 
1896, to 9,337 in 1899, and in liabilities from $226,096,834 in 1896 to $90,879,889 in 1899, and 
all of this without bimetallism. 



Republican National Platform, 1900. 



The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen representatives, met ii 
National Convention, looking back upon an unsurpassed record of achievement and looking! 
forward into a great field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their' 
countrymen, makes these declarations: 

Republican Promises of Four Years Ago Redeemed. 

The expectation in which the American people, turning from the Democratic party, 
entrusted power four years ago to a Republican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Con- 
gress, has been met and satisfied. When the people then assembled at the polls, after a \ 
term of Democratic legislation and administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed 
and the National credit disastrously impaired. The country's capital was hidden away 
and its labor distressed and unemployed. The Democrats had no other plan with which 
to improve the ruinous conditions which they had themselves produced than to coin silver 
at the ratio of sixteen to one. The Republican party, denouncing this plan as sure to 
produce conditions even worse than those from which relief was sought, promised to 
restore prosperity by means of two legislative measures — a protective tariff and a law j 
making gold the standard of value. The people by great majorities issued to the Republi- 
can party a commission to enact these laws. The commission has been executed, and the 
Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity more general and more abundant than we 
have ever known has followed these enactments. There is no longer controversy as toS 
the value of any Government obligations. Every American dollar is a gold dollar or its 
assured equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any nation. Capital 
is fullv employed and labor everywhere is profitably occupied. No single fact can more 
strikingly tell the story of what Republican government means to the country than this— 
that while during the whole period of one hundred and seven years from 1790 to 1897 there 
was an excess of exports over imports of only $383,028,497, there has been in the short j 
three years of the present Republican administration an excess of exports over imports in j 
the enormous sum of $1,483,537,094. 

The War with Spain. 

And while the American people, sustained by this Republican legislation, have been 
achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and commerce, they have conducted 
and in victory concluded a war for liberty and human rights. No thought of National 
aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose with which American standards were unfurled, i 
It was a war unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American Government 
was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action. Its armies were in the field, and the quick ] 
and signal triumph of its forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of 
American soldiers and sailors, to the skill and foresight of Republican statesmanship. To! 
ten millions of the human race there was given a "new birth of freedom," and to the 
American people a new and noble responsibility. 

Resident McKinley's Administration Endorsed. 

We endorse the administration of William McKinley. Its acts have been established j 
in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad it has distinctly elevated and 
extended the influence of the American nation. Walking untried paths and facing unfore- , j 
seen responsibilities, President McKinley has been in every situation the true American 
patriot and the upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm in action, 
always inspiring and deserving the confidence of his countrymen. 



democracy Always a Menace. 

In asking the American people to endorse this Republican record and to renew their 
commission to the Republican party, we remind them of the fact that the menace to their 
prosperity has always resided in Democratic principles and no less in the general inca- 
pacity of the Democratic party to conduct public affairs. The prime essential of business 
prosperity is public confidence in the good sense of the Government and in its ability to deal 
intelligently with each new problem of administration and legislation. That confidence 
the Democratic party has never earned. It is hopelessly inadequate and the country's 
prosperity, when Democratic success at the polls is announced, halts and ceases in mere 
anticipation of Democratic blunders and failures. 

ror Sound Money and Against Free Silver. 

We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard and declare our con- 
fidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the Fifty-sixth Cougress by which the parity of 
all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold basis has been secured. We 
recognize that interest rates are a potent factor in production and business activity, and 
for the purpose of further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of interest, we 
favor such monetary legislation as will enable the varying needs of the season and of 
all sections to be promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor steadily 
employed and commerce enlarged. The volume of money in circulation was never so great 
per capita as it is to-day. We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver. No measure to that end could be considered which was without the 
support of the leading commercial countries of the world. However firmly Republican 
legislation may seem to have secured the country against the peril of base and discredited 
currency, the election of a Democratic President could not fail to impair the country's 
credit and to bring once more into question the intention of the American people to main- 
tain upon the gold standard the parity of their money circulation. The Democratic party 
must be convinced that the American people will never tolerate the Chicago platform. 

Monopolies Condemned. 

We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-operation of capital to 
meet new business conditions and especially to extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, 
but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to restrict business, to create 
monopolies, to limit production, or to control prices, and favor such legislation as will 
effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and promote competition and 
secure the rights of producer, laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and commerce. 

Protection to American Labor. 

We renew our faith in the policy of Protection to American labor. In that policy 
our industries have been established, diversified and maintained. By protecting the home 
market competition has been stimulated and production cheapened. Opportunity to the 
inventive genius of our people has been secured and wages in every department of labor 
maintained at high rates, higher now than ever before, and always distinguishing our 
working people in their better conditions of life from those of any competing country. 
Enjoying the blessings of the American common school, secure in the right of self-govern- 
ment and protected in the occupancy of their own markets, their constantly increasiug 
knowledge and skill have enabled them to finally enter the markets of the world. We 
favor the associated policy of reciprocity so directed as to open our markets on favorable 
terms for what we do not ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets. 

Restriction of Immigration Favored. 

In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective restriction 
on the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of 
education for working children, the raising of the age limit for child labor, the protection 
of free labor as against contract convict labor and an effective system of labor insurance. 



American Shipping Needed. 

Our present dependence upon foreign shipping- for nine-tenths of our foreign car- 
rying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also a serious danger to oui 
trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war would seriously cripple oui 
expanding foreign commerce. The national defense and naval efficiency of this country, 
moreover, supply a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to recover oui 
former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world. 

For Liberal Pension Laws. 

The Nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors who have 
fought its battles, and it is the Government's duty to provide for the survivors and for the 
widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the country's wars. The pension laws, 
founded in this just sentiment, should be liberal and should be liberally administered, and 
preference should be given wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public 
service to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. 

Civil Service Commended. 

We commend the policy of the Republican party in the efficiency of the Civi 
Service. The administration has acted wisely in its efforts to secure for public service ir 
Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands only those whose fitness has beeil 
determined by training and experience. We believe that employment in the public service 
in these territories should be confined as far as practicable to their inhabitants. 

Against Race Discrimination. 

It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the constitution to prevem 
discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices 
of State governments, whether by statutory or constitutional enactment, to avoid the pur- 
pose of this amendment are revolutionary, and should be condemned. 

For Good Roads. 

Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads and highway: 
of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recommend this subject to thi 
earnest consideration of the people and of the Legislatures of the several States. 






Rural Free Delivery. 

We favor the extension of the Rural Free Delivery service wherever its extensio 
may be justified. 

To Reclaim Arid Lands. 

In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to provid 
free homes on the public domain, we recommend adequate national legislation to reclain 
the arid lands of the United States, reserving control of the distribution of water foi 
irrigation to the respective States and Territories. 

Statehood for Territories. 

We favor home rule for, and the early admission to statehood of the Territories o 
New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. 

The Dingley Tariff a Success. 

The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct of the war 
has so well performed its work that it has been possible to reduce the war debt in the sun 
of $40,000,000. So ample are the Government's revenues and so great is the public con 
fidence in the integrity of its obligations that its newly-funded two per cent bonds sell a 
a premium. The country is now justified in expecting and it will be the policy of th< 
Republican party to bring about a reduction of the war taxes. 






For an Isthmian Canal. 

We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an Isthmian Canal 
by the Government of the United States. New markets are necessary for the increasing- 
surplus of our farm products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain new 
markets, especially in the Orient, and the Administration is warmly to be commended for 
its successful effort to commit all trading and colonizing nations to" the policy of the open 
door in China. 

Department of Commerce and Industry. 

In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Congress create a 
Department of Commerce and Industries in the charge of a Secretary with a seat in the 
Cabinet. The United States Consular system should be re-organized under the supervision 
of this new department upon such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still 
more serviceable to the Nation's increasing trade. 

Protection for American Citizens. 

The American Government must protect the person and property of every citizen 
wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril. 

Our Women as Nurses. 

We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record of public service 
in the volunteer aid association and as nurses in camp and hospital during the recent 
campaigns of our armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their 
faithful co-operation in all works of education and industry. 

Our Foreign Policy. 

President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United States with 
distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing us from the vexatious con- 
ditions of a European alliance for the government of Samoa, his course is especially to be 
commended. By securing to our undivided control the most important island of the 
Samoan group and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has 
been safeguarded. 

Hawaiian Annexation, 

We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. 

The Hague Peace Conference. 

We commend the part taken by our Government in the Peace Conference at the 
Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the Monroe 
Doctrine. The provisions of the Hague Convention were wisely regarded when Presi- 
dent McKinley tendered his friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain 
and the South African Republic. While the American Government must continue the 
policy prescribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding President and imposed 
upon us by the Hauge treaty of non-intervention in European controversies, the Ameri- 
can people earnestly hope that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both con- 
tending parties, to terminate the strife between them. 

Results of the War with Spain. 

In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our victories in the 
Spanish War, the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval of the American 
people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout 
the Western Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility 
before the world and with the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed 
from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the establishment 
of good government and for the performance of international obligations. Our authority 
could not be less than our responsibility and wherever sovereign rights were extended it 
became the high duty of the Government to maintain its authority, to put down armed 
insurrection and to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued 
peoples. 

The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties 
shall be secured to them by law. 

Freedom for Cuba. 

To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same voice by 
which war was declared and to the letter this pledge shall be performed. 

_ The Republican party upon its history; and upon this declaration of principles and 
policies confidently invokes the considerate and approving judgment of the American 
people. 

CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, 
< ^L E ^ > 70 Chairman , 



We have passed from fear to confidence; from enforced idleness to profitable employment. 

—William McKinlbt. 



THE CHOP-HOUSE 

OR 

THE SOUP-HOUSE? 



The Increase of Employment of Union Labor, and the Resultant 

Increase in Wages Under President McKinley's 

Administration. 



For years trie Democratic party has posed as the "workingman's friend." 
For years — for decades — no promise has been too absurd, no pretense to 
ridiculous, no assertion of fidelity to the interests of labor too extravagant 
to be made by that party. 

Through every channel year after year the Democratic party has endeav- 
ored to array the wage earners as a class against their employers, promising, 
with an air of the utmost sincerity, indefinite legislation "in the interests of 
the workingmen." How those promises have been kept can best be ascer- 
tained by comparing the condition of the workingmen under a Democratic 
administration with their condition under the Republican administrations 
preceding and following. 

As is well known to every man who depends upon a daily wage, the 
most important thing to the workingman is regular employment. 

EMPLOYMENT OF MEMBERS. 

Here are the figures showing the relative percentage of employment of 
members of the national and international labor unions for 1897, the year 
President McKinley was inaugurated, compared with 1898 and 1899, after 
the country had realized that the awful depression of the Cleveland admin- 
istration was at an end: 



Membership of Labor Organizations Employed in 1897, 1898 and 1899, from Official Be- 

ports of the Unions. 



Crafts. 



Agents 

Bricklayers and stone masons 

Broom makers 

Barbers 

Bicycle workers 

Boiler makers and iron-ship 

builders 

Brickmakers 

Blacksmiths 

Brewery workers 

Bakers 

Bookbinders 

Boot and shoe woi'kers 

Conductors (railroad) 

Coopers 

Curtain (lace) operators. . . . 

Core makers '. 

Carpenters 

Cigar makers , 

Engineers (locomotive) 

Engineers (coal-hoisting) . . 

Electrical workers 

Engineers (stationary) 

Firemen (stationary) 

Firemen (locomotive) 

Glass-bottle blowers 

G) ass workers 

Garment workers 

Gold beaters 

Horseshoers 

Hatters 

Iron molders 



Employm't of to- 
tal membership. 



1897. 1898. 1899 



Per ct. 
100 
70 



100 



90 
100 



50 



Per ct. 
100 

75 

50 

80 

90 

65 
75 
8 • 
92 
80 
75 
75 
95 
95 
95 
65 
75 
85 
88 
75 
100 
90 



95 
100 
90 
60 



80 



Per ct. 
100 

95 

95 

60 

95 

C5 

100 

98 

95 

90 
100 

95 

98 

95 

98 

97 

90 

95 

95 

96 
100 

95 



100 
90 
85 

101) 
75 
75 
90 



Crafts. 



Iron, steel, and tin workers. 

Longshoremen 

Leather workers 

Meat cutters and butchers. . 

Musicians 

Metal workers 

Machinists 

Mine workers 

Oil and gas well workers . . . 

Potters 

Steel and copper plate printers 

Paper makers 

Printers 

Pattern makers 

Stonecutters 

Spinners (cotton mule) 

Stove mounters 

Stage employees 

Street railway employees . . . 

Seamen 

Tailors 

Tin-plate workers 

Telegraphers 

Tile layers 

Railroad laborers 

Textile workers 

Tobacco workers 

Upholsterers 

Weavers (elastic gore) 

Wood carvers 

Wood workers 



Employm't of to- 
tal membership. 



1897. 1898 



Per ct. 



100 
100 



Average 56.4] 69.1 



Per ct. 



100 
100 



95 
90 
80 
85 
66 
100 



80 
Strike 
75 
70 
97 
70 
80 



Per ct. 

100 

100 

100 
50 
30 
90 

100 
98 
99 

100 
98 

100 
98 

100 
95 

100 
75 

100 
90 

100 
95 
90 
98 
75 
95 

100 
95 
90 
98 
85 



92.7 



Agents are employed mostly on commission. Their entire membership are always employed, 
though not always earning wages. Their pay depends entirely on their sales. 

Reference to the table of increase of membership of trade unions will show 
that those reporting practically the full membership employed in 1897 have 
experienced a phenomenal increase in membership since that year, clearly 
demonstrating that McKinley prosperity has reached them. Thus the bicycle 
workers, practically a new trade, increased 50 per cent in 1899; the electrical 
workers, whose field is expanding more rapidly than perhaps any other, 
increased the membership of their union 40 per cent in 1899; the longshore- 
men show an increase of 30 per cent for 1897, 30 per cent for 1898, and 50 
per cent for 1899; while the leather workers added to their membership 30 
per cent in 1897, 75 per cent in 1898, and 100 per cent in 1899. 

These figures, gathered on May 1, 1900, show that where 58 men were 
employed in 1897, there were 92 engaged in profitable labor in 1899; where 
44 men in these various trades out of every hundred endured enforced idle- 
ness in 1897, less than 8 men out of the hundred were unemployed this year. 

THE SAFETY OF LABOR. 

For purposes of self-protection every union man knows that his greatest 
safety lies in a thorough organization of h x s trade. Here are a few figures 
showing the increase in membership of trade unions during Mr. McKinley's 
administration over their membership during the Democratic times of 1893 
to 1896: 



Increase in Membership of Trade Unions, 1897, 1898 and 1899, as reported by Organizations. 



Crafts. 



Agents 

Bricklayers and stone masons 

Broom makers 

Barbers 

Bicycle makers 

Boiler makers and iron-ship 

builders 

Brick makers 

Blacksmiths 

Brewery workers 

Bakers and confectioners 

Bookbinders 

Boot and shoe workers 

Conductors (railroad) 

Coopers 

Curtain operatives (lace) 

Core makers 

Carriage and wagon makers.. 

Clerks (retail) 

Carpenters 

Cigar makers 

Engineers (locomotive) 

Engineers (coal-hoisting) 

Electrical workers 

Engineers (stationary) 

Firemen (stationary) 

Firemen (locomotive) 

Glass-bottle blowers 

Glass workers 

Garment workers 

Gold beaters 

Horseshoers 

Hatters 



Membershi 
increase. 



1897. 1898. 



Per ct. 
10 
20 



Qecr'se 



Per ot. 
10 
40 



100 
25 
20 
15 



20 

New 

13 

5 



10 

New 
10 



Per ct. 

40 

50 
700 

60 

£0 

75 

25 
700 

45 

35 

75 

40 

25 

80 

12 

27 

40 
200 

50 

40 

30 
300 

40 

30 
200 

13 
3 

19 

25 
Doubl'd 

25 

25 



Crafts. 



Iron molders 

Iron, steel and tin workers. . 

Longshoremen 

Leather workers 

Meat cutters and butcher 

workmen 

Musicians 

Metal workers 

M achinists 

Miners 

Potters 

Steel and copper plate printers 
Plumbers, gas and steamfitters 

Paper makers 

Printers 

Pattern makers 

Ston»cutters 

Spinners (cotton mule) 

Stone mounters 

Stage employees 

Street-railway employees. . . 

Seamen 

Tailors 

Tin-plate workers 

Telegraphers 

Tile layers 

Trackmen (railroad) 

Textile workers 

Tobacco workers . 

Upholsterers 

Waiters, cooks, bartenders. 

Wood carvers 

Wood workers 



Membership 
increase. 



1897. 1898. 1899. 



Per el. 
10 
10 
30 
30 

New 
80 



Per ct. 
15 
20 
30 
75 

100 

4 
30 
25 
100 
30 

7 
10 
25 
20 
40 



10 



15 
10 
40 
12 
New 
15 
40 



Per ct. 

25 

60 

50 
100 

200 
16 

100 
80 

300 

200 
10 
40 
30 
40 

3v)0 
10 
8 
25 
25 
18 
60 
15 
70 
25 
25 
25 
25 
60 
30 

200 
50 
70 



Following logically upon the steady employment of the full membership 
of the labor unions and their rapid increase of membership has come the 
increase in wages to such an extent that the conditions of 1892 have again 
been reached in almost every trade, while many have even gone beyond that 
year of prosperity. Never in the history of the world has labor been better 
paid, better organized, or working under more favorable conditions than 
during the administration of President McKinley. 

SHOULD LOOK BACK FOUR TEAKS. 

When invited to exchange this condition of prosperity, which wage- 
earners now enjoy, for the theories of Mr. Bryan and his followers, the 
workers should look back four short years to the time of the last Democratic 
administration. Many of the labor organizations of the country found it 
necessary to establish a relief fund for their out-of-work members during those 
dark days when the mills were closed, the mines flooded, the factories shut 
down, and thousands of honest men tramped from State to State in search 
of employment which could not be found. 



SHOWING OF THE CIGAR MAKERS. 



Eloquent testimony is to be found in the official statement of the secre- 
tary of the Cigar Makers International Union, the only union publishing a 
report on this subject. In 1890 the Cigar Makers' Union established a per- 



inanent out-of-work fund. This fund is safe-guarded by the most stringent 
regulations and is never drawn upon except the member has exhausted every 
means to obtain employment, and then only for such brief time as will enable 
him to seek work in another locality. Here is the official statement of the 
disbursement of that fund since its institution in 1890: 

Out-of- Work Benefiits Paid by Cigar Makers International 
Union from 1890 to 1899, by years. 

Year. Amount. 

1890 $ 22,760.50 

1891 21,223.50 

1892 17,460.75 

1893 ■ 89,402.75 

1^94 174,517.25 

1895. 166,377.25 

1896 175,767 .25 

1897 117,471.40 

1898 70.197.70 

1899 38,037.00 

An analysis of these figures shows that in 1893, the first year of the 
Democratic administration of Mr. Cleveland, and before the blight of the 
party's policy had fully obscured the period of prosperity which preceded it, 
the amount expended by this organization for this purpose was over 45 
per cent greater than during the last three years of President Harrison's 
administration combined. 

In 1894, after the effect of the Wilson bill and other results of Demo- 
cratic maladministration had been felt, the expenditures for this relief reached 
a sum equal to almost THREE TIMES the sum necessary to meet the total 
requirements of the last three years of President Harrison's administration. 

WORSE CONDITIONS PREVAILED. 

These figures only represent the pittance paid by the Cigar Makers' 
Union to its members who were utterly unable to find employment, and who 
were in need. They take no heed of those who were intermittently employed, 
or who had laid by something for a rainy day. And if this condition pre- 
vailed among the membership of that union, one of the best organized in the 
world, the one with more benevolent and charitable features than any other? 
what was the condition of the workingman without a union, or whose union 
did not have such benevolent features? 

The answer can be read in the history of the public charities, of the 
church aid societies, of the fraternal aid societies, and of the Soup Houses, 
Free Bread and Free Clothing establishments in every city of importance 
in this country inaugurated during those four years of Democratic misery 
and distress. 

Does the American wage-earner want to return to the old Soup House 
period of a Democratic administration, or is he more content with the Chop 
House period of Republican prosperity under the administration of Presi- 
dent McKinley? 



PROTECTION AND PROSPERITY 

= VERSUS 

FREE TRADE AND ADVERSITY. 



Analysis of the Workings of Low and Protective Tar« 
iffs Respectively, since 1790; Retailed Analysis 
of workings of McKinley, Wilson, and Ding= 
ley Tariffs and Tlieir Effect Upon FOUR 
GREAT CE ASSES of our Popula- 
tion: The Farmer, the Work- 
inginan, the Manufacturer 
and the Business Man. 



Results, not theories, are what the voter— be he farmer, toiler in the 
factory, manufacturer, or business man— wants. 

Tariffs and Commerce. 

During the fifty-nine years of low tariff there were but ten years in which 
the exports were as great as the imports, and during the entire fifty-nine years 
of the operation of low tariffs the net excess of imports over exports was $515,- 
000,000. A study of the commerce of the protective tariff years shows that 
exports exceeded imports in twenty-seven of the fifty-two protective years, 
and that the net excess of exports over imports during that time was two and 
a half billion dollars. 

To put it in a single sentence, low tariffs, in fifty-nine years of operation, 
show a net excess of imports of $515,000,000, and protective tariffs, in fifty-two 
years of operation, show a net excess of exports of $2,500,000,000. Thus the 
protective tariffs of lif ty-two years have paid the commercial debts of the fifty- 
nine years of low tariffs, amounting to half a billion dollars, and, in addition, 
placed two billion dollars to the credit of our export trade. 

Excess of Exports During the M cK.inley Administration. 

Another striking example of the growth of our export trade under pro- 
tective tariff is found in the fact that the excess of exports over imports in the 
first three years of President McKinley's term, from March 1, 1897, to March 
1, 1900, was nearly four times as much as the entire excess of exports over 
imports from 1790 to the date of his inauguration. March 4. 1897. the accurate 
figures being: 



Tariffs and Revenue. 

Excess of exports over imports from 1790 to March 1, 1897 $ 383,028,407 

Excess of exports over imports from March 1, 1897, to March 1, 1900 1,483,537,040 
All protective-tariff years, with the exception of those in which expendi- 
tures were abnormally heavy on account of war, show a surplus revenue,while 
twenty-four of the fifty-eight low-tariff years show a deficit, only three of that 
number being at all affected by wars. Practically every protective-tariff year 
except those in which war conditions caused abnormal expenditures, shows a 
surplus, and it was under protection and Eepublican rule that the enormous 
interest-bearing debt of the United States was reduced from $2,221,000,000, at 
the end of the war (1865), to $585,000,000, when a Democratic President and 
low tariff Congress took control of the Government; and before Democratic 
rule and low tariff had ceased to exist, the interest-bearing debt had increased 
to $847,365,000. 



Effect of High and liow Tariffs Upon General Business 
Conditions. 

It is practicable to consider the condition of the textile industries at the 
middle of the century, and by decennial periods thereafter, and thus determine 
the condition which they had reached under the almost constant low tariff which 
prevailed prior to 1850 and the growth during that further low tariff period 
from 1850 to 1860, and to compare those conditions and growths with the pro- 
tective period which has been constant since i860, with the single three years' 
interruption from August 28, 1894, to July 24, 1897. 

The value of the products of the four great groups of the wool, cotton, 
and silk manufacturing establishments, dyeing and finishing, amounted in 
1850, after the long period of low tariff, to only $128,000,000 and the number of 
employees to only 146,897. During the ten years of uninterrupted low tariff 
from 1850 to 1860 the value of the products had only reached $214,000,000 in 
I860, an increase of $86,000,000, and the number of employees had increased to 
194,000, an increase of 48,000. The wages paid in these four industries in 1860, 
the last year under low tariff, amounted to but $40,000,000. 

In the next decade, under protection, the number of employees had in- 
creased to 275,000, with a growth of more than 100 per cent in wages and of 42 
per cent in number of employees. At the next decennial census, that of 1880 ? 
the number of employees was 384,000, an increase of more than 100,000; wages 
were $105,000,000, an increase of nearly $20,000,000, and the value of products, 
$532,000,000, or more than double those of the last year under low tariff. 

By 1890, still another decade of constant protection, the wages paid had 
increased to $175,000,000, an increase of $70,000,000 paid to labor, while the num- 
ber of employees had increased to 511,000 and the value of products had in- 
creased to $722,000,000, or three and a third times that of the year 1860, which 
terminated the long low-tariff period. 



Business Failures Under Three Tariffs. 

According to Dun's Review the number of failures in the calendar year 
1892, the last year under President Harrison, was 10,344; in 1893, the first 
year under a Democratic President, was 15,242, an increase of practically 50 
per cent; and in 1896, the last year of Democratic rule, was again 15,088. The 
amount of liabilities in 1892, the last year under President Harrison was $114,- 
000,000, and the amount in 1893, the first Democratic year, was $346,000,000, or 
more than three times as much as in the last Republican year; and that of 
1896, the last Democratic and low-tariff year, was $226,000,000, while in 1897, 
the first year under President McKinley, the liabilities dropped to but $90,- 
000,000, or about one-fourth those of 1893, and the total number of failures was 
but 9,733, against more than 15,000 in the last year of Democracy. 



Business Activity Under Three Tariffs. 

Clearing-house returns of the United States amounted to $60,000,000,000 
in 1892, the last Republican year of President Harrison's administration, and 
had dropped to $45,oco,000,000 in 1894, the year in which the low-tariff law 
was enacted, and were less than $52,000,000,000 in 1896; while in 1898, the first 
full year under the Dingley tariff they were $65,000,000,000, and in 1899 were 
within a fraction of $89,000,000,000, or practically double those of the year in 
which the Wilson low-tariff law was enacted. 



Freight Carried on Railways. 

The freight carried on the railroads of the United States, shows in 1894, 
the year in which the low-tariff law was enacted, a drop of 83,000,000 tons, or 
more than 10 per cent of the entire business as compared with the year in 
which President Cleveland was inaugurated; while in 1898, under McKinleyand 
the Dingley law, there was an increase of 124,000,000 tons as compared with 
1897, the year in which the Wilson low-tariff act was repealed, and an increase 
of 230,000,000 tons over the year in which the Wilson law was enacted. Mean- 
time the net earnings dropped from an average of $2,000 per mile during sev- 
eral preceding years to $1,800 per mile during the entire low- tariff period, and 
in 1898 again passed the $2,000 per mile line, being for that year $2,111 as the 
average earnings per mile of the railroads of the United States. 

Earnings of Railway Employees, 

The number of men employed by railways fell in 1894, the year of the 
enactment of the Wilson law, nearly 100,000 below the number employed in 
1893, while the earnings also showed a marked decrease. In 1898, the first 
full year under the Dingley tariff, the number of employees was, in round 
terms, 100,000 greater than in 1894, and the amount paid in wages $50,000,000 
greater than in I895,while the year 1899 showed an increase of 149.000 employees 
over 1894 and $75,000,000 increase in the wages paid, as compared with 1894 
or 1895. 

Business by Telegraph. 

Telegraph messages sent over the lines of the Western Union Telegraph 
Company dropped from 66.000,000 in 1893, the year of the inauguration of a 
Democratic and low-tariff President and Congress, to 58,000,000 in 1894, the 
year in which the Dingley law was enacted, and during the entire low-tariff 
period from 1894 to 1897 the number remained stationary, at 58,000,000, increas- 
ing in 1898, however, to more than 62,000,000. 



Becrease of Mortgages. 

In the single State of Nebraska, the value of mortgages filed in 1897, the 
first year under President McKinley, and the year in which the protective- 
tariff law was enacted, amounted to but $15,630,721, against $31,690,054 
during the year in which the low-tariff law was enacted. The value of the 
mortgages released in 1898, the first full year under the protective tariff, was 
$27,498,070 against $18,213,382 in 1896, the year of Mr. Bryan's nomination. 



Patents, Laud Sales, and Homestead Entries. 

The money received from the disposal of public lands by the General 
Land Office fell from more than $4,000,000 in 1892 and 1893 to $1,847,000 in 1896, 
and $1,596,000 in the fiscal year 1897, all of which was under the low tariff, while 
in 1898, the first fiscal year under th9 Dingley tariff, they had increased to 
$2,144,000, and in 1899 to $2,594,000. 



Final homestead entries made at the General Land Office, show that the 
total number in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1893, practically all of which 
was under President Harrison, was 24,204. and the number of acres granted, 
3,477,231. In the fiscal year 1894 the number fell to 20,544, and in 1896 to 20,099, 
with a total number of acres of 2,790,242, increasing to 22,281 in number and an 
acreage of 3,095 ,017 in the fiscal year 1898. 

The Postal Barometer of Business. 

The Postmaster-General in his recent annual report said: 
" The course of the postal revenues furnishes an unerring barometer of 
the business conditions of the country." 

He then quotes the receipts, expenditures, and deficits of the Post- Office 
Department from 1893 to 1899, showing that the receipts in 1894, notwithstand- 
ing the steady growth in population, actually fell below those of the fiscal year 
1893, practically all of which was under President Harrison. During the entire 
Democratic and low-tariff period the growth in receipts was but very small, 
the total receipts in the year end iv June 30, 1893, being $75,S96,933, and in the 
year ending June 30, 1897, $82,665,462. an increase in the four years of less than 
$7,000,000, while in the two years from June 30, 1897, to June 30. 1899, the in- 
crease was more than $12,000,000, the receipts for the fiscal year 1899 being $95,- 
021,384. The deficit of the Department, which, in the fiscal year 1893, prac- 
tically the last year under President Harrison, was $5,177,171, amounted, in 
the year ending June 30, 1897, all of which was under the low tariff, to $11,411,- 
779, and dropped again under protection and the business activity which 
accompanied it to $6,610,776 in the year 1899. 

Bank Beposits. 

Aggregate deposits in all classes of banks in the United States on or 
about June 30 in each year from 1892 to 1899 show that the deposits in national 
banks fell from $1,771,000,000 in 1892, in President Harrison's term, to $1,574,- 
000,000 in 1893, a reduction of $200,000,000, and that in the last year of the Dem- 
ocratic term they were but $1,686,000,000 increasing to $1,768,000,000 in 1897, 
$2,078,000,000 in 1898, and $2,605,000,000 in 1899— an increase of more than a 
billion dollars in 1899 as compared with 1893. 

State banks also show an equally remarkable record, their total deposits 
in 1899 being almost double those of 1894. Loan and trust companies show ic 
1899 deposits amounting to $835,000,000, against $471,000,000 in 1894. Savings 
banks show a reduction of $31,000,000 in their deposits in 1894 as compared with 
June 30, 1893, while those of June 30. 1899, were $305,000,000 greater than for 
June 30, 1894. Taking the record of all classes of banks— national, state, loan 
and trust companies, savings banks and private banks- the total deposits on 
June 30, 189J, were $6,853,381,000, against $4,667,930,328 in 1894, the year of the 
enactment of the "Wilson law, an increase of more than $2,000,000,000, or almost 
50 per cent, and practically all of this increase occurred after the election of 
President McKinley and a protective-tariff Congress. 

Hloiiey in Circulation Under L<ow and Protective Tariffs. 

The per capita money in circulation in 1892, the last year under President 
Harrison, was $24.44. By 1896 it had dropped to $21.10. In spite of the predic- 
tion of the campaign of that year that it could not increase without the free 
and unlimited coinage of silver and the retention of a low tariff, it has, under 
McKinley, the protective tariff, and the gold standard, increased to $26.50 per 
capita on July 1, 1900, an increase of 25 per cent in the per capita circulation, 
of 25 per cent in the total money in circulation, and of 64 per cent in the gold 
and gold certificates on July l, 1896, the date of Mr. Bryan's nomination, 
being $497,000,000, and on July 1, 1900, $815,474,460. while the total money on 
July 1. 1896, was $1,506,434,966, and on July l, 1900. $2.062,425.496-and all without 
the " free and unlimited coinage of silver." 



Our domestic trade must be won back and our idle working: 
people employed in gainful occupations at American wages. 
Our home market must be restored to its proud rank of first in 
the world, and our foreign trade so precipiately cut off-by ad- 
Terse national legislation, re-opened on fair and equitable 
terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing* pro- 
ducts.- WILLI AM McKINLEY, 



THE PROSPECT OF LABOR. 



Protection and sound currency have brought increased employment, increased earn- 
ings, and increased activity to our workingmen and their organizations. 

Prosperity of a nation is illustrated by the condition of its wage-earners. If the 
laborer in any country is receiving good wages with steady employment, that country 
can not be anything but prosperous. That the United States has been prosperous during 
the past three years is shown by the growth of the labor organizations in this country. 

While there is interest in the growth of corporations, it is in place to point out that 
the American Federation of Labor has also expanded at a surprising rate during the 
last three years. While capital has been concentrating its power, labor has been doing 
the same. This means that labor is amply protected and is flourishing under this 
Republican administration. Founded in 1886, the American Federation of Labor has 
conducted its business publicly, with dignity and with success. Today it employs twelve 
paid organizers, besides 470 voluunteer organizers, who work in Canada as well as in the 
United States. The following tabulated statement of the membership shows the condi- 
tion of the different organizations named on the first day of January, 1900: 

American Federation of Labor. 

Enrollment reported January 1, 1900 1,004,000 

Gained since January 1, 1900 304,000 

Local charters issued in 1900 1,500 

International and national unions now enrolled 73 

With state unions, 11 ; city trades councils, 134 » 145 

Record of 1899. 

Membership gained 225,000 

International and national unions added 9 

Union labels authorized • 29 

Strikes won 425 

Strikes lost 48 

Strikes compromised 39 

Charters issued in 1899 (reported) 2,264 

Charters issued in 1899 (not reported) 600 

Brotherhood Railway Organizations. 

Membership. 

Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers 34,000 

Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen 26,000 

Brotherhood of Railway Conductors 27,000 

Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen 25,000 



More Charters Issued. 

Not only has this big American consolidation, or federation, of labor issued a large 
number of charters, but its affiliated organizations have been equally prosperous, as will 

be seen from the following table, giving the number of charters issued by the different 
crafts for the year ending April 1, 1900: 

Charters Charters 

Craft. issued. Craft. issued. 

Miners 308 Wood workers 40 

Butchers 23 Wood carvers 15 

Brewers 25 Coopers 20 

Cigar makers 20 Trunk makers 3 

Tobacco workers 17 Carriage and wagon makers 10 

Tailors 37 Broom makers 28 

Garment workers 22 Musicians 12 

Shoe workers 24 Bottle blowers 17 

Leather workers 20 Window glass flatteners 12 

Granite cutters 12 Textile workers 12 

Tile layers 7 Printers 61 

Painters 60 Printing pressmen 40 

Steam fitters ' 3 Telegraphers 14 

Blacksmiths 32 Steam engineers 9 

Machinists 59 Coal-hoisting engineers 4 

Iron molders 50 Stationary firemen 24 

Iron, steel and tin workers 50 Street railway employees 25 

Boiler makers 40 Team drivers 78 

Electrical workers 20 Longshoremen 49 

Sheet metal workers 31 Commercial agents 11 

Turners 27 Retail clerks 63 

Bicycle makers 10 Stage employees 18 

Metal polishers 42 Barbers 52 

Stove mounters 12 Hotel and restaurant employes 13 

Pattern makers 15 

Nearly every national or international organization of labor has been increasing its 
membership, and the past three years have been those of greatest success for the consoli- 
dation of labor interests. 

President Gompers on Labor Conditions in 1893, 1897 and 1899. 

1893. 

Since August of this year we have been in the greatest industrial depression this country 
has ever experienced. It is no exaggeration to say that more than 3,000,000 of our fellow- 
toilers throughout the country are without employment and have been so since the time named. 
This lamentable industrial condition is attributed by many to various causes, and it seems to 
me that the accurate statement of them here is both requisite and appropriate, so that we may 
be better enabled to so frame our legislation that it may tend to a proper solution of the prob- 
lem dependent upon the wage-workers for solution. 

Never in the history of the world has so large a number of people vainly sought for an 
opportunity to earn a livelihood and contribute to the support of their fellows. In a society 
where such abnormal conditions prevail there must of necessity be something wrong at the basic 
foundation. 

1897. 

That terrible period for the wage-earners of this country which began in 1893 and which 
has left behind it such a record of horror, hunger and misery practically ended with the dawn 
of the year 1897. Wages had been steadily forced down from 1893 till toward the end of 1895, 
and it was variously estimated that between two million and two and a half million wage- 
earners were unemployed. 

It is agreed by all that the wage-earners are the principal consumers of American products, 
and it necessarily follows that a reduction in wages involves a diminution in the power of con- 
sumption, and consequently a proportionate decrease in production, and, naturally, also in the 
force of labor required for the production. A reduction of wages, therefore, results in an 
increase in the army of the unemployed, and any circumstances or combination of circumstances 
that will check reductions in wages, and hence the diminution of consumption by the masses, 
is a humane act, based on the soundest laws of economics and of progress. 

1899. 

The revival of industry which we have witnessed within the past year is one for general 
congratulation, and it should be our purpose to endeavor to prolong this era of more general 
employment and industrial activity. In this effort no power is so potent as organized labor, if 
we but follow a right and practical course. 

It is beyond question that the wages of the organized workers have been increased, and in 
many instances the hours of labor either reduced or at least maintained. 

The report which your officers are enabled to submit to this convention, so far as the 
growth and progress of our movement during the past year are concerned, is of a most gratify- 
ing character. At last we are realizing some of the fruits of the years of unceasing sacrifice, 
devotion and uninterrupted work of our fellow-unionists. 

A Democrat's Acknowledgement. 

The first of the above quotations by Samuel Gompers is taken from page 11 of the 
Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor Convention, held on December 11, 
1893, during the last Democratic administration of our national affairs. 

The second statement, that of 1897, is taken from a signed article by Samuel Gom- 
pers, president of the American Federation of Labor, published in New York on Janu- 
ary 1, 1898. 



The third quotation is from the report of President Gompers at the convention of 
the American Federation of Labor, held at Detroit on December 11, 1899. It is a stand- 
ing memorial to the benefits derived by American labor under a Republican administra- 
tion and Republican laws that are designed to protect our wage-earners and enable them 
to secure the highest possible rate of wages in return for the labor which they have 
to sell. 

It is but right to state here that Mr. Samuel Gompers, the president of the American 
Federation of Labor, is now, and always has been, an uncompromising Democrat. His 
frank and unsolicited testimony to the better conditions of labor under a Republican 
administration should, therefore, have some influence with our Democratic friends. His 
words speak volumes for Republican policy and for Republican administration. They 
show clearly, and without the possibility of a doubt, that this administration has made 
hives of industry out of the Democratic haunts of idleness that were created under the 
Democratic administration of President Cleveland, when both the House of Representa- 
tives and the United States Senate were under control of the Democratic party. 

Labor and Prosperity. 

How different are the conditions today among our wage-earning population from 
those that existed during the last Democratic administration. Contrast the earnings 
of our people now under the Republican protective tariff with those paid during the 
operation of the Wilson free-trade bill of the Democratic party. Wages have steadily 
advanced under the present Republican administration. Organized labor has seen its 
opportunity to increase its share in the distribution of the general prosperity by the 
circulation of a larger amount of wages. 

The workingman of today who does his own thinking has had the proof presented to 
him that it is to his best interests to stand by the platform and principles of the Repub- 
lican party. The American wage-earner wants the present good times and prosperity 
to continue indefinitely, and he will not vote this good thing away for any bubble of 
promises, which only means a disturbance of their industrial conditions, with less work, 
lower wages, idleness, soup-houses, free bread, and the poorhouse. 

American "Wage-Earners Have Fared "Well. 

Wages paid in the United States are from two to four times greater than the wages 
paid to the corresponding class of labor in the free-trade countries of the world. The 
purchasing power of a dollar in America is also correspondingly greater. Admitted that 
rents and the price of native products may be cheaper in foreign countries than they are 
here this difference is nothing like the wide disparity 'n the amount of wages earned. 
Moreover, the conditions of living must be considered, as well as the nominal cost. 
Cheap rents and cheap prices mean inferior accommodations and poorer living. To the 
average worker in foreign countries, most of the comforts and conveniences that are in 
common use by the American wage-earner are positive luxuries. The American workman 
and has family are the best educated, the best dressed, the best housed, and in every way 
the best situated workers in the world. The American wage-earner is always the most 
skillful workman. His duties and responsibilities are privileges possessed by no other 
laborers, and to his intelligence and achievements are largely due the fact that these 
United States are today the envy of the civilized world. 

In order to learn from the executive officers of the national and international labor 
unions of the United States the exact condition of business in this country, they were 
asked, early in the year 1900: "In your opinion, are the prospects favorable for con- 
tinued and steady employment?" Some of their replies received are as follows: 

Reports From Labor Unions on Employment of Their Members and 
Prospect of Continued Employment, 

Chas. Sidener, president American Agents' Association : Yes. Our members are all 
employed. The only question is how much they can sell. 

Thos. O'Dea, secretary Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' International Union : Yes. At no 
time in the history of this country has so much building been done. 

W. J. Gilthorpe, secretary Boiler Makers and Iron Ship Builders : Yes. Our increase in 
employment is 150 per cent over 1897. 

Charles Hank, secretary National Brick Makers' Alliance : Yes. Everybody working who 
wants to work. 

Robert Kerr, secretary International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths : Yes. Demand at 
present is greater than the supply. 

F. H. Harzbecker, secretary Bakers' and Confectioners' International Union : Yes. In our 
trade the slightest change is noticeable. Nearly the full membership now employed. 

International Brotherhood of Book Binders : Cannot supply the demand for competent 
workers. 

Horace Eaton, secretary Boot and Shoe Makers' Union : Never so prosperous as now. 

W. J. Maxwell, secretary Order of Railway Conductors : There is a very small percentage, 
as far as we know of, who are not employed if it is their desire to work. We further feel that 
the prospects are very favorable for continued steady employment. 

John Paulson, secretary Lace Curtain Operatives : Yes. Very favorable indeed. 



Max Morris, secretary Retail Clerks' International Protective Association : Yes. Our 
efforts are directed toward shortening the hours of labor, and aim to abolish Sunday labor. 

Wm. Launer, secretary Glass Bottle Blowers : Yes. The outlook for the future in the 
glass blowing trade is very bright. 

John Kunzler, president Glass Workers : We have no reason to believe that our members 
will not be steadily employed for another year at least. 

E. J. Benney, secretary Iron Molders' National Union of America : Within the last twelve 
months have secured an increase in wages and many concessions favorable to our members, 
all of whom have been generally employed. 

Chas. L. Conine, secretary Leather Workers on Horse Goods : Yes. Our organization is 
increasing in membership and all members working. 

T. J. Duffy, secretary Potters' National Union : Yes, judging from present conditions. 

W. J. Spencer, secretary United Association of Plumbers, Gas Fitters, Steam Fitters and 
Steam Fitters' Helpers : Yes. If we can enforce our conditions concerning apprentices, we 
will have steady employment. 

George Godsoe, secretary Paper Makers' International Union : They are. Indications 
point very favorably toward steady employment. 

James F. McHugh, secretary Stone Cutters' National Union : Yes, for a few years. 

Thos. O'Donnell, secretary Cotton Mule Spinners' National Union : Yes. Prospects are 
good for this year, as our manufactures are contracted for several months ahead. 

H. B. Perham, secretary Order of Railway Telegraphers : As far as I know, there are 
very few telegraphers out of employment. Prospects are favorable for continued and steady 
employment for the telegraphers. 



Barbers, 

Cigar makers, 

Coopers, 

Hoisting engineers, 

Brewery workers, 

Electrical workers, 

Steam engineers (stationary), 

Firemen (stationary), 

Locomotive engineers, 



Tes: 

Locomotive firemen, 

Iron, steel and tin workers, 

Oil and gas well workers . 

Longshoremen, 

Machinists, 

Mine workers, 



Stove mounters, 

Theatrical stage employees, 

Seamen, 

Tailors, 

Trunk makers, 

Railroad laborers, 



Steel and copper plate workers Textile workers, 

Printers of all languages, Waiters, cooks and bartenders. 

Pattern makers, Woodworkers. 



In Two Short Years. 

Within a couple of short years, by the wise administration of the Republican party, 
the Democratic haunts of idleness have been turned into hives of industry. Owing to 
the density of the smoke that is pouring from the chimney tops of their factory furnaces 
it is impossible to see the gloom that is predicted by the Democratic party. 

Side by side with this record of the resumption of work is that of the increase of 
wages, ranging from 5 to 40 per cent, and the most gratifying fact in this matter of 
higher wages is that it has been voluntary to a large extent on the part of the employ- 
ers. The following table is compiled from the reports of national and international 
unions, made in April, 1900, showing the per cent of increase in wages of fifty-nine 
different trades or crafts in the years 1897, 1898, and 1899: 



Increase of "Wages in 1897* and 1899, as Reported by Labor 

Organizations. 



Crafts. 

Agents 

Bricklayers and stone masons 

Broom makers 

Bicycle workers 

Boiler makers and iron shipbuilders, 

Brickmakers 

Blacksmiths 

Brewery workmen , . . . . 

Bakers 

Bookbinders 

Boot and shoe workers 



1897. 
Per cent. 

5 
. 10 



Wage Increase- 



1898. 
Per cent. 
10 
12 

io 

10 



10 



10 

5 



1899. 
Per cent. 
20 
25 
10 
20 
25 
10 
10 
15 
15 
25 
15 



Conductors (railroad) Very substantial increase 

Coopers 3 4 10 

Curtain (lace) operators . . 15 

Core makers 8 12 25 

Carpenters 5 8 15 

Cigar makers 6 10 

Engineers (locomotive) Small 12 30 

Engineers (coal-hoisting) 10 50 

Electrical workers 25 25 

Engineers (stationary) 20 30 

Firemen ( stationary) . . 15 

Firemen (locomotive) . . 10 

Glass bottle blowers . . 8 

Glass workers .. .3 

Horseshoers 10 10 io 

Iron molders . . 10 

Iron, steel and tin workers . 5 8 17 

Longshoremen 10 5 15 

Leather workers 15 15 15 

Meat cutters and butcher workmen . . 25 



1897. 
Per cent. 

Metal workers 

Machinists 10 

Mine workers 12 

Potters 12% 

Plumbers, gas and steam litters 

Paper makers 

Printers 

Pattern makers 

Stonecutters 

Spinners (cotton mule) 

Stove mounters 

Stage employees 25 

Street railway employees 

Seamen 

Tailors 

Tin plate workers 

Trunk makers 

Tile layers 

Railroad laborers 

Textile workers 

Tobacco woi'kers 

Upholsterers 3 

Waiters and cooks 5 

Wood carvers 

Wood workers 5 



Wage Increaee- 
it98. 


1899. 


Per cent. 


Per cent. 




10 


15 


40 


26 


40 




5 




10 


10 


30 


15 


30 




5 




22 


5 


10 


200 


300 


5-10 


12 


12 


33 




10 




15 


10 


15 




10 


7 


10 




12% 


8 


15 


10 


20 


10 


10 


o 


7y 2 


8 


15 



"Lest "We Forg-et"— A Few Facts About 1893-1896 Which Working- 
men Should Remember in 1900. 

The voters of the United States are about to be called upon to determine which party 
shall control the affairs of the government during the next four years. It seems scarcely 
possible that the terrible experiences of free trade, coupled with a threat of free silver, 
should be forgotten, but as this seems to be the only assumption upon which their votes 
can again be asked for those dangerous propositions, a few extracts are here presented 
from that generally accepted and always accurate authority, the American Cyclopedia, 
on the conditions w T hich existed during the Democratic period 1893-1896, in which the 
actual experiment of free trade was made, and coupled with its closing years the threat 
of free silver. 



Business and Industrial Record, 1893-1895. 

[Prom Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1893, 1894 and 1895.] 

July 18, 1893 : Denver, Colo. ; four banks close their doors and there are runs on other 
financial institutions. 

July 19 : More banks close their doors. 

July 20 : Kansas ; fight between strikers and nonunion miners at Weir City. 

July 22 : Two bank failures in Milwaukee and runs on banks in many other places. 

July 24 : More bank failures in the West. 

July 26 : New York ; two stock exchange firms fail. 

July 27 : Ten banks suspend, most of them Northwestern. Other business failures reported. 

July 28 : More failures and suspensions, including nine banks in the West and one in 
Kentucky. 

August 1 : Collapse of the Chicago provision deal. Many failures of commission houses. 
Great excitement in the board of trade. 

August 8 : The Chemical Bank, one of the strongest in the country, is unable to fill its 
weekly orders for small currency. 

August : Madison Square Bank suspends. 

August 17 : Much excitement on east side New York among Hebrew laborers. Police 



called out. 

August 22 

August 23 

January 15, 1894 
bonds. 

August 30 : 

January 17 



Encounter between anarchists and socialists averted by police in New York. 
Meeting of anarchists broken up by police. 

Secretary of the Treasury Carlisle announces his intention to issue 



Kansas coal miners' strike ended with nothing gained. 
The Secretary of the Treasury offe/rs a $50,000,000 loan for public subscrip- 
tion, according to his announced intentions. 

January 24 : Strike in Ohio of 10,000 miners. 

January 27 : A mob of foreign miners destroy property at Brantville, Pa., and elsewhere. 

February 16 : Many New York silk factories close o!l account of strike. 

February IS : In Ohio all the mines of the Massillon district closed by s,trike. 

February 20 : In Boston a riotous assemblage of unemployed workmen dispersed by police, 

March 2 : Six thousand miners in Jackson County, Ohio, out of employment. 

Paterson, N. J. : General strike among the silk weavers. 

March 3 : In West Virginia striking miners burn the railroad bridge and commit other 
lawless acts. 

March 13 : At Paterson, N. J., riotous proceedings on the part of the striking silk weavers. 

March 17 : In Colorado Governor Waite orders State troops to Cripple Creek to suppress 
mining troubles. 

March 20 : In Boston a large body of unemployed workingmen march to the State House 
and demand employment. 

March 24 : A movement inaugurated in various parts of the Northern States, known as 
the Army of the Commonwealth, Coxeyites, etc., proposing marching to Washington and 
demanding help at the hands of Congress. 



March 31 : Coxeyites are a source of terror to certain Western towns upon which they 
quarter themselves. 

April 1 : In South Carolina a large force of State militia is dispatched to the scene of 
the whisky war in Darlington and Florence. 

In Ohio, a mob of strikers at East Liverpool become riotous and several persons are 
injured. 

April 2 : In Chicago 5,000 plumbers, painters, etc., go on a strike. 

At Connellsville, Pa., 5,000 coke workers strike. 

April 3 : In South Carolina the governor assumes control of the police and declares 
martial law in all the cities of the State. 

April 4 : In Pennsylvania 6 men killed and 1 wounded in coke riots. 

April 13 : General strike for higher wages on Great Northern Railway. 

In Alabama : The general council of United Mine Workers orders a strike affecting 8.000 
men. 

April 16 : Strike on the Great Northern spreads to the Northern Pacific. 

April 20 : In Omaha a mob seizes a train of box cars and attempts to deport Kelly's 
industrial army, but the army refuses to go. 

April 21 : About 150,000 miners stop work in sympathy with the coke strikers of Penn- 
sylvania. 

April 28 : Arrival of a division of the Coxey army at Washington. 

A division of the Coxeyites arrested at Mount Sterling for holding up a railway train. 

United States troops ordered to assist the civil authorities in the far West. 

On the Great Northern Railroad system the Knights of Labor are called out on strike. 

April 29 : Kelly's army, 1,200 strong, at Des Moines. 

April 30 : Strike of 2,000 painters in Chicago. 



May 
arrested. 
May 2 



dued by the police 



May 4 
both sides. 
Mav 9 



Attempted demonstrations of Coxey's army on the steps of the Capitol. Leaders 
In Ohio a mob of Italians and Poles attack the iron mills, but the riot is sub- 



Further bloodshed in the coke regions of Pennsylvania ; killed and wounded on 



Kelly's army sails from Des Moines on flatboats. 

May 10 : Several deputy marshals and citizens shot in a conflict with Coxeyites. 

May 11 : Two thousand Pullman car employees strike at Chicago for last year's wages. 

May 12 : The captured Coxey army is removed to Leavenworth, where there is a 
strong garrison of regulars. 

May 13 : Arrest of a commonweal army by United States Marshal at Greenriver, 
Wyoming. 

May 19 : Several hundred employees of the Government Printing office dismissed. 

May 19 : Considerable detachments of commonweal armies are suffering from cold and 
hunger in the neighborhood of Cincinnati. 

May 25 : In Ohio more conflict between striking miners and deputy sheriffs. 

May 26 : In Pennsylvania the governor goes to the coke regions to use his personal 
influence toward allaying the disturbances. 

In Colorado the governor orders out the militia to suppress riotous miners at Cripple 
Creek. 

May 27 : In Illinois the governor orders troops to Minonk, where a mob has taken 
possession of a railway train. 

May 30 : In Pennsylvania the governor issues a warning to coke rioters. 

In Ohio : Governor McKinley orders out the militia to prevent interference with coal 
trains. 

At Washington : The commonweal armies hold a public parade in the streets. 

June 1 : At St. Louis 1,000 carpenters strike. 

General Kelly and his industrial army leave the city. 

June 4 : At Washington destitution among the commonwealers. 

June 5 : Militia ordered out to quell striking miners. 

In Idaho a number of commonwealers sentenced to imprisonment for train stealing. 

June 7 : In Ohio trains move under the protection of the militia. 

Kelly and his commonwealers abandon their boats at Cairo and resume their march on 
Washington. 

June 9 : Nineteen commonwealers sentenced to jail for various offenses. 

June 10 : Coal strikers in Pennsylvania killed and wounded in an encounter with 
sheriffs at Lemont. 

State troops on both sides of Ohio River harassed by strikers. 

June 11 : Continued destruction of railroad property in Ohio and Alabama. 

June 17 : The Indiana miners continue to strike. Striking miners in Ohio, Pennsylvania 
and West Virginia decide to return to work. 

Twenty-three commonwealers in Illinois sent to jail for train stealing. 

June 18 : Wisconsin General Cant well's industrial army captures a train and rides 200 
miles. 

At Leavenworth 121 commonwealers sentenced and sent to various county jails. 

June 20 : On the Gogebic range, Mich., 2,000 miners go on a strike. 

June 21 : Governor of Pennsylvania orders out troops to suppress disorders in Jefferson 
County. 

In Illinois : Twenty-five strikers indicted by grand jury. 

June 25 : In St. Louis and Ludlow, Ky., about 500 employees strike work from Pull- 
man Car Company. 

June 26 : Boycott against Pullman cars goes into effect. 

June 27 : The Pullman boycott extends to all roads that run to Chicago. 

Industrial army disturbances are thus far reported in 14 States and 2 Territories. 

June 28 : The railway strike spreads so as to include nearly all the great railroads 
between the Mississippi and the Pacific. 

July 30 : The month closes with a most threatening state of affairs in the West and the 
Northwest ; violence continues to increase at all the strike centers. 

July 1 : The Federal Government takes active steps to protect mails in transit through 
the region of disturbance. 

July 2 : United States courts at Chicago issue a general order against strikers, and 
United States troops are called out. 

July 3 : Strikers block the operations of all railways from Chicago westward. Regu- 
lars and state troops in strong force ordered to the scene of action. 



July 5 : Great destruction of property by rioters at Chicago. 

Encounters with militia at Sioux City, Iowa, and Asbury Park, N. J. 

July 6 : Hundreds of cars burned by rioters in Chicago. Governor Altgeld protests 
against the intervention of United States troops : 

July 7 : State troops fire on mob at Chicago. 

United States regulars assume coDtrol of the Northern Pacific and Union Pacific railroads. 

July 8 : Regulars disperse mob at Hammond, Ind., 1 killed and 4 wounded : 

July 10 : Debs and other labor leaders arrested at Chicago, but released on bail. 

General call upon all Knights of Labor to strike : 

Regulars start for Sacramento, Cal., which has been for several days under mob rule. 

July 11 : About 15,000 workingmen strike at Chicago. 

Strikers wreck a train at Sacramento, Cal., killing the engineer and 3 soldiers and in- 
juring others. 

July 13 : Regulars fire upon a mob at Sacramento. 

A detachment of Kelly's industrial army captures a train in Ohio. 

July 15 : Strikers wreck a freight train at Indianapolis. 

July 17 : Debs and other leaders sent to jail by Federal court. 

August 10 : Two companies of State militia ordered to South Omaha to restrain pack- 
ing-house strikers. 

August 11 : An industrial army at Rosslyn, Va., dispersed by State troops. 

August 13 : Adoption of the amended Wilson tariff bill by both houses of Congress. 

August 23 : Lockout of 25,000 mill operatives at Fall River, Mass. 

September 15 : Strike of 38,000 mill operatives at Fall River, Mass. 

September 20 : A general strike of garment workers in Boston ordered. 

September 24 : Strike of 3,000 shirt makers in New York. 

October 23 : Residents of Indian Territory ask the Government to detail troops for the 
protection of private property. 

Resumption of strike among the textile workers at Fall River, Mass. 

November 13 : Secretary of the Treasury Carlisle issues a call for another loan of 
$50,000,000 on 5 per cent ten-year bonds. 

January 19, 1895 : Brooklyn troops disperse mob at bayonet's point. 

January 20 : Many conflicts, some of them fatal, between troops and riotous strikers. 

January 25 : The Nebraska legislature appropriates $50,000 for seed for distressed farmers. 

January 27 : In Ohio an encounter takes place between glassworkers and troops called 
out to preserve order. 

February 21 : A strike of the building trades of New York begins. 

February 24 : Strike among New York electrical workers becomes serious. 

March 12 : A labor and race riot occurs on the levees at New Orleans, with six negroes 
killed and an officer of a British steamship wounded. 

April 9 : Extended strike of coat makers in Cincinnati and vicinity. 

April 10 : A number of rioters arrested during the trolley strike are sent to the peni- 
tentiary- 
April 19 : Strike of St. Louis garment makers. 

April 30 : Strike of Baltimore garment-makers' union. 

May 1 : Strike of 10,000 West Virginia coal miners. 

May 3 : West Virginia Federal court issues an injunction against striking miners for 
interference with United States mails. 

May 4 : Joint conference of Ohio miners and operators at Columbus ; about 24,000 miners 
now on strike. 

May 19 : The Pennsylvania miners decide to continue their strike. 

May 22 : General strike in the Chicago brick yards. 

May 25 : Two men taken from jail at Danville, 111., and lynched because mob determined 
that Governor Altgeld should never have a chance to pardon them. 



THE REPUBLICAN PARTY THE TRUE FRIEND OF THE 
LABORING MAN. 

From its earliest history the Democratic party has opposed his best interests and 
from its earliest history the Republican party has advocated principles favorable to his 
best interests. The Democracy favOred and voted for an attempt to destroy the Union 
in behalf of a system which was most disadvantageous to labor — human slavery. For 
many years that party by its legislation in support of human slavery placed the labor of 
many millions of slaves in direct competition with the labor element of the country, and 
would have continued it to the present day but for the Republican party. 

In the matter of protection versus free trade the Republican party has been dis- 
tinctly the friend of the laboring man and the Democracy arrayed against his best 
interests. It is no^t necessary to go into elaborate discussions of this subject. The 
record of the past few years and comparison of present conditions with those under the 
low tariff of four years ago are sufficient evidence of the friendship of the Republican 
system of protection for the laboring man and the hostility to the laboring interests of 
the free-trade system under which the sufferings of the working people of the United 
States occurred but a few years ago. 

In the matter of free homes, the record of the two parties is equally distinct and 
clear. The Republican party originated the homestead laws, fought for them, met with 
Democratic opposition, and then with a veto by a Democratic president, Buchanan, but 
were finally successful, and under that system free homes have been given to many 
millions of people, the latest step in that line being the free homes act passed by the 
Fifty-sixth Congress. 

Protection in the Porto Rican Act. 

The latest evidence of Republican friendship for the laboring man and of Democratic 
hostility to his interests is found in the legislation of last winter on the Porto Rican 
act. The Republican party saw the necessity of inaugurating such legislation as would 
clearly assert the right to control the relations between the United States and the 
Philippines and thus protect the workingman of the United States from the cheap labor 
of those islands; while the Democrats insisted upon absolute free trade between the 
United States and all island territory of this character, which plan, had they been suc- 
cessful, would have brought the cheap labor of the Philippines directly in competition 
with the labor of the United States. 



82 



Bentley, Murray & Co., Printers, 52-54 Wabash Av., Chicago. 



The Democratic Ice Trust. 

An Example of Democratic Pretense and Practice on the Trust Ques- 
tion — Also Some Other Facts of Record Relative to the Real* Atti- 
tude of Democratic Leaders on the Trust Question. 

The platform of the 'Democratic party adopted at their Presidential 
convention in Kansas City declares "an unceasing warfare in nation, 
State and city against private monopoly in every form." This portion 
of the document is written in expressive language by a master hand, 
probably that of Augustus Van Wyck, the New York member of the 
Platform Committee, who is an expert in the subject of "monopolies 
and trusts." He is one of the largest stockholders in what is popularly 
known as the Tammany Ice Trust, which the leading Democratic news- 
papers of New York City recently described as "A conspiracy to coin 
fever and thirst into dividends." 

The Ice Trust was organized to control the supply and fix the price 
to the consumers in the great city of New York of one of the prime 
necessaries of life. It was organized by Democratic politicians, many 
of whom are officeholders whose official authority could be and has been 
used to promote its prosperity and swell its profits. Immense as were 
the financial resources of this unlawful monopoly it could not expect to 
control every source of supply. Both Divine Providence and human 
science forbade that, but it could virtually prevent the necessary of 
life from reaching several millions of consumers except through the 
channels it provided and on the terms it demanded. 

Wholesale Democratic Plunder. 

This was easily done through the connivance of Democratic officials 
who controlled the dock privileges of the great city, two of whom were 
dock commissioners and another the Mayor. This having been accom- 
plished the Trust advanced the price of ice which cost it one dollar 
to one dollar and fifty cents a ton in its delivery wagons, to three and 
four dollars a ton to its wholesale customers and sixty cents the 100 
pounds, or at the rate of twelve dollars a ton (double the price of coal), 
to small consumers. At the same time it proclaimed that thereafter 
no sales of ice in "five-cent pieces" would be made, thus virtually 
depriving of this prime necessity of life all persons who were too 
poor to buy more than five cents' worth at one time and all who were 
not able to indulge in the luxury of refrigerators or ice chests, the 
two classes together numbering several hundred thousand persons in 
the great city which this Democratic Trust holds by the throat. Later, 
the Trust was compelled by force of public opinion to make a partial 
concession to its poorer customers, which it did with an insult by 



compelling them to show that they were actually too poor to buy 
more than a half-dime's worth of ice at a time. 

All these things were done this year by this Democratic Trust, while 
iee was furnished to consumers in Savannah, Georgia, at the rate of 
5 cents for 50 pounds. 

Democratic Officials the Stockholders. 

Who compose this monopoly? Among its stockholders were the 
following Democratic officeholders and politicians, a few of whom may 
have disposed of their stock on account of the exposure of the infamies 
of the organization: 

Robert A. Van Wyck, Mayor — 10,175 shares. 

Augustus . Van Wyck, brother of Mayor, Democratic candidate for 
Governor, 1898; New York member Kansas City Platform Committee — 
7,000 shares. 

J. Sergeant Cram, Dock Commissioner. 

Charles F. Murphy, Dock Commissioner. 

John Whalen, Corporation Counsel, Delegate to Kansas City Con- 
vention. 

H. S. Kearny, Commissioner Public Buildings, Lighting and Supplies. 

George V. Brawer, Park Commissioner, Brooklyn. 

Randolph Guggenheimer, President of Council. 

Joseph E. Newberger, Judge General Sessions. 

Martin T. McMahon, Judge General Sessions. 

Rufus B. Cowing, Judge General Sessions. 

Among the other members of the judiciary either of the Court of 
General Sessions or of the Supreme Court whose names were found 
on the register of stockholders were the following Democratic Judges: 
George C. Barrett, George L. Ingraham, James Fitzgerald, H. A. Gilder- 
Bleeve, Edgar L. Fursman and Edward Patterson. 

Democratic "Bosses" in the Trust. 

But more illustrious names than theirs are to follow. Richard 
Croker, the Democratic "Boss," who led the New York delegation in 
the Kansas City Convention and deputed Augustus Van Wyck to act 
as a member of the Platform Committee, is down for one thousand 
shares, and the names of several members of his family also appear 
on the list of stockholders, indicating that his presents to them do not 
all consist of "bull pups" at $4,000 apiece. John F. Carroll, the deputy 
boss, who acts in Croker's absence, and who was also one of the dele- 
gates to the Kansas City Convention, is down for 10,250 shares. A 
good deal of ice is brought from the rivers of Maine, which were 
visited by Mayor Van Wyck and John F. Carroll some weeks ago, 
with an eye to business, and on the list of stockholders of the Ice 
Trust it was not surprising to find the illustrious name of Arthur 
Sewall, of Bath, who was one of the tails to Bryan's kite four years 
ago. The names cf two Democratic ex-mayors of New York — Hugh J. 
Grant and Thomas F. Gilroy — were found on the same list. 

National Democratic Chairman Jones a Friend of Trusts. 

To return to the Karens City Convention and its platform. It was 
truly appropri ate th it ; : le latter should be presented to the Convention 
by Senator J. K. Jones, of Arkansas, and that it should be received 
on behalf of the Convention by its permanent Chairman, Representative 
James D. Richardson, of Tennessee. The former was the Chairman 
of the Platform Committee and is the Chairman of the Democratic 
National Committee. He is also a member of the Finance Committee of 
the United States Senate, and in that capacity he took an influential 



part in framing what is sometimes known as the "Sugar Trust Tariff" 
of 1894. It may he remembered that the butler — it was his house- 
maid — of Senator McPherson, of New Jersey, having become possessed 
of some advance information about the sugar rates of that tariff (his 
or her employer being one of Senator Jones' colleagues of the Finance 
Committee), bought some Sugar Trust stock and turned a comfortable 
penny by the transaction. 

Senator Jones next distinguished himself as a foe of the Sugar Trust 
a few months ago, when the Porto Rican Relief bill was under consider- 
ation in the Senate. It was proposed to use the money collected as 
duties on Porto Rican products which had been brought into the United 
States for the benefit of the island. That did not strike Senator Jones 
favorably and he offered an amendment providing that the money 
should be returned to those from whom it had been collected. If 
his amendment had been adopted nearly $1,200,0Q0 would 
have been paid out of the National Treasury into the treasury of the 
Sugar Trust instead of being used for the benefit of Porto Rico. But 
the Republican Senate did not adopt the amendment offered by Senator 
Jones, who was one of the framers of the Kansas City Platform, and 
is the Chairman of the Bryan National Campaign Committee. 

Congressional Democratic Chairman Richardson Also a Friend of 

Trusts. 

Representative Richardson, permanent Chairman of the Kansas City 
Convention and Chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign 
Committee, also distinguished himself in the last session of Congress 
by his sturdy opposition ( ?) to "trusts and monopolies." He offered 
a series of joint resolutions aimed against them. One of these, which 
provided for the abolition of the duties on all sugar and molasses 
produced in Cuba and Porto Rico and brought into the United States, 
was referred to the Ways and Means Committee, of which he is a 
member. This was House Joint Resolution No. 181, Fifty-sixth Con- 
gress, First Session. After consideration by the Committee it was 
moved that the resolution be reported back to the House 'with an 
adverse recommendation. On this motion, Mr. Richardson, the leader 
of the Democratic minority in the House, voted in the negative. From 
the adverse report of the Committee it appears that if the joint resolu- 
tion should become law the sugar consumers of the United States 
would derive no benefit whatever from it, but that the Sugar Trust 
would be better off by the sum of fourteen million dollars a year more, 
and that the sugar growers of the United States would be deprived of 
a large measure of the protection necessary to the maintenance and 
growth of that important domestic industry. 

Mr. Bryan as a Friend of Trusts. 

Perhaps the most striking example, however, of persistent support 
of trusts by men who are constantly professing hostility to them is the 
course of Mr. Bryan with reference to that greatest combination of 
this character known to the United States, the Silver Trust. If there 
are any two subjects upon which Mr. Bryan has been frequently heard 
from in the past four years it is "political bossism" and "the Trust 
question." Yet if the reports from Lincoln and Kansas City during 
the early days of the Democratic Convention of 1900 are true — and 
they have not been denied by Mr. Bryan or his friends — he on that 
occasion performed the most remarkable feat of political bossism ever 
known to history and performed it in the interest of the greatest trust 
known to the United States, the Silver Trust, which is made up largely 
of alien owners of our great silver mines. 



It is well known that a majority of the convention and a majority 
of the Committee on Platform was opposed to a distinct declaration 
in favor of the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1, preferring to "sneak" 
the silver question in by the equally effective but more delusive method 
of a general reaffirmation of the Chicago Platform of 1896. When Mr. 
Bryan heard of this, it is asserted (and not denied) that he sent word 
that unless a distinct declaration in favor of the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver at 16 to 1 were inserted he would take the first train 
for Kansas City, enter the convention as a substitute for some Ne- 
braska delegate, and lead the fight for a distinct declaration of this 
kind, and that if it were not inserted in the platform in specific terms 
he would refuse a nomination on the platform or by the party. 

Aided by an Imperial Prince. 



The result is known : the Platform Committee, by the aid of the 
vote of the princely delegate from Hawaii, put into the platform a 
specific declaration in favor of free coinage at 16 to 1, and the Con- 
vention, at the demand of the greatest Political Boss, controlled by 
the greatest of trusts, calmly swallowed it. If there is any doubt about 
what is the "paramount issue" of the platform there can be hone as 
to the paramount issue in the mind and intent of Mr. Bryan, as the 
representative of the Silver Trust. 

On this question of his relations to the Silver Trust the following 
statement, published July 11, 1896, by his now ardent supporter, the 
Chicago Chronicle, will be accepted as authoritative: 

"The proprietors of the Big Bonanzas have found it profitable to 
keep a large number of orators, lecturers and other spokesmen on the 
road. Among the men who have been thus employed and carried on 
the pay-roll of the Big Bonanzas for a number of years is Wm. J. Bryan 
of Nebraska. A paid agent of and spokesman for the silver combine, 
he has not since his retirement from Congress had any other visible 
means of support. The richest men in the world, the proprietors of 
the Big Bonanzas, hire orators like Bryan exactly as other wealthy 
men hire fiddlers, and value them about as highly. Silver orators, like 
fiddlers, come in at the back doors of the Big Bonanzas and eat at 
the servants' table. Since he holds that relationship to the Big Bonan- 
zas, Wm. J. Bryan's nomination by their order, and as a result of the 
free use of their money, becomes an insult to the American people of 
no small proportions." 



COLORED AMERICANS 

JOHN R. LYINCH'S APPEAL TO THEM. 



'The Paramount Issue is the Protection of Their Own Rights." 



Ignored by the Democratic Platform — Public Declarations of Democratic Leaders, 

(Negro Suffrage Must be "Removed from the Body Politic" — The 

False Cry of "Negro Domination" — Colored Voters 

in the North Warned. 

My attention has been previously called, says John R. Lynch,, 
Ex-Congressman from Mississippi, and now Paymaster in the U. S. V. 
at Santiago, to expressions from certain colored men who seem to be 
dissatisfied with the position of the Republican party in general and 
the present administration in particular, with reference to certain 
questions now before the public in which the colored race is vitally 
interested. Some of these expressions are from sources which deserve 
respectful consideration. They are made by men, who, I am sure, are 
not actuated by sordid motives or selfish considerations. Some of 
them have gone so far as to express the opinion that the condition of 
the race would be improved, at least in certain localities, if the colored 
vote would divide. These men are honest but mistaken. They are 
laboring under an erroneous impression, which, if possible, should be 
removed. 

The principal objection urged against the Republican party by 
certain colored men is that it has not been sufficiently outspoken in 
denunciation and condemnation of lawlessness and violence and in the 
efforts now being made by the Democratic party to abrogate and 
nullify the 15th. Amendment. Every intelligent person knows that the 
present administration has done all that can be done under the 
Constitution and laws to prevent these crimes and to punish those who 
commit them. There are many persons, white and colored, of more 
than ordinary intelligence, who honestly believe that a national 
administration can, if it will, protect every person in the enjoyment of 
life, liberty and property. But those who understand our system of 
government know better. Under the Constitution and laws of the 
United States, as construed by the Supreme Court, the protection of the 
individual in the enjoyment of life, liberty and property comes under 
the police regulations of the state and that if the state can not or will 
not afford this protection the individual is without a remedy. This is 
one of the defects in our governmental system which I hope will some 
day be remedied. The fact has been demonstrated that the general 
government can not even protect a foreign subject against domestic 
violence in any one of the states of the American Union. That the 
TJnited States government can protect any one of its citizens against 
violence abroad but can not protect any one of them against domestic 
violence when committed in any one of the states may seem strange, 
Dut it is true just the same. 

CRIMES AND OUTRAGES NOT TO BE ENDORSED. 

Is it reasonable to suppose that the colored voters will now endorse 
and approve of the crimes that some of them blame the present 
administration for not being able to prevent ? Some colored men do 



vote the Democratic ticket. I have seen a suggestion from at least one 
colored man for whose opinions I have great respect, that if the colored 
man, especially in the South, would vote the Democratic ticket, they 
would no doubt receive more consideration and better treatment. I 
assume that this suggestion was thoughtfully made and at a time when 
the subject had been carefully considered. Of course no colored man 
who is not devoid of manhood and self-respect can act upon such a 
suggestion. It would mean that the helpless victim should kiss the rod 
that smites him with the hope that he who holds it may temper the 
blows with mercy. It would mean a confession on the part of the 
colored men that they are not entitled to a voice in the government 
under which they live and by which they are taxed. It would be a 
declaration on their part that they are here by sufferance and not by 
law — that they are allowed to remain upon American soil as a matter 
of favor and not as a matter of right. 

THE PARAMOUNT ISSUE FOR COLORED VOTERS, 

I do not mean to say that all colored men are in accord with the 
Republican Party upon all public questions. Colored men are not 
unlike white men. There are differences among them just as there are 
among white men. There are some colored men, no doubt, who are in 
accord with Mr. Bryan and the Democratic party, especially upon such 
questions as expansion, the finances and the tariff. These colored men 
would, lam sure, vote in accordance with their views on these questions 
if conditions were such that they could afford to make any one of them 
the paramount issue. But a moment's consideration will show that 
this is not possible. It is no doubt true that there are many men who 
are not in perfect accord with the party to which they belong and for 
whose candidates they vote. The course usually pursued by intelligent 
men who are thus situated is to select some one important question or 
issue that they consider to be paramount to all others, and act with the 
party with which they find themselves in accord on that issue. This was 
clearly and intelligently expressed in a letter written by Hon. Carl 
Schurz in 1899. It was not Mr. Schurz's conclusions, but his process of 
reasoning that impressed me favorably. In 1896 he considered the 
financial question to be the paramount issue, and, finding himself in 
accord with the Republican party on that issue, he acted in that 
campaign with the Republican party. In 1900 he believes the question 
of expansion should be the paramount issue, and finding himself in 
accord with the Democratic party on that issue, he acts in this 
campaign with the Democratic party. It will be seen, of course, that 
what must necessarily be the paramount issue with the colored voters 
is a subordinate one with Mr. Schurz. Senator Hoar, on the other hand, 
who is in accord with Mr. Schurz and the Democratic party on the 
question of expansion, does not consider expansion to be the paramount 
issue. The following sentence from a speech delivered by him in the 
Senate expresses his views upon that question: "I am not ready to 
take the administration of this country from the party which for fifty 
years has been wrong but once, and commit it to the party which for 
fifty years has never once been right." The paramount issue with the 
colored Americans must be the protection of their own rights, which 
are being assailed by the Democratic party. So long as the Democratic 
party maintains its present attitude towards the colored Americans, the 
colored voters can not afford to make any other than the protection of 
their own rights a paramount issue. I cannot see, therefore, how any 
colored man can afford to act with the Democratic Party, although some 
of them may be in harmony with it on subordinate questions and issues. 



PROPOSED DESTRUCTION OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE. 

To find out the attitude of the Democratic party on the suffrage 
question we are obliged to look elsewhere than in their last national 
pi atf orm. In that document that important question is entirely ignored. 
But Senator Morgan of Alabama, who is one of the ablest Democrats 
in the Senate, and whose authority to represent and speak for his party 
will hardly be questioned, has recently defined the position of the 
Democratic party on that issue in language that can not be misunder- 
stood. Speaking with reference to Negro suffrage, he used the follow- 
ing language : "It is a thorn in the flesh and will irritate and rankle 
until it is removed from the body politic." This is not only the opinion 
of Senator Morgan, it is the position of the Democratic party. The 
Republican party, on the other hand, in its last national platform, 
emphatically declared that it was the plain purpose of the 15th. Amend- 
ment to the Federal Constitution to prevent distinction on account of 
race or color in regulating the elective franchise, and that the devices 
of state governments, whether by statutory or constitutional enactments 
to defeat this purpose are revolutionary and should be condemned. On 
this important question the issue is thus clearly joined between the two 
great parties. 

SENATOR MORGAN'S BOLD AVOWAL. 

Those who believe this should be the paramount question or issue, 
and are in accord with the Democratic party, as defined by Senator 
Morgan, will vote the Democratic ticket. Those who are in accord with 
the Republican party as defined in the last national platform of that 
party, and the record and utterances of its candidates, will vote the 
Republican ticket. On this issue I cannot see how there can be any 
division among colored voters. A party that will deny justice to a part 
of its own people can not safely be depended upon to accord justice to 
any other people. At any rate, so far as the colored American is 
concerned, he must act upon the principle that charity begins at home. 

COLORED VOTE NOT DANGEROUS. 

The assertion that the colored vote is dangerous and is a menace to 
good government is the reverse of true. On the contrary they are 
among the most conservative and reliable voters in the country. They 
are always on the side of law and order. They are opposed to mob law 
and violence. They are on the side of the business interests of the 
country. They are in favor of a good government and an honest admin- 
istration. They believe in a sound and stable currency. They are 
thoroughly American, and therefore favor protection to American in- 
terests, American capital and American labor. They are opposed to 
the principles and doctrines of the Populists and all the other issues 
that are calculated to disorganize society, disarrange business or impair 
the credit of the government; and yet it is contended by some that this 
vote is dangerous and that it should be suppressed in the interest of 
good government and honest administration, especially in the South. 
It is a fact that cannot be truthfully denied that the so-called intelligent 
white vote of the South, in the interest of which it is contended the 
colored vote of that section should be suppressed, has been and is now, 
the principal support of those dangerous and mischievous doctrines and 
is'ms that are calculated to disturb the business interests of the country, 
if not destroy the credit of the government. These unwise and dangerous 
doctrines and principles are so strong with that class of voters that they 
have^ virtually changed the Democratic party into a Populist party. But 
I believe it is nothing more than fair to the Southern Democrats to say 



that their position upon these questions, in my opinion, is one of expe- 
diency and not of conviction. They would be with Mr. Cleveland and 
against Mr. Bryan now, if they believed party success would thereby be 
assured. 

DANGER TO NORTHERN COLORED VOTERS. 

I am aware of the fact that there are some colored men in the North, 
Bast and West who contend that, whatever may happen to the colored 
man of the South, they at least are free from danger of disfranchisement. 
Their arguments are the same as that made by some sound money 
Democrats, who contend that, in consequence of Republican ■ legis- 
lation the country would be in no danger of financial disaster even if 
Bryan should be elected. This is the same argument that was made by 
many persons in 1892 with reference to the tariff. I heard many pro- 
tectionists assert that the tariff was no longer an issue, and therefore 
should not be discussed, because it had been settled by the passage of 
the McKinley bill. Of course they came to a different conclusion after 
the election was over, but it was then too late to prevent the disorder 
which came over the country as a result of that election. Colored men 
of the North, East and West who flatter themselves that they are free 
from danger because the Republican party is strong- enough in those 
sections to save them from the fate that has overtaken the colored men 
of the South, forget that under a government like ours, public opinion 
is an important factor in shaping the policy and controlling the action 
of party organizations. Party managers, as a rule, are not anxious to 
have the organization they represent champion a cause they know to be 
unpopular. It is the present purpose of the leaders of the Democratic 
party to create a sentiment in the country that will be antagonistic to 
the colored man as a voter. They are trying to convince Republican 
leaders that the Republican party would be stronger without the colored 
man as an ally than it is with him. If the Republican party could be 
induced to take the same position towards the colored race as that now 
occupied by the Democratic party, is there an intelligent person who 
entertains a doubt as to what the result would be? The 15th. Amendment 
would be repealed inside of two years, and the colored men of the North 
East and West would find themselves in the same helpless positition as 
the colored men in the South. In fact it would not be necessary to wait 
until the Amendment is repealed. All that would be necessary would 
be to pass laws or amend state constitutions in such a way as will, in 
effect, nullify and abrogate the 15th. Amendment, just as has been done 
in Mississippi, Louisiana and South Carolina. 

The attitude of the Republican party towards the colored race is 
all that has prevented this from being done in other sections of the 
country. The colored man's only safety is in the Republican party. 
If it has not done all it could have done and should have done for the 
colored race, it has done all that has been done. It found the colored 
man a slave ; it made him a free man. It found him a chattel ; it made 
him a soldier. It found him a serf ; it made him a citizen. It found 
him a vassal ; it made him a man. It found him a dependent menial ; 
it made him an independent sovereign. The work of the Republican 
party, as the champion and defender of equal civil and political rights, 
is one of the brightest and most brilliant pages in the history of that 
grand and magnificent organization. The colored American can not do 
better than to remain true and loyal to the party of liberty, justiae and 
equal rights for all American citizens under the law. 



OUR COLORED CITIZENS. 



How They Have Been Officially Recognized Both in 
War and Peace by the Republican Party. 



Persistent attempts have been made to create dissatisfaction among 
the colored population of the country by misrepresenting the intentions 
of the Republican party touching the treatment of the inhabitants of the 
Philippines and Porto Rico on one hand, and by depreciating its attitude 
toward the American negro on the other. Both the history of the party 
in the past and the course of its actions at the present time expose the 
falsity of these charges. 

Prior to the accession of the Republican party to power a race of 
4,000,000 souls had suffered the wrongs and cruelties of human slavery, 
with no redress either in the courts, in Congress, or at the bar of public 
opinion. In all the years from 1619, when the first cargo of slaves was 
landed at Jamestown, Va., to 1856, when the Republican party had its 
birth, both organic and statutory law formed an impassable bar to negro 
hopes and ambitions. But with the birth of that party a marked change 
occurred. 

It is unnecessary to recount the causes which led up to the war of the 
rebellion. As a result of that war, under the leadership of a Republican 
President, supported by a Republican Congress, 4,000,000 negroes were 
emancipated from slavery, invested with citizenship, and made an integ- 
ral part of this great republic, to share in its glories and opportunities, 
bound only by the limitations of individual capacity and worth. 

Unwilling, however, to rest the security of the negro's rights upon 
mere legislative enactment, the Republican party, through the co-opera- 
tion of Republican States, gave to negro citizenship the supreme sanc- 
tion of constitutional guaranty. 

It was only then that the Declaration of Independence, now so osten- 
tatiously quoted by the Democracy as the embodiment of their party 
principles, but for which nearly 100 years had been ignored and repudi- 
ated by their party practices, first became the true expression of our 
national policy. 

PREPARING THEM FOR CITIZENSHIP. 
Following this change in the political status of the colored population 
came a period of preparation for citizenship. Thousands of northern 
men and women, schooled under the tutelage of Republican environ- 
ment, in the works of philanthropy and justice, dedicated their money, 
their time, and even their lives to the education and elevation of those 
emancipated millions. Hence the colored school and the colored church 
under the guidance of white philanthropists spring into existence, only 
to be followed by similar institutions organized and controlled by col- 
ored citizens. But this leaven of intelligence could never have been 
imparted to the black masses of the South but for the opportunities first 
opened as a direct result of Republican principles and policies. 

1 



No more striking contrast as to the attitude of the two great parties 
touching their adherence to the principle that "all men are created equal" 
can be made than the course of events North and South during the past 
quarter of a century. 

In the North, where Republicanism is strongest, colored citizens, 
although a minority of the population, are given participation in the 
control of municipalities, counties and States, and are frequently elected 
to public office in these respective units of our governmental system. 

In the South, the stronghold of Democracy, the colored citizen is 
being systematically disfranchised and barred from effective participa- 
tion in the conduct of public affairs, and each year witnesses a narrow- 
ing of his political and civil rights. 

PARTICIPATING IN OFFICIAL LIFE. 

Proceeding upon the recognition of the equality of all men before 
the law, it has been the uniform practice of the Republican party in 
State and Nation to co-operate with the negro in his desire to become a 
useful citizen. • 

Thus his participation in official life has increased with the intelli- 
gence of the race, until today the number of colored citizens in the service 
of the Government exceeds both in number and importance of positions 
occupied that of any previous administration. According to reliable 
sources of information, there were in 1899 the following Government 
positions occupied by colored citizens : 

COLORED CITIZENS IN SERVICE OF GOVERNMENT. 

No. of 

positions. Salaries. 

Army *i5,Q50 $4,751,072 

Post Office Department 34 24,680 

Interior Department 200 271,000 

Printing Office 168 1 17,600 

District of Columbia 75 55,260 

Consular Service 11 25,000 

State Department (estimated) 25 20,000 

Navy Department 25 20,000 

War Department 40 30,000 

Treasury Department 210 200,000* 

Agricultural and Executive Departments 30 25,000 

Total 15,868 $5,538,612 

♦Including 266 colored officers, by far the largest in the history of the country. 

In addition to this list may be added the Federal appointments given 
to colored men by which the aggregate of salaries is vastly increased. 
The following list shows the names and positions of the more eminent 
colored appointees of President McKinley : 

J. W. Lyons, Register of the Treasury. 
H. A. Rucker, collector of internal revenue, Atlanta, Ga. 
J. H. Deveaux, collector of customs, Savannah, Ga. 
C. C. Wimbish, collector of port, Atlanta, Ga. 
I. J. McCottrie, collector of port, Georgetown, S. C. 
R. R. Wright, paymaster in Army. 
Rev. C. T. Walker, chaplain in Army. 
Dr. George C. Stoney, surgeon in Army. 
E. R. Belcher, deputy collector customs, Brunswick, Ga. 
M. P. Morton, postmaster, Athens, Ga. 
I. H. Lofton, postmaster, Hogansville, G? 
J. T. Jacks'on, postmaster, Darien, Ga. 

2 



Mrs. E. L. Bamfield, postmistress, Beaufort. S. C. 

Dr. A. M. Curtis, surgeon in chief, Freedmen's Hospital. 

Rev. B. W. Arnett, Jr., chaplain in Army. 

John R. Lynch, paymaster in Army. 

James Hill, register of lands, Jackson, Miss. 

Frank P. Brinson, postmaster, Duncansville, Miss. 

Thomas Keys, postmaster, Ocean Springs, Miss. 

H. P. Cheatham, recorder of deeds, District of Columbia. 

John C. Dancy, collector of port, Wilmington, N. C. 

Dr. J. E. Shepard, Internal-Revenue Service, North Carolina. 

Rev. O. L. W. Smith, minister to Liberia. 

John T. Williams, consul, Sierra Leone, Africa. 

Mrs. S. E. Jones, postmistress, Bladen County, N. C. 

Colin Anthony, postmaster, Scotland Neck, N. C. 

Joseph E. Lee, collector of internal revenue, Florida. 

D. N. Pappy, collector of port, St. Augustine, Fla. 
Dr. L. W. Livingston, consul, Cape Haitien, Haiti. 
W. F. Powell, minister to Haiti. 

Robert Pelham, special Indian agent. 

J. C. Leftwich, receiver of public money, Montgomery, Ala. 

H. V. Cashin, receiver of public money, Huntsville, Ala. 

R. A. Parker, Internal-Revenue Service, Alabama. 

Dr. A. M. Brown, surgeon in Army. 

Rev. I. Dawson, postmaster, Eutaw, Ala. 

M. W. Gibbs, consul, Tamatave, Madagascar. 

J. E. Bush, receiver of public money, Little Rock, Ark. 

Fred Havis, postmaster, Pine Bluff, Ark. 

M. B. Van Horn, consul, St. Thomas, Danish West Indies. 

Dr. George H. Jackson, consul, La Rochelle, France. 

John P. Green, superintendent of stamp division, Postoffice Dept. 

C. L. Maxwell, consul, Santo Domingo. 

W. T. Anderson, a Regular Army chaplain. 

H. Y. Arnett, comparer, office of recorder of deeds District of Columbia. 

E. P. McCabe, Oklahoma. 

N. T. Velar, postmaster, Brinton, Pa. 

J. H. Jackson, postmaster, Pennsylvania. 

J. N. Ruffin, consul, Asuncion, Paraguay. 

Gen. Robert Smalls, collector of port, Beaufort, S. C. 

F. J. Baker, postmaster, Lake City, S. C. 
J. E. Wilson, postmaster, Florence, S. C. 

T. C. Walker, collector of port, Tappahannock, Va. 

R. T. Greener, consul, Vladivostock, Russia. 

Dr. H. W. Furniss, consul, Bahia, Brazil. 

W. A. Gaines, Internal-Revenue Service, Kentucky. 

Dr. J. O. Holmes, pension examiner, Kentucky. 

J. R. Spurgeon, secretary legation, Liberia. 

Henry Demas, naval officer, New Orleans, La. 

James Lewis, surveyor-general, Louisiana. 

Mrs. V. E. Bahn, postmistress. Madisonville, La. 

E. L. Simon, postmaster, South Atlanta, Ga. 



COLORED MEN IN SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. 
When hostilities broke out between the United States and Spain in 
1898, President McKinley did not hesitate to call upon valiant colored 
men to assist in maintaining national honor and defending the country's 
flag. Several volunteer regiments were organized at once and were 
officered by some of the brightest men of the race. 

WAS GIVEN A MAN'S CHANCE. 
In this struggle the negro was given a man's chance, and a lion's 
share of the glory is his. In Cuba the negro soldiers distinguished 
themselves by signal bravery and daring, the charge at San Juan Hill 

3 



being a lasting monument to their valor and courage. As a result of 
this memorable battle many were promoted from the ranks to executive 
positions. Those who were not assigned to duty in Cuba served their 
country by discharging important guard and picket duty. At the close 
of the war with Spain the bulk of the regiments, white and black, were 
mustered out. The negro troops of the regular army, comprising the 
Ninth and Tenth Cavalry and Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth Infan- 
try, remained in the service. 

TWO NEW REGIMENTS ORGANIZED. 

Appreciating the superior services of the negro troops in the recent 
war with Spain, President McKinley decided to increase the number of 
negro regiments in the regular or standing army, and on the 8th of Sep- 
tember, 1899, issued an order for the organization of two new regiments 
of infantry, to be composed of colored men. The Democrats protested 
against this action, but to no avail. Two regiments were called for. 
The regiments have been designated as the Forty-eighth and Forty- 
ninth Volunteer Infantry and were organized respectively at Fort 
Thomas, Ky., and Jefferson Barracks, Mo. 

Thus the war with Spain, in addition to its primary object, served a 
two-fold purpose. It emphasized the policy of the Republican party in 
according to the colored citizen places of honor in war as well as in 
peace; and the black soldier in that war, by his intrepidity and daring, 
by his patriotism and valor, proved to the world that citizenship had not 
been unworthily bestowed. 

In face of the foregoing facts, the colored voter, the anti-imperialist 
and others doubtful of the wisdom of continuing the control of the 
present administration, may well be asked whether or not the rights of 
the American negro at home and the destinies of the inhabitants of those 
islands now belonging to the United States are not safer with the Repub- 
lican party than with the Democracy, which for years has been the 
instrument of human slavery, as it is now in the South that of human 
degradation. 

DISFRANCHISEMENT. 

The New Plan of Cutting Out the Colored Vote Under Color of Law in 
the South— What Tillman Says. 

When certain persons fall out, honest men get their dues, but it does 
not appear just why a conflict over a matter of parliamentary privilege 
between Senator Morgan of Alabama and Senator Tillman of South 
Carolina should prompt the latter to make an explicit statement on the 
floor of the Senate as to the suppression of the negro vote in the South. 
We have only to deal with the fact. Whether it was simply a delight in 
displaying more courage than other senators from the South, or the 
desire to flaunt the wrongs against the ballot more defiantly in the face 
of the North, may be disputed, but Senator Tillman arrayed them and 
avowed them as no man from the South has done before. By a strange 
turn this same senator who, on February 24, set forth and gloried in 
the disfranchisement of the negroes in the South, was selected to read 
the platform to the Kansas City convention in July, and did so, rolling 
sonorously over his tongue the phrases as to the "consent of the gov- 
erned," etc. 

4 



ALLOWED THE NEGROES ONE DISTRICT, THEN TOOK IT 

AWAY. 

Said Mr. Tillman in the Senate : 

"The attack of the Senator from Colorado was that the vote in my 
State was suppressed, and he read figures from the Congressional Direc- 
tory going to show that the vote in the last State election for congress- 
men was some 28,000 for seven congressmen. The same would apply to 
the State of Alabama ; to almost every other Southern State similarly 
situated to mine. It applies to Mississippi. It was not new. 

"In that connection I will show now and here why the vote in South 
Carolina is so small at the legal election in November. Under our new 
constitution, in which the suffrage is based on an educational qualifica- 
tion, enlarged to illiterates by the payment of taxes on $300, we have 
about 114,000 registered voters. In other words, a man who can read 
and write or pays taxes on $300 worth of property is allowed to vote. 
There are in the State some fourteen or fifteen thousand colored voters 
registered. Of the balance of the vote, white, 97 per cent is Democratic. 

"The total registered vote is 114,000 or 115,000. I say 97 per cent of 
the white vote is Democratic. At our Democratic primaries, protected 
by law for the nomination of the party candidates, held in the summer, 
at least 90 per cent of that vote turns out, and there is great interest and 
excitement, as some of you have heard in the papers in the campaigns 
in which I have been interested down there for governor and senator. 
There is no lethargy there in politics, there being as much politics to the 
square mile as in any other State in the Union. But there has been no 
organized Republican party in the State since 1884. The Republicans 
do not hold any State convention; they do not nominate any candidates 
for governor and other State officers. In one congressional district they 
did so up to the period when the last constitution was inaugurated, in 
1895, in what is known as the black district, where we strung the 
negroes together for the purpose of giving them one district, and then 
we turned around and took it away from them, having the usual greed 
of the Anglo-Saxon and his unwillingness to allow the colored race to 
dominate him or have any influence in government. 

"Well, with no candidates opposing our Democratic nominees at the 
legal elections in November, being merely a ratification of the primary 
elections or nomination in August, what object is there for men to turn 
out and vote? They simply do not do it. Therefore three or four thou- 
sand or four or five thousand in a congressional district go to the polls 
in November and ratify the action of the party in August. 

THE GOVERNING CLASS. 

Later on Mr. Tillman went on to give this description of the pro- 
posed government in Hawaii : 

"The lower legislative branch of the government is to be elected by 
those who can read and write ; and as to the Senate, by those who have 
$1,000, and to be voted for by nobody who has not a thousand dollars. 
Therefore, the wealthy classes in the territory are to control its destinies, 
the "governing classes," as some senator said the other day — a new 
phrase in America, by the way — "the governing classes !" 

Mr.. Hoar: Just as you have a governing race. 

Mr. Tillman : We have a governing race just as you would have 

5 



in Massachusetts if you had 750,000 negroes and only 500,000 white 
men. [Laughter.] I do not deny, and never have denied, that the white 
people in South Carolina control the State and intend to continue the 
control of it. We have a God-given right to control it; and when our 
civilization was in jeopardy we rose and took the coutrol, as I said a 
while ago. 

AN OPEN AND ABSOLUTE ADMISSION. 

Toward the close of Senator Tillman's speech the following collo- 
quy occurred : 

Mr. Clark of Wyoming: Will the Senator from South Carolina 
declare on this floor today that every method has not been used, and is 
not now being used, to disfranchise the colored people of the South ? 

Mr. Tillman : / know nothing about other States ; but I acknowl- 
edge openly and boldly in the sight of God that we did our level best to 
keep every negro in our State from voting. [Laughter.] 

THE SOUTH CAROLINA PLAN. 

Formerly in South Carolina the tissue ballot method prevailed, but 
after the split in the Democrats and the rise of the Tillman faction, a new 
method was required, since there was danger that one element might 
try to beat the other by bidding for the colored vote. Hence the resort 
to the plan for 

DISFRANCHISEMENT BY LAW. 

The South Carolina plan of negro disfranchisement is the most brutal 
of any in the Southern States, and is without any recommendation what- 
ever. The negro is disfranchised by a simple act of the Legislature 
passed in March, 1896, providing for a complete new registration of the 
State, to be completed by January, 1898. After that date an educational 
or property qualification went into operation, and no voter is allowed 
to register, and therefore to vote, unless he can read or pays taxes on 
$300 of property. Two serious objections exist to this provision from 
the point of view of the whites : First, that while illiterate whites com- 
ing of age before 1898 can vote, those coming of age afterward are shut 
out; secondly, that the act being a mere legislative provision, is subject 
to amendment or repeal in case a hostile Legislature should, by any acci- 
dent, be elected. 

"ONE GRAND STEAL, AND THEN TURN HONEST." 
The South Carolina Registration Act provided that between March, 
1896, and January, 1898, special boards of registration created in every 
county should make up a permanent roll of yoters, which roll is to con- 
tinue to 1908. On that roll these boards were to place the names of all 
voters who could read, and such others (illiterates) as "can understand 
and explain any section of the Constitution of the State when read to 
them." In other words, the South Carolina Legislature adopted the 
"understanding clause" of the Mississippi Constitution, to be applied, 
however, not permanently, but only to the preparation of this roll of 
voters. The law seems somewhat fair on its face, but no pretense of 
fairness or honesty was made in its application. 

"We will have one grand steal and then turn honest," was the watch- 
word. The boards of registration were made to understand that the 
Legislature had deputed to them the work of preparing a roll of voters 
that would include every white man in South Carolina, illiterate or 

6 



literate, and shut out all the negroes. All white applicants were passed 
bv the registration boards, being asked questions about the Constitution 
that no man of the rudest intelligence could fail to understand, while 
the questions propounded to the few negro applicants for registration 
were such as to shut them out. 

THE LOUISIANA PLAN. 

So in Louisiana the movement toward "a legal and constitutional 
disfranchisement" as a substitute for fraud, which began in 1892, has 
been completed, although not without great difficulty. A statement of 
the plan will show how much legality and constitutionality there is in it. 
It has been denounced as a fraud and an insult to the intelligence of the 
people by nearly every Democratic paper in the State, but was adopted 
as the only plan which would exclude all the negroes and yet let in the 
illiterate and penniless whites. It was similarly denounced by the two 
United States Senators, McEnery and Caffery, who announced that 
they had consulted Democratic Senators Turpie of Indiana, Lindsay of 
Kentucky, Vest of Missouri, Berry of Arkansas, Walthall of Mississippi, 
Turley of Tennessee, Pettus of Alabama, McLaurin of South Carolina, 
and in the House, Judge Culberson of Texas, all of whom agreed that 
the Louisiana suffrage article could not stand "judicial inquiry." 

"The system finally adopted," says the New York Sun, "extends the 
suffrage to those who can read or write, or who pay taxes on $300 of 
property. Section 5, the objectionable feature of the article and whose 
constitutionality is unquestionable, excepts from the educational qualifi- 
cation "any male person who on January 1, 1867, or at any date prior 
thereto, was entitled to vote under the Constitution or statutes of any 
State in the United States wherein he resided, and all sons and grand- 
sons of such persons, and all persons naturalized prior to January 1, 
1898." This is the hereditary clause by which voters can claim the 
franchise because of their descent from those who were voters at any 
time. As suffrage was given to the negroes in 1868, they are shut out by 
this clause, v4iereas very nearly all the whites are admitted to suffrage. 

THE ROLL AN ABSURDITY. 

The permanent roll of Louisiana is thus a mockery and an absurdity. 
It is impossible to tell how many illiterate whites are registered under 
section 5 because their fathers or grandfathers were voters, for the 
permanent roll contains as many, if not more, educated than illiterate 
voters. But even including the educated voters improperly borne on 
this list, it contains only a few thousand names. Not half of these are 
illiterates, and in many parishes there are none at nil registered. Not 
10 per cent of the illiterate whites have cared to avail themselves of 
section 5. 

The population of Louisiana in 1890 was 1.118.587, and., according 
to the accepted ratio of one in five, the State should have had 223,000 
votes It actually cast 102,046 votes in 1896. South Carolina, with a 
population of 1,151,149 and not less than 200,000 lawful voters, cast 
68,907. At this rate, when the other Southern States adopt the new 
scheme of "legal disfranchisement," as they seem determined to do, 
^he voteless men in that section cannot fall much short of a million. 
Yet the echoes are awakened with clamor over "the consent of the gov- 
erned" in the Philippines. 

7 




<Tp|pWj°ftcouNc£} 1 45 



[We have lower interest and higher wages; more money and fewer mortgages.— William McKinley.'] 



PROSPERITY FOR FARMERS 



How It Has Been Brought About By 

the Republican Policy 

of Protection. 



The farmer has shared with the business man, the manufacturer and his workmen, 
the railways and their employees, and the various classes of our citizens, in the general 
prosperity following the return to the tariff policy of protection. His markets have in- 
creased both at home and abroad, and with this increase have come advanced prices for 
what he sells and advanced value of that which he retains. Not only do the figures of 
exports show a marked increase in his receipts from abroad, but in the home market, by 
far the most important to the farmer, prices have advanced, consumption and demand 
increased, and with these has come prosperity to this greatest class of producers. 

On all farm products the rate of duty was reduced by the Wilson tariff, and in most 
cases that of the McKinley tariff was restored by the Dingley tariff. This increase has 
had its effect in checking the importation of manufactured articles of farm production, 
and thus has saved to the farmers a share of the home market. 

DECREASED IMPORTATION OF FARM PRODUCTS. 

There was a marked decrease in the importation of farm products immediately follow- 
ing the repeal of the Wilson law, which occurred in July, 1897, the imports of the year 
ending June 30, 1897, having thus come entirely under the Wilson Act. The total imports 
of agricultural products, as classified by the Department of Agriculture, were in the 
fiscal year 1897, $400,871,468; in 1898, under the Dingley law, they dropped to $314,291,796, 
and in 1899 were $355,514,881. This gives an average reduction of over $60,000,000 a year in 
agricultural imports in 1898 and 1899 as compared with 1897. 

A LESSON FROM EGGS. 

Many single instances might be cited to show the reduction in individual classes of 
articles, but as a single example will be all that is required for this purpose, the com- 
paratively unimportant item of eggs is selected. Figures of the Bureau of Statistics show 
that prior to the enactment of the McKinley law, which placed a duty upon eggs entering 
into the United States from abroad, the value of the importations ranged from two 
million to two and a half million dollars per annum, being in the fiscal year 1899 $2,418,- 
926 and in the year 1890 $2,074,912. Immediately following the enactment of that law the 
importations fell greatly, and in the year 1894, the last year of the McKinley law, 
amounted to only $199,536, or but 10 per cent of the average in the years preceding its 
enactment. 

The Wilson law, however, reduced the duty on eggs from 5 cents *to 3 cents per dozen, 
and in 1895, the first year of its operation, the importations increased to $324,133 in value, 
following the general depression in 1896-1897. The Dingley law restored the rate of duty 
to 5 cents per dozen, and in 1898 the value of importations again dropped to $8,078, and in 



the fiscal year of 1900 averaged about $1,700 per month, or a trifle above $20,000 per year, 
as against an average of over $2,000,000 per annum before a duty was placed against this 
article of foreign production. This clearly shows that protection keeps the home market 
for the American farmer. 

THE HOME MARKET UNDER PROTECTION. 

It is in the improvement of the home market, however, that the farmer's chief benefit 
from protection is found. With general prosperity in manufacturing, in mining, in trans- 
portation, and in all lines of business, the consumption among all classes of consumers is 
increased. But with the decreased activity, silent mills and factories, employees on half 
pay or without earnings, jthe decrease in consumption is very great and the farmer thus 
becomes the chief sufferer. 

Prior to the election of 1892, and the depression which immediately followed it, the 
amount of wheat retained for consumption in the United States was about 6 bushels per 
capita. On some occasions it exceeded that figure, being in 1883 and 1885 more than Qy 2 
bushels per capita, and seldom falling below 5V 2 bushels. In the year 1893, however, 
during the depression which immediately followed the election of a Democratic President 
and a free-trade Congress, the per capita wheat consumption fell to 4.85 bushels, in 1894 to 
3.41 bushels, and in 1897 was 3.88 bushels. Immediately following the repeal of the Wilson 
tariff there was a marked increase in the per capita consumption, and in 1899 it had again 
about reached its normal figure, being for that year 5.95 bushels per capita. 

Another example may be found in the amount of cotton retained for consumption under 
protective and low tariffs, respectively. In the years 1891 and 1892 the amount of domestic 
cotton retained for consumption was, respectively, 22 and 24 pounds per capita, while in 
1893 it fell to 17 pounds per capita. In 1894 it was 16 pounds and in 1896 and 1897, 18% 
pounds, increasing, however, in 1898, under protection, to 25.2 pounds, and in 1899 to 27.1 
pounds, or 50 per cent more than the average during the entire Democratic free-trade 
term from 1893 to 1897. 

SHEEP AND WOOL VALUES REDUCED. 

Take the single item of wool. The Wilson law gave the country in the item of wool 
an example of the effect of genuine Simon Pure Democratic free trade. It was to the 
free-trade mind the one redeeming feature of that act whose feeble attempt at retaining a 
shadow of protection was denounced as an evidence of "party perfidy and dishonor." 
Under that act importations of foreign wool, which had never but once reached so much 
as 150,000,000 pounds, were in its very first year more than 200,000,000 pounds, and in its 
closing year exceeded 350,000,000 pounds. As a consequence, wool fell nearly 50 per cent in 
value, the October price of washed clothing Ohio fleece wool, medium, dropping from 33 
cents per pound in 1892 to 19 cents in 1896, but increasing to 29 cents in 1897, immediately fol- 
lowing the restoration of the protective tariff under the Dingley law, and to 33.5 cents 
in the month of October, 1899. 

Foreign wool, which, under protective tariffs, formed from 16 to 33 per cent of the 
domestic consumption, increased to 40 per cent in 1895, 46 per cent in 1896, and 57 per cent 
in 1897. As a consequence of this increased importation of foreign wools and the accom- 
panying reduction of nearly one-half in price, the number and value of sheep on farms 
was greatly reduced. The number of sheep on farms in 1893 was 47,273,553, and their 
value $125,909,264. By 1896 the number had fallen to 38,298,783, and the value to $65,167,735, 
the actual value having thus been reduced about one-half, meaning a loss in sheep alone 
of nearly $60,000,000 to the farmer, while the annual loss in his wool clip during that time 
was correspondingly great. 

The value of the foreign wool imported prior to 1893 had not for many years reached 
so much as $20,000,000; but in 1895 it had exceeded $25,000,000; in 1896 exceeded $32,000,- 
000, and in 1897, the last year of the existence of the Wilson law, was $53,243,191 while 
imports of woolen goods, which in 1892 amounted to $35,000,000, were in 1896 $53,000,000, and 
in the fiscal year 1897 $49,000,000. 

YALUE OF FARM ANIMALS RESTORED BY PROTECTION. 

The value of horses on farms fell from more than $1,007,000,000 on January 1, 1892, to 
$500,000,000 in 1896 and $452,000,000 on January 1, 1897, a loss of $555,000,000 in this one item 
during five years. 

In mules the value fell from $175,000,000 in 1892 to $92,000,000 in 1897; swine, from $241,000,- 
000 in 1892 to $166,000,000 in 1897, and of all farm animals the value fell from $2,461,755,698 on 
January 1, 1892, to $1,655,414,612 on January 1, 1897, a loss of $806,341,086, while the figures 
for January 1, 1900, show that the two-billion-dollar line has again been crossed by the 



restoration of values accompanying 1 the Dingley protective tariff and the prosperity 
which it brought to the farmer by increased home consumption as well as increased 
foreign markets. 

The American Agriculturist, a well-known publication, in a recent number, says that 
the live stock of the country in 1900 is worth $700,000,000 more than it was during the 
years of depression under the low-tariff act. 

YALUE OF CROPS RESTORED BY PROTECTION. 

Nor is it in farm animals alone, however, that the farmer was the loser under low 
tariff, or the gainer again under protection. The value of the corn crop in the 
United States fell from $642,000,000 in 1892 to $491,000,000 in 1896; that of wheat from 
$513,000,000 in 1891 to $225,000,000 in 1894 and $237,000,000 in 1895, returning to $428,000,000 
in 1897; oats fell in value from $209,000,000 in 1892 to $132,000,000 in 1896; rye, from $15,- 
000,000 in 1892 to less than $10,000,000 in 1896; barley, from $45,000,000 in 1891 to $22,- 
000,000 in 1896; tobacco from $47,000,000 in 1892 to $27,000,000 in 1895; cotton, from 
$326,000,000 in 1892 to $260,000,000 in 1896; and potatoes, from $103,000,000 in 1892 to 
$72,000,000 in 1896. In all these cases the figures for later years show a marked increase 
in values over those under the Wilson Act. 

TESTIMONY OF AN AGRICULTURAL AUTHORITY. 

On this general question of the value of crops the American Agriculturist says that— 
"The value of staple crops in 1899 was valued at $400,000,000 more than under the low- 
tariff depression, and other crops aggregated an increase of more than $200,000,000 in 
value, or 25 per cent gain, as compared with the period of depression, including 1894, 
1895, and 1896." 

One other feature of the improved condition of the farmer is pointed out by the 
American Agriculturist, and this relates to the value of agricultural real estate which, 
it says, has more than recovered in value and is now worth $1,220,000,000 more than it was 
a single year ago, when the percentage of farms occupied by owners is now larger than 
ever before, while the number of farms under mortgage has materially decreased. The 
amount of mortgages on farms occupied by their owners is estimated at about $300,000,000 
less than at the beginning of the decade. "Mortgages," it says, "now average only 
about 27 per cent of the value of the farms they are on, the rate of interest has declined, 
and the great bulk of mortgages now in force were incurred to buy the farm or to im- 
prove it." 

RELATIYE FALL IN PRICES OF ARTICLES OF FARM PRODUCTION AND FARM 
CONSUMPTION, 1870 TO 1899— FARMERS HAYE BEEN GAINERS— A LESS RE- 
DUCTION IN PRICES OF ARTICLES PRODUCED THAN IN ARTICLES REQUIRED 
FOR CONSUMPTION. . 

The prices of articles consumed on the farm have fallen with greater rapidity than 
those of the articles produced on the farm. Wheat, for instance, fell from an average 
price of 94.4 cents per bushel in 1870 to 58.4 cents in 1899, a-, decline of 37 per cent, while 
sugar, one of the most important classes of articles purchased by farmers for consump- 
tion, fell from 13.2 cents per pound in 1871 to 4.9 cents in 1899, a decrease of 63 per cent. 
Corn fell from 49.4 cents per bushel in 1870 to 30.2 cents in 1899, a decrease of 39 per cent., 
while sheetings fell from 14V 2 cents per yard in 1870 to 5.2 cents in 1899, a reduction of 
64 per cent. Oats fell from 39 cents in 1870 to 25 cents in 1899, a reduction of 36 per cent., 
while drillings fell from 14.9 cents in 1870 to 5.1 cents per yard in 1899, a decrease of 65 
per cent. 

Horses show a fall in average farm price from $81.38 per head in 1870 to $37.40 in 
1899, a decline of 54 per cent., while mineral oil shows a fall from $30.50 per barrel in 1870 
to an average of $5.80 in 1899, a reduction of 80 per cent, in cost. Sheep show an average 
price per head in 1870 of $2.29 and a fall to $1.58 in 1895 under the low tariff, but a return 
to $2.75 in 1899, the average value of sheep being higher in 1899 than in any year since 
1875. Swine show a fall in the average value on the farm of from $7.03 per head in 1870 
to $4.40 in 1899, a reduction of 37 per cent., while fine salt shows a fall of from $2.15 per 
barrel in 1870 to 65 cents per barrel in 1899, a reduction of 70 per cent. 

Milch cows show a fall of from $39.12 per head, average farm price, in 1870 to $27.66 
in 1899, a fall of 29 per cent., while the average wholesale price of shoes (men's brogans) 
is quoted at $1.50 per pair in 1870 and 93 cents in 1899, a fall of 38 per cent. Potatoes show 
an average farm price of 72 cents per bushel in 1870 and 43.4 cents per bushel in 1899, a 
fall of 40 per cent., while bags show an average price of 36.2 cents each in 1870 and 14.3 

3 



cents in 1899, a drop of 60 per cent. Hay shows a fall from $13.82 per ton, the average 
farm price in 1870, to $7.27 in 1899, a fall of 48 per cent., while scythes are quoted at $12 
per dozen in 1870 and $3.74 in 1899, a reduction in price of 69 per cent. Cotton shows an 
average farm price in 1871 of 16.9 cents, but in 1872 it was 22.1 cents. Comparing 1899, 
when the price was 6.88 cents, with 1872, the higher of the two former years under con- 
sideration, the fall in price is 69 per cent., while cotton tickings have declined in price 
from 28.6 cents per yard in 1870 to 7 cents per yard in 1899, a fall of 75% per cent. 

FREIGHT RATES DECLINED MORE THAN FARM PRICES. 

One further fact of interest to the farmers is that freight rates have fallen with greater 
rapidity than prices of farm production. The average rate by all rail in 1870 was 33.3 
cents per bushel, and in 1899 11.1 cents, a fall of 66 2-3 per cent.; while the rate from 
Buffalo to New York by canal fell from 11.2 cents per bushel in 1870 to 3 cents per bushel 
in 1899, a reduction of 73 per cent. On freight rates from the Pacific coast to New York 
the rates on canned goods in carload lots show a fall of from $3.66 per hundredweight 
in 1870 to 76 cents per hundredweight in 1897, a reduction of 80 per cent. 

Freight rates on live cattle from Chicago to New York fell from 55 cents per 100 pounds 
in 1880 to 25 cents in 1899; hogs, from 43 cents to 25 cents; sheep, from 65 cents to 2S cents, 
and dressed beef, from 88 cents to 40 cents, while refrigerator car rates on dressed hogs 
fell from 59 cents in 1887 to 40 cents in 1899. 

PROSPERITY AND THE SILYER QUESTION. 

The facts cited, showing prosperity in every branch of industry, have an important 
relation to the silver question, which formed so prominent a feature of the campaign 
of 1896 and which the Democratic leaders promise to again urge in the campaign of 1900. 
Mr. Bryan said in 1896 that the cause of the depression which then existed in every in- 
dustry was not the tariff, but the lack of sufficient currency, and that this could only 
be supplied by the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The country 
rejected free coinage and adopted a protective tariff, and the prosperity which has come 
both in increased business and increased currency fully disproves the Democratic claim 
that the depression which then existed was due to the necessity for the free coinage of 
silver, and at the same time sustains the claim of Republicans that it was due to the 
low tariff then existing. 



" No blow has been struck except for liberty and humanity, and none will be.' 

—William McKiuley. 



PENSIONS AND PENSIONERS. 



Republican Party Always Liberal and Gen 

erous to the Brave Defenders 

of Our Country. 



DEMOCRATS REDUCED PENSIONS. 

The Pension Bureau, under Republican Administrations, is lib- 
eral and generous to the brave defenders of our country. 

The Republican party is the devoted and consistent friend of the 
soldier and his dependents. 

It has enacted beneficent and liberal pension laws. The present 
system of pensions, which has been built up under Republican Admin- 
istrations, is the best in the world, and embraces within its provisions 
not only the soldier or sailor who contracted his disabilities in the serv- 
ice, but grants relief to nearly 500,000 survivors of the civil war, who 
are now incapacitated from earning a support through causes which 
have arisen since the war. 

DEMOCRATS HAVE OPPOSED PENSION LAWS. 

The Democratic party has been the relentless enemy of the ex-Union 
soldier and has stubbornly fought every effort to enact liberal pension 
laws. 

A careful examination of the Congressional Record on fourteen 
important pension measures introduced since the civil war, and voted 
on by Congress, reveals the following total votes: 

Democrats for the bills 417 

Democrats against the bills 648 

Republicans for the bills 1 068 

Republicans against the bills None 

A Democratic President, Grover Cleveland, during his two Adminis- 
trations, vetoed 524 pension bills. Presidents Lincoln, Hayes, Garfield, 
Arthur, Harrison and McKinley never refused their signature to a 
single pension bill. 

President Grant withheld his* signature only five times during his 
Administration. 

DEMOCRATS DROPPED PENSIONERS. 

The last Democratic Administration constituted a Board of Revision 
in the Pension Bureau to revise the allowance of pensions under Presi- 
dent Harrison's administration. During the two years of the existence 
of this Board, 8,694 pensioners were dropped from the rolls, and 23,702 
pensions were reduced. 

A large portion of these pensioners have been restored to the rolls 
under the Administration of President McKinley. 

Since 1866 the total payments for army and navy pensions have been 
$2,389,910,974, and the magnitude of the pension roll, both as to the 
number of beneficiaries and the amount paid, has excited the wonder 
and admiration of the world. 



j TWAqe sfflBnCQUNUL » 42 



REPUBLICANS ALWAYS GENEROUS. 

A Republican government is always generous in many ways in pro- 
viding for the wants of the soldier. 

First. The most liberal pension system that the world ever saw for 
those who were wounded or otherwise disabled in the service, and their 
widows and children and dependent parents and sisters and brothers. 

Second. If the soldier lost a limb in the service, or, as the result 
of his service, in line of duty, the law provides that he shall be fur- 
nished, in addition to his pension, an artificial limb free of cost (every 
three years), or commutation therefor, and transportation from his 
(home to such place as he shall select the artificial limb and return. 

Third. A pension for all who served ninety days and who are now 
incapacitated for earning a support, and suitable provision for the 
widows and children and dependent parents. 

Fourth. Preference in appointments to places of trust and profit, 
and preferences for retention in all civil service positions. 

Fifth. National Homes, located at convenient and healthy points 
in different parts of the country, where all the comforts of a home are 
provided free of all expense, including comfortable quarters, clothing, 
medical attendance, free library and amusements of different kinds, the 
Government providing free transportation to the Homes, and continu- 
ing payments of pensions while a member of the Home, and increasing 
same as disabilities increase. 

STATE HOMES FOR SOLDIERS AND FAMILIES. 

Sixiih. State Homes (29 in number) kept up by the different States, 
and similar in their purpose to the National Homes, the sum of $100 
being annually paid by the General Government to such Homes for each 
inmate. Many of these State Homes also provide for the wives and 
families of the inmates, so that they need not be separated while they 
are members of the Home. 

Seventh. Soldiers' orphan schools, established by the different 
States, providing for the maintenance and education of soldiers' orphans 
until they attain the age of 16 years. 

Eighth. There has been, in addition to all this, granted for various 
military services, as provided by law, over 70,000,000 acres of land, 
known as bounty land. 

ACT OF JUNE 27, 1890. 
This beneficent law was passed by a Republican Congress, was ap- 
proved by a Republican President, and has been so liberally adminis- 
tered by two Republican Administrations that there are now 420,912 
soldiers and sailors, and 130,266 widows receiving its benefits who 
would not be entitled under the general pension laws. During the fiscal 
year ended June 30, 1899, the sum of $64,321,460.77 was paid to the pen- 
sioners under this act, being nearly one-half of the entire amount 
disbursed on account of pensions. The total amount paid to pensioners 
under the act of 1890 since its enactment is more than $500,000,000. 

' ACT OF MAY 9, 1900. 

While this large number of beneficiaries take pension under the act 
of 1890, it was found that the terms of the law debarred many meritor- 
ious claimants from sharing in its benefits, and therefore an act was 
passed May 9, 1900, popularly known as the "Grand Army bill," amend- 
ing the act of June 27, 1890, so as to bring within its provisions all 
meritorious claimants requiring some- measure of relief from the Gov- 
ernment on account of disability or dependency. 

It is expected that under the operations of this act many thousands 
of names will be added to the pension rolls, and the Commissioner of 
Pensions is now actively engaged in making preparations looking to the 
prompt settlement of all claims that may be filed under its provisions. 

PENSIONING SOLDIERS' WIDOWS. 
Section 3 of this act liberalizes the provisions for pensioning soldiers' 
widows. The law of June 27, 1890, provided that the widow must be 
"without other means of support than her daily labor" to give her a 
pensionable status. The Secretary of the Interior held that unless the 
widow's other means of support exceeded what her pension would be 
($96) she might be deemed to be without other means of support than 
her daily labor. The act of May 9, 1900, section 3, provides that if the 
soldier's widow's net income does not exceed $250, she shall be pen- 
sionable. This act will be the means of placing upon the pension rolls, 



according to the estimates of Bureau officials, from 35,000 to 40,000 
soldiers' widows — a generous increase of about $3,500,000 annually to 
these most deserving representatives of the nation's defenders. 

It is a well-known fact that President McKinley in his message to 
Congress recommended this legislation; that it was recommended by 
the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Pensions. 

ACT OF APRIL 18, 1900. 

This is an act passed by Congress repealing the provisions of section 
4716, Revised Statutes, so far as the same may be applicable to the 
claims for pension of dependent parents of soldiers, sailors, and ma- 
rines who served in the army or navy during the war with Spain. 

This law gives title to pension in cases where its beneficiaries aided 
and abetted the late rebellion and who furnished sons for the army or 
navy during the war with Spain who died or may hereafter die as a 
result of said service. 

ACT OP APRIL 23, 1900. 

This law, which was enacted by the present Congress, makes pro- 
vision for granting an increase of pension to certain survivors of the 
war with Mexico who may become totally disabled and destitute. 

This legislation will reach a very meritorious class of pensioners 
who have heretofore been debarred from applying for increase, not- 
withstanding that they may have become totally disabled for the per- 
formance of any manual labor. 

The number of unsettled claims on file in the Pension Bureau June 
30, 1897, was 578,099; the number on file June 30, 1898, was 635,059, and 
the number remaining on hand June 30, 1899, was 477,239. It will be 
remembered that with the advent of this Administration many thou- 
sands of new claims of all kinds were filed in the Pension Bureau, the 
number of original claims filed during the years 1897, 1898 and 1899 
alone aggregating 126,136. The total number of all applications received 
during the fiscal year of 1899 was 164,881, while for the fiscal year 
ended June 30, 1898, the number was 218,489. 

SETTLING ALL NEW CLAIMS. 

Notwithstanding this avalanche of new claims, which was added to 
the half million claims pending when Commissioner Evans assumed 
charge of the Bureau, the work of settling claims has been prosecuted 
with such diligence that at the end of the fiscal year of 1899 only 
477,239 unsettled claims remained in the pending files of the Bureau, and 
only 172,197 of these were original claims, the balance being claims for 
increase or additional allowance. 

The number of claims pending on June 1, 1900, was 434,613, and 
158,847 of these were original claims. 

In fact, the work of the Bureau is now so nearly current that original 
claims can be settled as fast as they are completed by the claimants 
furnishing the necessary evidence. 

CLAIMS THROUGH THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 

This result has been accomplished notwithstanding the fact that 
about 20,000 additional claims were filed last year on account of service 
in the war with Spain. 

During the years 1897, 1898 and 1899 nearly 140,000 original pensions 
were granted, while for the three years preceding 1897, viz., 1894, 1895 
and 1896, only 118,644 of the same class were allowed. 

During the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900, 40,637 new pensions were 
allowed, and 4,352, who had been previously dropped, were restored to 
the rolls. 

On June 30, 1897, there were 976,014 pensioners on the rolls of the 
different agencies, while on June 30, 1899, the number was 991,519, 
showing a net increase since 1897 of 15,505. 

The increase in the number of pensioners has grown steadily from 
year to year, the maximum number being in 1898, viz., 993,714. In 
1894 the number was 969,544. 

Since the close of the fiscal year 1894 there have been dropped from 
the rolls: 

On account of death 185,572 

Other causes, remarriage, etc 70,000 

Total .: 255,572 



contains nearly 1,000,000 names. 

The amount paid for pensions during 1893, the last year of the Har- 
rison Administration, was $156,806,537.94. 

DEMOCRATS REDUCED THE PENSIONS. 

During the following year (1894), which was the first year of the 
Democratic Administration, the amount paid for pensions dropped to 
$139,986,626.17, being a reduction in one year of $16,819,911.87. 

During the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900, the Pension Bureau issued 
105,567 certificates, and the payments for the fiscal year ended June 
80, 1900, on account of pensions amounted to nearly $140,000,000. 

The annual value of the pension roll as it stood on June 30, 1899, 
was $131,619,961, and the average annual value of each pension was 
$132.74. The annual value of the roll is greater now than it ever was 
before. 

NAMES RESTORED BY REPUBLICANS. 

Since April 1, 1897, over 16,000 names of pensioners, who had been 
previously dropped for various causes, have been restored to the rolls, 
and these persons are now receiving pensions amounting to $2,100,000 
annually. 

This work is still in progress, the Commissioner having directed the 
restoration of 4,352 names during the fiscal year of 1900. 

In 1878 President Garfield predicted that the pension roll, which 
then aggregated $26,786,000, and embraced 232,137 pensioners, was at 
its maximum, but it has been steadily growing, until now the number 
of pensioners is nearly a million, and the amount necessary to pay the 
same is in excess of $140,000,000 a year. 

Great Britain is a mighty nation in war and maintains a large stand- 
ing army in time of peace. 

Its pension roll contains the names of 80,070 officers and enlisted 
men, and the amount paid to them annually is $8,922,237. 

AMOUNT PAID FOR PENSION DURING 1899. 

The payments on account of pensions during the year ending June 
30, 1899, were $138,253,922. 

The total payments on account of pensions during President Grant's 
first term were $116,136,275; during his second term, $114,395,357; during 
President Hayes's term, $145,322,489. 

It will be noted that the payments for the one year (1899) were far 
in excess of the entire amount paid during the first or second Admin- 
istrations of President Grant, and almost as much as was paid during 
the entire four years of President Hayes's Administration. 

CONTRAST WITH CLEVELAND'S TERM. 

In the matter of allowances of original pensions it may be stated 
that during the first year of President McKinley's Administration there 
were allowed 52,684 original pensions. During the first year of Presi- 
dent Cleveland's second Administration there were allowed only 39,085. 

During the entire four years of President Grant's second Adminis- 
tration there were allowed only 42,917 original pensions. 

RATES OP PENSION. 

The rates of pension paid under the act of June 27, 1890, range from 
$6 per month (minimum) to $12 per month (maximum). 

Total disability for manual labor under the general law is rated at 
$30 per month. The same degree of disability entitles to $12 per month 
under the act of June 27, 1890. 

Under the general law (disability of service origin) 46,583 soldiers 
receive $12 per month, 21,970 receive $24 per month, and 15,498 receive 
$30 per month. 

Under the act of June 27, 1890, (disability not of service origin) 
160,406 soldiers receive the maximum rate ($12 per month), 26,540 re- 
ceive $10 per month, 128,143 receive $8 per month, and 105,787 receive 
$6 per month. 

This shows that there are more persons pensioned at the maximum 
rate than at any other rate under the act of 1890, and that the number 
receiving the rate for total disability under that act is more than ten 
times the number receiving pension for total disability of service 
origin. These figures show that the ratings of the Pension Bureau in 
claims allowed under the act of 1890 are very liberal indeed. 



"The obstructionists are here, not elsewhere." — William McKinley. 



Democratic Expansion 



From the date of Jefferson's purchase of Louisiana 

the Democratic Administrations have 

always been ones of Expansion 



The Democratic Party asks by what authority the national administra- 
tion transferred the allegiance of the Filipinos from Spain to the United 
States, and by what law it governs them without their consent. 

The answer is by authority of American history and American law — 
history made by the Democratic party, and law passed by a Democratic 
Congress. 

A more unfortunate question for the Democrats could not have been 
asked by the most evil genius of their party. Its answer exposes their ignor- 
ance of political history, shows the hypocrisy of their pretensions and their 
present position on the subject of expansion to be contradicted by the most 
venerated examples of their party. 

Jefferson an Expansionist. 

Their first and greatest President made his administration famous and 
glorious by acquiring foreign territory and holding and governing it without 
asking the consent of the inhabitants thereof. By a treaty made on the 30th 
of April, T803, between the United States and France, Mr. Jefferson pur- 
chased the territory of Louisiana from Napoleon, who had negotiated for its 
purchase from Spain. 

Spain Entered a Protest. 

On learning that Napoleon had sold the territory to the United States, 
Spain protested against its occupancy by our government, on the grounds 
that France had not complied with the conditions of sale, had never taken 
possession of the territory, and had agreed to always retain the title in her- 
self, and therefore could not sell to us, and formally notified our government 



not to attempt to take possession thereof. This attitude on the part of Spain 
caused Jefferson to convene Congress in extra session on the 17th of October, 
1803, on which day he transmitted to that body his message, stating that 
" the property and sovereignty of all Louisiana have on certain conditions 
been transferred to the United States, by instruments bearing date the 30th 
of April last." The message also set forth the terms and conditions of the 
purchase. 

The price paid was $11,250,000, and the assumption by the United States 
of claims due American citizens from France amounting to $3,750,000, making 
the total purchase price paid by the United States $15,000,000. 

Senate Ratified the Treaty. 

Under the provisions of the treaty the vessels of Spain and France were 
to have access to the ports of Louisiana for a period of twelve years on the 
same terms as American ships, but this right was not to be given the ships 
of any other nation. The territory was to be admitted as a state into the 
Federal Union according to the provisions of the Constitution. Three days 
after receiving the message of the President the Senate ratified the treaty by 
a vote of twenty-four to seven. In the House the vote on ratifying the 
treaty was ninety to twenty-five. 

Doubtless it was the defiant spirit of Spain, as manifested in her protest 
and notice, which influenced Congress to act so quickly and emphatically, 
for on the 31st day of October — fourteen days after receiving the President's 
message— an act was passed declaring "that the President of the United 
vStates is authorized to take possession of and occupy the territory ceded by 
France to the United States by the treaty concluded at Paris on the 30th of 
April, last, between the two nations; that he may for that purpose, and in 
order to maintain in the said territory the authority of the United States, 
employ any part of the army and navy of the United States which he may 
deem necessary." 

Raised the Stars and Stripes. 

In pursuance of the power conferred by this statute, the American 
authorities on the 20th of December following — eight months after the sign- 
ing of the treaty and less than sixty days after the passage of the act afore- 
said — by raising the stars and stripes at New Orleans, formally took posses- 
sion of the entire territory, which embraced an area of more than six hun- 
dred and seventy millions of acres, and more than a million square miles, 
and from which twelve great States, reaching from the Gulf of Mexico to Bri- 
tish Columbia, have been taken and are now members of the Federal Union. 

Without Consent of the Governed. 

As the emblem of American liberty and progress floated for the first 
time over new and acquired territory as the result of the policy of American 
expansion, thus early established, who stopped to ask for the consent of 
the governed? 

Who consulted the inhabitants of this hitherto foreign domain to ascer- 
tain their willingness to have their allegiance transferred to the United 
States? Not Mr. Jefferson. Not a Democratic Congress. 

The author of the famous expression in the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the 
governed," was the first American President to acquire and govern territory 
without asking the consent of the governed, and, as the inhabitants of such 



acquired territory said, "without permitting- them any agency in the events 
which annexed their country to the United States. 

The Democratic party must abandon Jefferson or they must abandon 
their present position on the subject of expansion. History is against them; 
precedent is them: Jefferson is against them. 

There Were "Anis-lmperialists" Then. 

Soon after Jefferson took possession of the territory of Louisiana, duly 
appointed and authorized representatives of its inhabitants presented to the 
Senate of the United States an able and formal remonstrance against the 
political system adopted by Congress for their government. 

Protesting against the form of government which had been provided for 
them, the remonstrance said: 

"A single magistrate, vested with civil and military, with executive and 
judiciary powers, upon whose laws we have had no check, over whose acts 
we had no control, and from whose decrees there is no appeal; the sud- 
den suspension of all those forms to which we had been accustomed ; the 
total want of any permanent system to replace them ; the introduction of a 
new language into the administration of justice ; the perplexing necessity of 
using an interpreter for every communication with the officers placed ever 
us ; the involuntary errors, of necessity committed by judges uncertain by 
what code they are to decide, wavering between the civil and the common 
law, between the forms cf the French, Spanish., and American jurisprudence, 
and with the best intentions unable to expound laws of which they are 
ignorant, or to acquire them in a language they do not understand. These 
were not slight inconveniences, nor was this state of things calculated to give 
favorable impression or realize the hopes we entertained ; but we submitted 
with resignation, because we thought it the effect of necessity ; we submitted 
with patience, though its duration was longer than we had been taught to 
expect; we submitted even with cheerfulness, while we supposed your honor- 
able body was employed in reducing this chaos to order, and calling a system 
of harmony from the depth of this confused, discordant mass. But we can- 
not conceal, we ought not to dissemble, that the first project presented for 
the Government of this country tended to lessen the enthusiasm which, until 
that period had been universal, and to fix our attention on present evils, while 
it rendered us less sanguine as to the future." 

Remonstrance Against Our Occupation? 

After quoting some of the laws passed by Congress for their government 
and which were obnoxious to their people, the remonstrance continues, 
" This is the summary of our constitution ; this is so far the accomplishment 
of a treaty engagement to 'incorporate us into the Union and admit us to all 
the rights, advantages, and immunities of American citizens.' And this is 
the promise performed, which was made by our first magistrate in your name, 
'that you would receive us as brothers, and hasten to extend to us a partic- 
ipation in those invaluable rights which had formed the basis of your unex- 
ampled prosperity." 

" Ignorant as we have been represented of our natural rights, shall we be 
called on to show that this Government is inconsistent with every principle of 
civil liberty ? " 

"Uninformed as we are supposed to be of our acquired rights, is it 
necessary for us to demonstrate that this act does not 'incorporate us into 



the Union,' that it vests us with none of the 'rights,' gives us no advantages 
and deprives us of all the 'immunities' of American citizens." * * * 

"A governor is to be placed over us whom we have not chosen whom 
we do not even know, who may be ignorant of our language, uninformed of 
our institutions, and who may have no connection with our country or 
interest in its welfare." * * * 

"Taxation without representation, an obligation to obey laws without 
any voice in their formation, the undue influence of the executive upon 
legislative proceedings, and a dependent judiciary, formed, we believe, very 
prominent articles in the list of grievances complained of by the United 
States, at the commencement of their glorious contest for freedom. The 
opposition to them, even by force, was deemed meritorious and patriotic, 
and the rights on which that opposition was founded were termed funda- 
mental, indefeasible, self-evident, and eternal. * * '* * These were the senti- 
ments of your predecessors, were they wrong ? Were the patriots who com- 
posed your councils mistaken in their political principles? No, they were 
not wrong ! ' ' 

"Are truths, then, so well founded, so universally acknowledged, inap- 
plicable only to us. Do political axioms on the Atlantic become problems 
when transferred to the shores of the Mississippi ? or are the unfortunate 
inhabitants of these regions the only people who are excluded from those 
equal rights acknowledged in your Declaration of Independence, repeated in 
the different State constitutions, and ratified by that of which we claim to be 
a member? " 

Protested Against Jefferson. 

After enumerating additional reasons for protesting against the conduct 
of Mr. Jefferson's administration, the remonstrance continues, "We may then 
again become the victims of false information, of hasty remark, of prejudiced 
opinion ; we may then again be told that we are incapable of managing our 
own concerns, that the period of emancipation is not yet arrived, and that 
when, in the school of slavery, we have learned how to be free, our rights shall 
be restored:' * * * "Without any vote in the election of our Legislature, 
without any check upon our executive, without any one incident of self- 
government, what valuable 'privilege' of citizenship is allowed us, what 
'right' do we enjoy, of what 'immunity' can we boast, except, indeed, the 
degrading exemption from the cares of legislation, and the burden of public 
affairs." 

This able and dignified remonstrance was followed on the 4th of January, 
1805, by "a remonstrance and petition of the representatives elected by the 
freemen of their respective districts in the District of Louisiana," and 
addressed to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 
protesting against the act of March 25, 1804, erecting Louisiana into two 
territories and providing for the government thereof. The remonstrance and 
petition say : 

"While we were indulging fond expectations, unmixed with 'distrust or 
fear, the act of the last session of your honorable Houses came to our knowl- 
edge, and snatched from our eager grasp the anticipated good. The dictates 
of a foreign government ! an incalculable accession of savage hordes to be 
vomited on our borders ! an entire privation of some of the dearest rights 
enjoyed by freemen ! These are the leading features of that political system 
which you have devised for us ; for those very men who in a solemn treaty 



you had stipulated to call and treat as fellow-citizens ; yet the American 
colors are hoisted in our garrisons, this far-famed signal of liberty to all, to 
us alone exhibits a gloomy appearance, and make us more sensible of the 
immeasurable interval between us and political happiness. May we not long 
be doomed, like the prisoners of Venice, to read the word liberty on the 
walls of prisons." 

Protection By Indians. 

Referring to the protection which the act provided for the lives and 
property of the inhabitants of the territory, the remonstrance says, "Had 
the United States bound themselves to exterminate from the face of the earth 
every inhabitant of Louisiana, your petitioners do not conceive, that they 
could have taken a more effectual step towards the fulfillment of the engage- 
ment, than the measures contemplated by the Fifteenth Section of the law, 
respecting the District of Louisiana. But by the treaty with the French 
Republic, the United States have engaged to maintain and protect us in the 
free enjoyment of our liberty and property. Great God ! a colony of Indians 
to maintain and protect us in our liberties and properties. * * * In the 
meantime, depredations and assassinations by the Indians have already 
begun. * * * What a time have -your honorable Houses chosen for the 
exchange in contemplation! A plan, wearing the most threatening aspect 
to our lives and properties— a plan not only alarming in its immediate effects, 
but pregnant with evils of a most dangerous nature inits remote consequences! 
The remonstrance concludes : "Your petitioners have thus gone through 
the painful, yet they conceive indispensable task of remonstrating against 
grievances, in compliance with the duty they owed to their country, to them- 
selves and to posterity. * * But let your honorable Houses remember that 
your petitioners feel themselves injured, deeply injured. Could they tamely 
submit, could they even represent with more moderation in such a case, you 
yourselves would not consider them worthy to be admitted into a portion of 
the inheritance of the heroes who fought and bled for the independence 
of America." 

Jefferson Disregarded Cry of " imperialism. " 
Notwithstanding these protests, as dignified and eloquent as were ever 
written, from a people who believed their natural and political liberties were 
disregarded and trampled upon, Jefferson and Congress passed them un- 
heeded, and governed the territory of Louisiana by laws more harsh and 
severe than any that have since been enacted by the American Congress 

Less than thirty years after he wrote the Declaration of Independence 
which glowed with the warmth and fire of personal and national liberty' 
Jefferson was pressing to the verge of civil and political desperation more 
than ninety thousand people (including slaves) who had been separated from 
their original sovereignty and annexed as citizens to the United States with- 
out being consulted and who were governed by men unfamiliar with their 
language, customs and laws. 

There can be no doubt that if there had been armed resistance to the 
occupancy of the territory by the United States on the part of the in- 
habitants, or of Spain, Jefferson would have met and overcome it by military 
force, for in addition to the troops which were at New Orleans when the flag 
was raised, he had concentrated large bodies of soldiers at other points 
ready for action in case of necessity, in pursuance of the authority conferred 
upon him by the act of October 31, 1803. 



Our First Foresgn Territory. 

This was the first time our government acquired foreign territory, and 
the acquisition constituted an epoch in our political history. The situation 
required wisdom and statesmanship, but Jefferson met the emergency of the 
hour by adopting and executing a policy which he thought the welfare of his 
country demanded and which he hoped the future of his country would justify. 

His judgment was wise and his predictions and hopes correct. 

The acquisition of this territory was not the result of war. It did not 
come by right of conquest or international conflict as a reward to the con- 
queror. It was a plain purchase, a bargain and sale entered into between 
two sovereign nations. Jefferson saw that foreign ownership of the territory 
in question and the consequent control of the Mississippi would stand as 
barriers in the pathway of our national progress and that the acquisition of 
this territory by the United States would be of inestimable benefit to our 
young republic. In such a moment he did not hesitate to act. 

Mo Constitutional Authority Argument. 

It was argued by the few who opposed the policy of annexation that 
there was no constitutional authority for such a course, but in the face of all 
objections — the same then as now — Jefferson paid the price and took the title 
without consulting any other nation or the inhabitants of the territory. 
Nothing in all his administration reflects so much to his credit and resulted 
so beneficially to the future prosperity of his country as securing the vast 
area of territory known as the Louisiana purchase. 

Every generation since the annexation has seen the wisdom of his course 
and rejoices in its success. Not to have acquired. Louisiana then might have 
been fatal to our national growth, and. instead of an empire stretching to the 
Pacific Ocean, we might have been limited in our western boundary by the 
line of the Mississippi. When he acquired the Louisiana territory Jefferson 
touched the world as he never had before, and paved the way for American 
progress, civilization and supremacy in a domain vaster in area than most 
cf the nations of the world. Why should his example in the acquisition of 
national territory now be ignored for the first time ? And why should those 
who worship Jefferson as the god of Democracy, denounce in 1900 what 
they approved of his doing in 1803 ? 

Other Democratic "Imperialists." 

The Floridas. — The example of Jefferson in annexing Louisiana was 
followed by many of his successors in the Presidential office. In 1819 
President Monroe secured the Floridas by a treaty with Spain, and thereby 
added nearly seventy thousand square miles to our domain at a cost of 
$5,000,000. 

Texas. — The Republic of Texas secured its independence from Mexico 
in 1836 and in the following year made an effort to be annexed to the United 
States, but the attempt failed. Another effort was made in 1844, which was 
also unsuccessful, but the movement for annexation met with popular favor 
and formed a leading issue in the Presidential campaign of 1844, the demo- 
cratic candidate, Mr. Polk, being strongly in favor of it and his election was 
regarded as evidence that the public mind approved of the plan. In 1845 a 
joint resolution providing for the admission of Texas as a state in the 
Federal Union passed both Houses of Congress and the annexation was 
secured. The controlling spirit in the plan for annexation was John C. Cal- 
houn, who was Secretary of State in President Tyler's cabinet. When 
speaking on the subject as a member of the Senate in 1847, two years after 
the annexation, he said, "I selected the resolution of the House * * * 
because I clearly saw that it was the only certain mode by which annexation 
could be effected." 

Congress Added 370,000 Square Miles. 

It was the first time that territory had been annexed to the United States 
except by international treaty, and it had always been considered that 
annexation could be accomplished in no other way. But- by the passage of 
a simple resolution Congress added an area of more than three hundred and 
seventy thousand square miles to the United States. A foreign republic had 



been admitted into membership into the Union as a State without passing 
through the experience of a territory or sustaining any former relationship 
to our government. 

Such an act had never occurred before and has never occurred since. It 
was the most extreme position on the subject of annexation ever taken by 
any American statesman or any political party, but it was planned and car- 
ried out by the leaders of Democracy and was a policy in direct conflict 
with their recent party declaration. 

The Democrats must abandon their party history or their party platform. 

As to the resolution admitting a foreign government as a member of our 
Federal Union passed Congress, who stopped to ask about the constitution- 
ality of such an act? Not President Tyler, not President Monroe, not John 
C. Calhoun, not a Democratic Congress. Where then was the doctrine 
of the strict construction of the constitution Calhoun had contended for in 
the Senate with such masterful ability? It had been abandoned by that 
crafty statesman and his followers, and under his dictation a foreign govern- 
ment has been made a State in the American Union by a simple resolution 
of a Democratic American Congress. 

Other Territories AequsrecL 

California and other States. — By the treaty of Guadalcupe-Hidalgo, 
between the United States and Mexico, in 184S, at the close of the Mexican 
war, the United States acquired an area of territory of more than five hun- 
dred thousand square miles, from which the States of California, Colorado 
and Utah, and parts of the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona have 
been formed. 

Gadsden Purchase. — The treaty of 1848 between Mexico and the United 
States, so far as it concerned a portion of the boundary line having been dif- 
ferent^ construed by the two countries, threatened to result in international 
complications, but through the efforts of General James Gadsden, the Ameri- 
ican Minister to Mexico in 1853, was amicably settled by treaty between the 
two governments, which resulted in the United States purchasing from Mex- 
ico an area of territory embracing about forty-five thousand square miles 
and which now constitutes the southern portion of Arizona and New Mexico. 

'Consent ©f the Governed" not Considered by Democrats. 

These five annexations, beginning with that of Louisiana Territory in 
1803 and ending with the Gadsden annexation in 1853, all occured while 
every branch of the Federal Government was in control of the Democratic 
party. Louisiana was acquired under Jefferson; the Floridas under Monroe; 
Texas under Tyler, through the machinations of Calhoun; California, Colo- 
rado, Nevada, Utah, part of New Mexico and Arizona under Polk, and the 
territory covered by the Gadsden purchase under Pierce. In a period of just 
fifty years that party added to our national domain by annexation more than 
two million one hundred and ninety-eight thousand square miles of territory, 
embraciug an area of more than one billion four hundred and thirty-seven 
million acres. 

AT NO TIME DURING THE PENDENCY OF THE NEGOTIA- 
TIONS WHICH RESULTED IN THESE ANNEXATIONS, WITH THE 
EXCEPTION OF TEXAS, WAS IT SUGGESTED BY ANY ONE ON 
BEHALF OF THE UNITED STATES THAT THE CONSENT OF THE 
INHABITANTS OF THE CEDED TERRITORY SHOULD BE SE- 
CURED IN BEHALF OF THE ANNEXATION. EXCEPT AS ABOVE 
STATED, IN EACH INSTANCE ANNEXATION WAS THE RESULT 
OF INTERNATIONAL TREATY, AND INTERNATIONAL TREATIES 
DO NOT STOP TO ASK THE CONSENT OF THE INHABITANTS 
WHO MAY RESIDE IN THE CEDED TERRITORY, THAT THE NE- 
GOTIATIONS MAY BE CONSUMMATED. 

With this history of national annexation before them, and of which they 
may be justly proud, why does the Democratic party now oppose a policy 
similar in so many respects to the one they so long advocated, and because 
of which they gained so much party prestige? 

Because they want to elect their candidate for President and to secure the 
offices that control the administration of this country. That is the only reason . 



THE WORLD'S MARKETS HAVE BEEN OPENED TO 
AMERICAN PRODUCTS."— William McKinley. 



American Industrial Expansion. 

WE HAVE OUTSTEPPED THE OLD WORLD AND HAVE 
THE GREATEST MARKETS IN OUR GRASP. 



SHALL WE BANK OUR FIRES? 



Vast Foreign Trade is Possible — of Highest Importance to Farmers and 
Wage-Earners — Events Have Ruled Us and it is for 
Us to Rule the Results. 

[BY THE HON. CHARLES EMORY SMITH, POSTMASTER-GENERAL.] 

The great overmastering fact in the material development of the world 
during the past quarter of a century is the marvelous industrial expansion 
of the United States. Our country had long been foremost among nations 
in agricultural products. Whether cotton or wheat or corn was king, in any 
case we held the scepter. Our great domain, our fertile soil and our varied 
climate gave us the unrivaled mastery. 

But in everything outside of the earth's rich bounty the young Republic 
had yet its commanding place to make. Thirty years ago we were only at 
the threshold of our wonderful material growth. We had just emerged 
from the struggle and sacrifices and burdens of a long civil war, and had just 
entered upon the promise and the fruits of a regenerated Union and a peace- 
ful development. We had achieved our political independence, but our 
economic independence was yet to be secured. Our manufactures were to be 
built up, our mines to be opened, our railroads to be constructed. We ap- 
plied a true American policy, directed to the defence and advancement of 
American interests, and under its banner we proceeded to the great work of 
internal upbuilding. 



HAVE OUTSTRIPPED THE OLD WORLD. 

The result is the mightiest industrial expansion the world has ever seen. 
This is the miracle-working age of steam and electricity. Under the potent 
application of these magic forces the whole civilized world has been bound- 
ing forward with astonishing strides. The great nations of the Old World 
had a long start in the race. They possessed accumulated capital and estab- 
lished industries and fixed markets. And yet, notwithstanding these advan- 
tages, they have been far outstripped by the puissant young Republic of the 
New World. 

Among the industrial powers of the earth we now stand pre-eminent 
and unrivaled. We have gained a manufacturing supremacy which is alto- 
gether unapproached. We first aimed at the full control of our home mar- 
ket, which is the best of all 1 markets, and when we had made ourselves its 
uncontested masters, when we produced enough an<J more than enough to 
supply its requirements, we were compelled to take the outward look. The 
moment our manufactured exports exceeded our manufactured imports that 
moment we passed beyond the possession of our domestic field to the demand 
for foreign markets. It showed that at length we had a surplus which must 
find its outlet. The pregnant hour when our exports of manufactures passed 
our imports came in 1898, and in the striking march of events that are not 
ruled by any mere chance, that very year witnessed the war with Spain 
which, as its unexpected and unavoidable result brought us the great oppor- 
tunity of commercial outlet for which the princes of business had already 
begun to look, but which the keenest vision had never foreseen. 
MORAL DUTY PARAMOUNT. 

The first and paramount obligation connected with the war is the moral 
duty growing out of it. Above all other considerations are the moral re- 
sponsibilities of our new position. We owe a duty to our American char- 
acter and honor. We owe a duty to the new peoples who have come under 
our flag. We must above all things be true to the principles of liberty and 
justice and right. These obligations have been and will be thoroughly con- 
sidered, but it does not fall within my present purpose to discuss them. Rec- 
ognizing the moral duty as supreme, I do not hesitate to say that President 



McKinley has made it his guiding rule in dealing with all the transcendent 
questions which have grown out of our new possessions. 

But when we have met the highest requirement of the moral standard, 
there is no code of ethics and no rule of statesmanship which excludes con- 
sideration of the commercial interests involved in our public policy. It is 
the obligation of the Government first of all to be right; it is also its obliga- 
tion to promote the advantage and welfare of its own people ; and when the 
two fully coincide and harmonize, when the moral mandate and the material 
interest completely blend, the policy is doubly wise and the duty doubly com- 
manding. Such is our present position. We should be recreant to our 
American manhood if we did not bravely fulfill the mission of humanity and 
civilization which the war has bequeathed to us. We should be strangely 
blind to our American interests if we did not recognize the requirements of 
our phenomenal industrial expansion and see the marvelous opportunity of 
commercial expansion thus made necessary which is opened before us, 

AMERICAN ECONOMIC SUPERIORITY. 

Let me ask your attention to our remarkable position of economic su- 
periority and to the imperative demands which grow out of it. Familiar as 
we are with the legend of our national growth, we do not realize its stupend- 
ous proportions until we analyze and measure it by comparison. In 1870 
the annual value of our manufactures was $3,700,000,000; now it is about 
$12,000,000,000. For half a century England had been the workshop of the 
world, and we had only just begun. Still we had got such a start that in 
1870 the manufactures of the United States just about equaled those trf 
Great Britain. But since then our growth has been so prodigious that now 
our manufactures amount to two and a half times the total volume of British 
manufactures, and equal those of Great Britain, Germany and France put 
together.' 1 The increase in the annual American product within thirty years 
has been double the combined increase of those three great nations of Europe. 
In other words, if you match the United States against Great Britain, Ger- 
many and France together, our manufactures are now equal to all theirs and 
are growing twice as fast. . We are manufacturing nearly two-thirds as 



"much as all Europe, with its 380,000,000 people, and more than one-third of 
all that is manufactured in the world. 

If you take the whole range of industries, including agriculture, mining, 
transportation and even commerce, wherein alone we are behind, the propor- 
tions stand about the same. The aggregate value of all American industries 
is more than double that of Great Britain, three times that of France and two 
and a half times that of Germany. It is one-half that of all Europe com- 
bined. With this enormous industrial expansion the national wealth of the 
United States grows proportionately. In i860 our aggregate wealth was 
but little more than half that of Great Britain, less than half that of France, 
and only about half that of the nations that made up the German Empire. 
Now it is a third greater than Great Britain's, double Germany's and nearly 
double that of France. Within forty years the United States has gained 
over 67,000 millions in wealth, while Great Britain, France and Germany 
together have gained less that 60,000 millions. 

NATIONAL EARNINGS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

^ The figures of our national earnings dazzle the imagination. Last year 

we earned about 14,500 million dollars, of which more than one-half was the 
wages of labor. The earnings of labor in the United States to-day are 
greater than the combined earnings of capital and labor together in Great 

^ Britain. Labor was never as well rewarded as in this prosperous year. As 

k ( compared with the years 1893, 1894 and 1895, tne average earnings of labor 
now are in the ratio of 127 to 81. That is, they are nearly 60 per cent, 
greater than they were five years ago. The whole country is striding for- 

_, ward by leaps and bounds. The twenty million dollars granted to Spain in 
connection with the Philippines was paid by what the country earns in half a 
day. The nation's earnings in a single year like the present are equivalent 
to more than one-half its entire accumulated wealth in 1870; that is, to more 
than one-half of all that it had saved and put into all forms of property dur- 

• , ing the first eighty years of its existence as a nation. 

If we did not spend more freely than other peoples, if we did not main- 
tain a higher general, standard of comfort, education and good living, our 
savings would be stupendous. But, on the other hand, under such limita- 



sp 
ac 

ou 



tions we should not have such power of earning. As it is, our annual gain 
is two thousand million dollars, and every succeeding working day sees the 
United States over $6,000,000 better off that it was the day before. We 
have multiplied our capital more than threefold since 1870, and to its present 
vast proportions we shall in the next ten years add as much as the entire 
capital of the nation was in 1870. With this rapid and tremendous expan- 
sion of capital and of the product of labor, is there to be no expansion of its 
opportunity and its outlets ? 

When we pass from these broad outlines to the particular factors, the 
astonishing growth and the superior position of the United States are em- 
phasized. Iron and steel are everywhere recognized as the basic fabrics and 
the surest index of industrial power. Fifteen years ago the United States 
made only half as much pig iron as Great Britain, and only a little more than 
Germany. Within that short period our gain has beeen equal to the com- 
bined gain of the two great iron nations of Europe ; we now make 50 per 
cent, more than either, and we have leaped so far to the front that we make 
more than one-third of all the iron that is made in the world. The same 
thing is true of steel. Last year we produced twice as much steel as Great 
Britain, though fifteen years ago our product was less than hers ; and while 
Germany has outstripped Great Britain, we are 60 per cent, ahead of Ger- 
many. We make half as much steel as all other nations put together. 

AMERICA COMMANDS THE FUTURE. 
Not only do we hold the present mastery, but we command the future 
because we possess the elements of continued industrial supremacy. Our 
unused resources are even more remarkable and significant than our present 
achievements. Coal and iron ore are the raw material and the foundation of 
iron and steel production. The coal fields of Great Britain embrace 9,300 
square miles, and those of Germany 3,000 square miles. But how mighty 
seem the potentialities of the United States when we remember that our total 
coal area covers 200,000 square miles, and that even when we limit it to the 
quantity of coal which enters into the manufacture of iron, it still reaches 
the stupendous figures of more than 70,000 square miles, or 20,000 square 
miles more than the entire area of England ! Our coal production has rap- 



idly advanced until we now mine as much as Great Britain and nearly one- 
third of all that is mined in the world. Great Britain exports 40,000,000 
tons, or one-firth of her entire product, while .we consume practically all of 
ours and export only 4,000,000 tons. As o* illimitable fields are opened 
and foreign fields are reduced, our capability of supplying the world will be- 
come more and more marked. Even now we are reading in the public press 
of the coal famine in Europe, and of the great demand for American coal 

The facts as to iron ore are much the same. Great Britain used about 
18,000,000 tons m 1898, but she had to import one-third of it, or 6,000000 
tons. On the other hand, the United States produced 19,000,000 tons and 
used all of it within her borders. In the lake regions we have a wealth of 
ore beds which are practically inexhaustible, and which, with our boundless 
coal fields, assure our increasing and enduring supremacy as an industrial 
power. We have not yet gained the same lead in textiles. But, though we-' 
began fifty years ago with a valued product only one-seventh of Great Brit- 
ain's, only one-fifth of France's and only one-half of Germany's, we have 
now caught up to Great Britain and nearly equal France and Germany com- 
bined. Our predominance will become as signal in this field as in metals. 
English authorities point out the fact that there is a serious depreciation in 
cotton mills at Manchester, that no new capital enters the trade and that em- 
ployment is decreasing But in South Carolina alone twenty-six new cotton 
mills have been established within the past year, many more being doubled 
in capacity, while in the whole South 5,000,000 spindles have been set up, 
standing for an investment of $125,000,000. Much of this new development 
springs from the new opportunity in the East, for which alone 1,000,000 
spindles have been added. 

AMERICAN GENIUS AND INVENTION. 
Nor does American superiority end here. When England was rising to 
her industrial leadership she had the advantage of new mechanical forces. 
The continent was paralyzed and prostrate for a quarter of a century under 
the blight of the Napoleonic wars. While thus free from all competitive 
rivalry England, through the skill of her Watts and Arkwrights and 
Stephensons, applied new mechanical power to the productive processes and . 



became the unchallenged workshop of the world. It was estimated at that 
time that one pair of hands in England, with these efficient agencies, had the 
productive energy and value of ten pairs of hands on the continent. The 
United States has a similar, though less signal advantage now. American 
genius and invention and adaptability have given our industries a complete- 
ness and perfection of mechanical equipment which greatly multiply their 
productive power. A single broad fact demonstrates the superiority. In 
Europe 45,000,000 operatives and artisans were employed in 1895 m P ro " 
during the annual aggregate of manufactured articles valued at seventeen 
thousand million dollars, or $380 apiece. In the United States at the same 
time 6,000,000 operatives produced goods worth ten thousand millions, or 
about $1,666 apiece, or more than four times as much as an operative in 
Europe. 

This superior equipment and producing power, man for man, explains 
why we can pay higher wages and still compete with the nations of the Old 
World on their own ground and in their own markets. It is the. secret of the 
comfort of American labor, the key of American, enterprise, and the talisman 
of American expansion. It explains why, within a few months, American- 
shops have placed a goodly number of locomotives on English railways. It 
explains why we are sending American machinery to Sheffield and Birming- 
ham, and why our rails are found in Manchuria and Siberia, in India and 
Africa. The antiquity which enshrines the Pyramids looks down, through 
forty centuries on the American electric road that carries the troops of vis- 
itors to their base, and the mystery of the silent Sphinx must now well-nigh 
yield its secret in wonder at the new riddle of the youngest civilization and 
people peacefully invading and conquering the oldest. The British Govern- 
ment needed a great steel bridge nearly a quarter of a mile long, across the 
Abbarra for Kitchener, and needed it at once; the British manufacturers 
required seven months to build it ; American constructors asked seven weeks, 
and Philadelphia sent the bridge. This superior alertness, adaptability and 
equipment distinguish general American enterprise. It has a plant which 
beats the world, and it must find the market for its product. 



THE UNITED STATES IS INDEPENDENT. 
And even all these striking facts do not tell the whole story of American 
advantage. England is dependent on the outside world for her food supply 
and her raw material. In less degree the same thing is true of France and 
Germany. The United States, on the other hand, is the one country that 
supplies its own food and raw material, the one great nation that sells more 
than it buys, the one world power that is completely independent and wholly 
self-sustaining. We are great both in land and in industry. ! Our agricul- 
ture and manufactures work together for the common welfare. A century 
ago Malthus pointed out .the irresistible strength of such a combination. He 
said : "According to general principles it will finally answer to most landed 
nations both to manufacture for themselves and to conduct their own com- 
merce. That raw cotton should be shipped in America, carried some thous- 
ands of miles to another country, there to be manufactured and shipped 
again for the American market, is a state of things that cannot be permanent. 
A purely commercial state must always be undersold and driven out of the 
market by those who possess the advantage of land." That prediction, so far 
as it relates to American manufacturing growth, has been splendidly verified. 
It remains to be seen whether the prophecy shall not also be realized that this 
great landed and manufacturing nation shall "conduct its own commerce." 
That is a vital question for x\merican statesmanship and the American peo- 
ple ; the time and the opportunity have come, and if we are true to ourselves 
we shall gain the triple crown of agricultural, industrial and commercial 
supremacy. 

CONDITIONS THAT CONFRONT US. 
But if we are to gain that prize, if we are even to hold our present as- 
cendancy, we must fully understand the conditions which confront us. We 
have seen that the growth of the United States in manufactures has been 
phenomenal; that its industrial product is now equal to that of the three 
great industrial nations of Europe combined; that it is one-half the product 
of all the rest of the world put together and is growing twice as fast; that 
we are immeasurably ahead of all rivals in raw materials and resources for 
future development : and that, with our superior appliances, we far excel 



them in producing power man for man. Since 1870, while our population has 
doubled, our manufactures have quadrupled. Our producing capacity is up 
to and beyond the measure of our consuming ability and is increasing faster. 
Though we are foremost in industrial growth, yet all the great nations have 
been advancing rapidly, and it is estimated that, under the application of 
modern forces and of improved machinery, the producing capacity of the 
world is such that, if operated to its full extent ten hours a day, enough 
would be produced in six months to supply the world's demand for a year. 
Just now, with the great revival of business following the depression and the 
depletion which went on from 1893 to 1897, the production may not outrun 
the demand. But it is the part of prudence to deal with broad and lasting 
conditions, and to prepare to-day for the requirements of to-morrow. 

What, then, are we to do? Are we to restrict production? Are we to 
run mill and factory on reduced time, with the necessary sequences of lower 
wages, smaller profits and wide discontent? Or are we to provide for this 
enormous and expanding output by supplementing our own vast, but unequal 
measure of consumption with new outlets and new markets? Under this 
stress and in this rivalry the other great nations are struggling for empire 
and' making opportunities for trade. They are eagerly extending their colon- 
ial dependencies in order to make new regions tributary to their commerce. 
England has raised her flag over 16,000,000 square miles of domain, with 
more than 300,000,000 people; France holds 2,500,000 square miles, with a 
population of nearly 50,000,000, and Germany has secured 1,600,000 square 
miles, with more than 7,000,000 inhabitants. 

THE OPEN DOOR IN CHINA. 
The United States has no need to engage in this territorial rivalry with 
the object of commercial opportunity. We have made an opportunity larger 
than all these in securing the open door in China. There we find the greatest 
potential new market in the world. There we find a population of three to 
four hundred millions who are just breaking away from their old barriers 
and coming into the sphere of the world's trade. The annual imports of 
China are less than fifty cents a head. When Japan entered upon her new 
career, her imports did not exceed that small ratio, but within a few years and 



under her new impulse they have increased to six dollars a head. Let China 
advance in the same proportion and her imports will rise to $1,500,000,000 a 
year — more than the United States now sends to all the nations of the world. 
Give us an equal chance and a merchant marine, and we shall secure a large 
share of that coming traffic. The open door gives us an equal chance ; the 
merchant marine should become a great feature of our public policy, and 
every other advantage we already have. We are nearest China ; we hold the 
other coast of the Pacific ; we have secured natural stations on the way across, 
and that great ocean is our legitimate highway of commerce. 

Our exports to China and Japan have increased 256 per cent, in the last 
ten years. The largest part of that increase has come within the last three 
years. The movement thus inaugurated can, with care and wise direction, be 
multiplied tenfold. China wants our wheat and flour; she wants our cotton 
goods ; she wants our oil ; she wants our fabrics of iron and steel ; she wants 
our rails and locomotives and equipment for the thousands of miles of rail- 
roads she will construct within the coming period. The Southern States 
have a special interest in the acquisition of this market. It offers the most 
important outlet for their growing cotton industries. In nine months of last 
year China imported from the United States 182,875,000 yards of plain 
American cotton goods against 112,480,000 yards for the same period of 
1898. The imports from England for the same time showed an actual de- 
cline. In 1898 the cotton imports into China from the United States were 37 
per cent, of those from England. In 1899 they were 61 per cent. At that 
rate of increase how long, if we rightly use our opportunity, will it take the 
United States to become foremost in the Chinese market? The possibilities 
of that market are incalculable. In 1886 Japan purchased foreign goods to 
the value of only $16,000,000. Last year her purchases rose to $137,000,000. 
What boundless fields lie before us in China and all the Orient, if we are not 
so weak and. blind as to throw them away ! 

A VAST TRADE IS POSSIBLE. 

The open door in China is the open sesame of this vast possible trade, 
and the American accomplishment of the open door, with the consent and 
pledge of all the great nations, and without the necessity of entering into any 



territorial division, is the greatest of all recent achievements of diplomacy. 
It secures for the United States a commercial opportunity which is immeas- 
urable. It provides one of the great outlets which our industrial supremacy 
and our enormous producing capacity require. And that achievement is the 
great and magnificent fruit of our triumph at Manila and our possession of 
the Philippines. It comes because we have established our footing in the 
Orient, because we have planted ourselves for a thousand miles along the 
front of China, and because we have taken a new position as a world power. 
Such a demand on our part two years ago would have been impotent and 
fruitless. Three years ago England proposed the policy of the open door in 
China and failed, and was compelled in protection of her interests to declare 
that she would join in the scheme of division and claim her sphere of influ- 
ence. But when the United States unfurled her flag in the Philippines and 
made the world resound with the echoes of her swift success and her brilliant 
triumphs on the sea, and then put forward the same demand of an open door 
it met with a prompt and full acceptance. Nay, more, it is not too much to 
say that our possession of the Philippines has stayed the threatened dismem- 
berment of China, and has perhaps altogether averted that danger. But 
whether China is to be divided and parcelled among the struggling and com- 
peting nations, or whether she is to remain intact with the possibilities of a 
great development, the guarantee of the .open door which has been given to 
us, secures our rights and our interests in the coming time. No fancy can 
overestimate the value of that achievement in its relations to our future com- 
mercial advancement. The potency of that commercial opportunity is worth 
immeasurably more than all the cost of the Spanish war and all the cost of 
the subsequent conflict in the Philippines. 

I might dwell upon the value of the Philippines themselves. I might 
speak of the enlarged trade which is offered in their own fertility and their 
own richness when once brought under the peaceful sway of good govern- 
ment and of civilizing development. But valuable as they are, their highest 
significance lies in the fact that they give us a foothold in the Orient and con- 
stitute a commercial and naval base, at the very vestibule of China, for a com- 
mercial opportunity and expansion which were far beyond our wildest dreams 



two years ago. If we were to falter in the policy we have undertaken, if we 
were to shrink from the responsibility which, without our seeking, has come 
upon us, we should lose all the prestige of that splendid triumph and should 
sacrifice all that we have gained as its precious fruit. We should find that 
the door which has been opened to us would soon be closed, for a nation 
which does not respect itself, and which does not appreciate its own destiny, 
will not be respected by others. We should find ourselves with the almost 
unbounded producing capacity which I have imperfectly described, a capacity 
already beyond our consuming ability and growing much faster, and at the 
same time cut off in large measure from the new outlets and new markets 
which it requires and without which it must be curtailed and crippled. 
OUR FARMING INTERESTS CONCERNED. 
The great farming interests of the country have a vital concern in this 
question. We outstrip the world in industrial equipment, but other nations 
have land as fertile and productive. As recently as 1885, Argentina produced 
only 14,000,000 bushels of wheat a year; now she grows 60,000,000. Our 
wheat fields find export rivals in Argentina, Russia and India. Our farmers 
thus have need, as well as our manufacturers, of the new outlet of China. 
Every bushel of wheat and every barrel of flour shipped from the Pacific 
coast across the western ocean relieves the competition at Liverpool, which 
fixes the price. Above all, the farmers are supremely interested that our in- 
dustrial power shall be maintained at its highest capacity. They are pros- 
perous when our manufactures are prosperous ; they find the best demand 
when our mills and factories are busiest, and any failure of our industrial 
production to find full consumption would be a disastrous blow to their wel- 
fare. In the same way the interests of the workingmen are bound up with 
this great national movement to secure new outlets. Make new markets and 
keep your productive "power fully employed, and labor gets its highest re- 
ward; but restrict your production because you will not seek or accept new 
channels of consumption, and labor suffers with the rest. 

HIGHEST IMPORTANCE TO WAGE-EARNERS. 
It is of the highest importance to the workingmen of our country that 
they should thoroughly understand the vital relation of this policy of com- 



mercial expansion to their immediate welfare. No portion of our people are 
more directly interested in it than they are. What they want is the most 
active and constant operation of our industrial machinery. That means 
steady employment for labor; that means good wages; that, means comfort 
and happiness for themselves and their families. If we can produce more 
than we can consume at home, if we should have a surplus that would be un- 
salable unless we could find markets for it abroad, then it follows that the 
labor which produces that surplus is deeply concerned in a national policy 
which opens such outlets. Capital can stand restriction; labor cannot. The 
manufacturer can live, with reduced product; but reduced product means 
idle hands for the workingman. What labor wants and must have, then, is 
the largest field and opportunity for American enterprise everywhere. 

Our pathway is determined by our requirements. The country has 
grown up to this step, and its growth cannot be stopped. 'Commercial de- 
velopment is the inevitable necessity of our agricultural and manufacturing 
supremacy. The demands of our industrial position compel Us to enter upon 
commercial expansion. We are the greatest producers and the greatest con- 
sumers in the world; yet, unparalleled as is our consuming ability, our won- 
derful and unrivaled producing capacity has outstripped and outrun even our 
amazing power of absorption. Do you want the proof ? In the mighty busi- 
ness impulse of last year we employed and consumed in our own use more 
than ever before, yet at the same time we exported more manufactured pro- 
ducts than ever before. We imported $100,000,000 less of manufactured 
goods than in 1890, and exported nearly $200,000,000 more. If we had not 
found more outlets, what would have become of our surplus ? With our sur- 
passing power of production, with our farms and forges and factories turn- 
ing out more than we can consume, with our matchless inventive and mechan- 
ical genius steadily increasing our productive energy, with our wealth of yet 
untouched resources which must in the future put us still further in the lead 
of all nations, we have only one of two courses before us. 
SHALL WE BANK OUR FIRES? 

Either we must halt our growth, limit our production, bank our fires and 
stop our spindles, reduce our labor and restrict our capital, with all the hard- 




ship that this involves, or- else we must find broader markets and expanded 
consumption. Do you tell me there is cost and possible difficulty in this ex- 
tension abroad? But is there not greater cost and loss in a paralyzing re- 
striction at home with its diminished employment and wide discontent? Do 
you tell me there are risks and perplexities in this policy of commercial ex- 
pansion? But are there not greater and graver perplexities and dangers, 
which may only be suggested, in a policy of industrial contraction with its 
direct hardships ? ' Which is the better — to accept the expansion which has 
come to us as the result of the Spanish war, which is the natural continua- 
tion of our former expansions, and which is on the direct line of a new and> 
necessary commercial development, or to reject it and to declare that we will 
shut ourselves up within ourselves, with all its inevitable consequences of im- 
paired prestige, lost markets, restricted trade, reduced labor and unhappy 
conflict ? 

Let us fully realize the mighty facts of our national situation. Had 
there been no war with Spain, had the new and glorious May morn of Ameri- 
can liberty never shed its luster over the Bay of Manila, had no victory of 
Santiago brought a brilliant triumph of peace charged with great responsi- 
bilities, we should still have been compelled to look beyond our continental 
bounds. It was inevitable that we should advance out of our isolation and 
turn our faces outward to the world. Our transcendent industrial growth and 
its imperative need of outlets demanded it. 

MUST RULE THE RESULT OF EVENTS.' 

If the immortal history of the past two years were blotted out, we should 
make that commercial effort with no such advantage and no such resplendent 
possibilities as now beckon us onward. Xhere would be no prestige and im- 
press of an ever-floating flag in the Orient. There would be no key to Asia 
in our hands. There would be no open door in China. Events have ruled us, 
and it is for us only to rule their results. 

Territorial expansion has not been and is not now the object of Ameri- 
can ambition. What we have done has been the inescapable, overmastering 
logic of events and not the deliberate aim of any policy. It has been enough 
to give us such a position and opportunity in the East as a hundred years of 



ordinary history would not have brought, and there is no need of more. But 
even had there been no such glittering chapter, our continued material ad- 
vancement would have required us to extend the arms of our commerce across 
the seas, and commerce means a navy and outposts and defense. It means a 
part in the world's affairs, and the future historian, in portraying the mag- 
nificent progress of-the Republic, will dwell upon the manifest guidance of a 
power higher than any chance in the great and pregnant fact that just as it 
reached the stage of its development where its industrial upbuilding needed 
to be crowned with commercial extension, the unforeseen and mighty events 
of the Spanish war suddenly lifted the curtain and unveiled the new prospect 4 
the wider horizon and the unexpected and immeasurable opportunity. 
GREATEST MARKETS IN OUR GRASP. 
With this opportunity already in our hands shall we be so blind and false 
to our own interests as to throw it away ? Shall we first of all prove recreant 
tb a great national duty and responsibility which has come to us, and at the 
same time reject the inestimable commercial advantages which flow from our 
new accessions and what they open? We have the greatest new markets of 
the world within our grasp. If we stand fast we shall hold them. -If we 
falter we shall sacrifice all that we have gained in the mighty movement of 
the past two years. Our past has been marvellous. Our future will be as 
wonderful if we are equal to its demands. We have never taken a backward 
step in the steady advance which our national destiny has brought to us. 
Shall we do so now far the first time ? The dignity and honor of our coun- 
try, our duty to mankind, our part in the march of civilization, the necessity 
of our development no less than the mandate of fate, all bid us accept the rich 
fruits of our lustrous success and go forward in the pathway before us. 



"Our domestic trade must be won back and our idle 
working- people employed in gainful occupations at 
American wages. Our home market must be restored 
to its proud rank of first in the world, and our foreign 
trade, so precipitately cut off by adverse national legis- 
lation, reopened on fair and equitable terms for our sur- 
plus agricultural and manufacturing products." 

—william Mckinley. 



COMMERCIAL 
EXPANSION 



Importance of Manila as a market 
for supplying the needs of eight 
hundred millions of people in its 
immediate vicinity ®^ ®^® ®^ ©^ 



GROWTH OF OUR TRANS = PACIFIC TRADE. 




HAT will be the effect upon our commerce of the acqui 
sition of the Philippines, particularly, and of the island 
possessions in the Pacific in general? That is a practical 
question which everybody is asking. 

First— They can supply a large proportion of the 
$350,000,000 worth of tropical and sub-tropical products 
which this country imports annually. This sum can thus be expended 
under the American flag and for the benefit both of the people of the 
islands and those of our own citizens having investments in the islands. 

AN IMMEDIATE MARKET AVAILABLE. 

Second — They will supply an immediate market for from $30,000,- 
000 to $50,000,000 of American products and manufactures annually, 
and twice this sum later. The total imports of the Philippines in 1899, 
according to the official reports of the War Department, were $20,255,- 
537, while our own exports to the Hawaiian Islands in the fiscal year 
just ended were $13,509,148, indicating that the imports of the islands 
now exceed $15,000,000, and thus making the present total imports of 
the Philippine and Hawaiian Islands more than $35,000,000. The fact 
that our own exports to the Hawaiian Islands have grown from $5,907,- 
155 in 1898 to $13,509,148 in 1900 indicates the growth in the importa- 
tions which may also be expected in the Philippines when a permanent 
and liberal form of government shall have been established there and 
the consuming power shall have increased through a development of 
the producing and exporting capacity of the islands. It is fair, there- 
fore, to assume that the market, which these islands will afford, will 
soon reach $50,000,000 annually. 

LARGE ADJACENT POPULATION. 

Third — By far the most important feature of these island acqui- 
sitions in the Pacific is their prospective effect upon our trade with the 
countries commercially adjacent to them, and especially to the Philip- 
pines. The imports of the countries commercially adjacent to the 
Philippines amount to about $1,200,000,000 annually, or practically 
$100,000,000 per month. Nearly all of these importations are of the 
classes of articles for which the people of the United States are now at- 
tempting to find a market. 

Grouped around Manila as a point of distribution is the most densely 
populated part of the world. More than 800,000,000 people form the 
population of Japan, Asiatic Russia, China, French Cochin China, Siam, 
British India, Australasia, the Dutch East Indies, etc., all of which are 
nearer to Manila as a point of distribution than to any other great com- 
mercial center, while such cities as Shanghai, Canton and others are as 
near to Manila as Havana is to the City of New York. 

WORTH TWO BILLIONS A YEAR. 

The commerce of this section, of which Manila may be made the 
great commercial center, now amounts to more than $2,000,000,000 per 
annum, and its annual purchases to about $1,200,000,000 per annum, 
or, as above indicated, practically $100,000,000 per month. Practically 
all of this vast sum which is sent to other parts of the world than the 
United States is expended for the class of goods for which the people of 



amm 



this country are now seeking a market. Cotton and cotton goods, bread- 
stuffs, provisions, dairy products, manufactures of iron and steel and 
wood, the products of the farm and factory, are demanded by the people 
of that part of the world. 

UNITED STATES TRADE INCREASING. 

In most cases the apparent disposition of these countries is to pur- 
chase from the people of the United States rather than from any other 
section or people. China, which in 1880 took only 2^ per cent of her 
imports from the United States, in 1899 took 8.4 per cent from this 
country. Japan, which in 1893 took only 6.8 per cent of her imports, in 
1899 took from this country 17.3 per cent. Our exports to China, which 
in the fiscal year 1893 were but $3,900,457, were in 1900 $15,625,260. 
Our exports to Japan, which in 1893 were $3,195,494, were in 1900 
$29,087,642. To British Australasia our exports which in 1894 were 
$8,131,939, were in 1900 $26,725,702. To the Hawaiian Islands our 
exports in 1893 were $2,827,663, while those of the fiscal year 1900 are 
$13,509,148. To the Philippines our exports in 1897 were less than 
$100,000, while those of the fiscal year 1900 are $2,640,449. Taking 
Asia as a whole, our exports, which in 1893 were but $16,222,354, were 
in 1900, $64,913,984, or four times those of 1893; while to Oceanica our 
exports, which in 1893 were $11,199,477, in 1900 were $43,390,927. 

Thus our exportations to Asia and Oceanica, which in 1893 were 
$27,000,000, in 1900 were $108,304,911, or four times as much as seven 
years ago. 

The table which follows shows the imports and exports, at the latest 
available date, of the Orient, and the share of the United States therein. 
It was compiled by the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department 
from official records: 



Country. Imports. 

British East Indies $221,552,305 

British Australasia 277,879,000 

China 193,266,000 

Japan 110,200,000 

Straits Settlements 109,955,000 

Dutch East Indies 66,458,000 

Russia, Asiatic 21,579,000 

Siara 19,384,000 

Philippine Islands 20,300,000 

Hawaiian Islands 15,200,000 

Mauritius 15,010,000 

Persia 25,476,000 

Ceylon„ 20,722,000 

Hongkong 20,000,000 

French East Indies ... 791,000 

Korea 8,088,000 



Total Asia and Oceanica.... #1,145,860,000 



Per cent. 

from 

United States. 


Exports. 


Per cent. 

to 

United States. 


2.0 


#365,217,000 


4.6 


5.8 


278,708,000 


4.6 


8.4 


142,923,000 


11.1 


17.3 


107,450,000 
97,822,000 


29.7 


1.7 


80,081,000 


9.6 


.7 


29,456,000 
25,280,000 


1.2 


6.0 


19,270,000 


21.0 


80.5 


23,000,000 


90.8 


1.9 


15,652,000 
15,054,000 


5.6 


.2 


14,641,000 


5.7 


30.0 


10,000,000 


9.1 


8.7 


3,088,000 
2,482,000 




9.0 


$1,230,124,000 


14.0 



OUR EXPORTS TO ASIA AND OCEANICA. 

That the United States is gaining rapidly in the share which she is 
able to supply in the enormous imports of the countries and islands in 
question is shown by the following table, giving the exports from the 
United States to each of the grand divisions of the world from 1893 to 
1900. It will be seen that our exports to Asia and Oceanica have grown 
during that period from $27,421,831 to $108,304,911, an increase of 300 
per cent, while our total exports were increasing but 64 per cent during 
the same period. 









EXPORTS TO 






YEAR. 


Europe. 


North 
America. 


South 
America. 


Asia and 
Oceanica. 


Africa and 

other 
countries. 


Total. 


1893 

1894 

1895 

1896 

1897 

1898 

1899 

1900 


Dollars. 
661,976,710 
700,870,822 
627,927,692 
673,043,753 
813,385,644 
973,806,245 
936,602,093 
1,040,167,312 


Dollars. 
119,788,889 
119,693,212 
108,575,594 
116,567,496 
124.958.461 
139,627.841 
157,931,707 
187,299,318 


Dollars. 
32.639,077 
33,212.310 
33,525,935 
36,297,671 
33,768,646 
33,821,701 
35,659,902 
38,945,721 


Dollars. 
27,421,831 
32,786,943 
30,434,288 
42,827,258 
61,927.678 
66,710,813 
78,235,176 
108,304,911 


Dollars. 

5,838,687 
' 5,577.285 

7,074,656 
13,870,760 
16 953.127 
17,515.730 
18,594,424 
19.469,109 


Dollars. 

847,665,194 

892,140,572 

807,538,165 

882.606,938 

1,050,993,556 

1,231,482,330 

1,227,023,302 

1,394,186,371 


Per cent of in- 
crease, 1893-1900 


36 3% 


36% 


16.2% 


300% 


236% 


64.4% 



THE GOODS THEY BUY. 

The following table shows the exportation of leading articles to 
China, Japan, Asiatic Russia, Australasia, Hawaii and the Philippine 
Islands in the fiscal years 1890 and 1899, respectively: 



1890 1899 

ARTICLES DOLLARS DOLLARS 

Iron and steel and manufactures of. 2,928,971 13,210,552 

Cotton cloth 1,532,181 10,265,202 

Mineral oils 7,246,111 7,570,868 

Breadstuffs..... :. 3,521,936 7,491,021 

Cotton, unmanufactured 85,211 5,909,228 

Tobacco, manufactures of 2,017,503 5,688,048 

Wood, and manufactures of 2,117,058 2,817,006 

Chemicals... „ 1,070,462 1,802,238 

Leather, and manufactures of 732,260 1,249,060 

Paper, and manufactures of 128,277 1,542,238 

Provisions... 518,190 966,775 

Carriages and Cars • 424,952 975,546 

Agricultural implements : > 575,254 824,342 

Fertilizers 114,988 736,531 

Fruits and vegetables ...I 441,430 683,759 



\nd ADVERSITY 

DURING THE 

Democratic Administration 




CONTENTMENT and PROSPERITY 

WHILE THE 

Republicans are in Power. 



IQOO. 




DEMOCRATIC HARD TIMES 




REPUBLICAN GOOD TIMES 




DEMOCRATIC GLOOM 




REP1JBIJCAIN 



SUNSHINE 




The Spanish War Forced 
Upon The Country 

By The Demo crats in 189 8 




But They Put The Responsibility 
On The Republican Party 
In 1900. 




Cuban Desolation 

Before The War. 




Cuban Prosperity 

After The War. 




Democrats aid the 
Filipino Rebels 




i #^> 



Republicans Aim At 
Pacification. 




tfte&i ~^A^<jQ ■*"* 



^^/-s'W 



Reading the President's Proclamation of Amnesty. 



The Democratic Maxim: 

WE TAKE FULL VALUE 
FOR OUR BULLION 




BUT WE PAY OUR DEBTS 



WITH 



48 Cent Dollars. 



sound JImoney 




ONE DOLLAR SILVER ONE DQLLAR\\GOLD 



We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold 
standard and declare our confidence in the wisdom of the 
legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress by which the parity of 
all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold 
basis has been secured. The volume of money in circulation 
was never so great per capita as it is to-day. We declare our 
steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of silver. 
No measure to that end could be considered which was without 
the support of the leading commercial countries of the world. 
However firmly Republican legislation may seem to have 
secured the country against the peril of base and discredited 
currency, the election of a Democratic President could not fail 
to impair the country's credit and to bring once more into 
question the intention of the American people to maintain upon 
the gold standard the parity of their money circulation. The 
Democratic party must be convinced that the American people 
will never tolerate the Chicago platform.— Slepubhcan Platform of i9vo. 



Protection to 

Home Industries 




